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Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India c8.s2: II. Kingdom of Kashmir.

Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India c8.s2

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II. Kingdom of Kashmir.

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In the seventh century, according to the Chinese pilgrim, the kingdom of Kashmir comprised not only the valley of Kashmir itself, but also the whole of the hilly country between the Indus and the Chenâb to the foot of the Salt range in the south. The different states visited by Hwen Thsang were *Urasa*, to the west of Kashmir; *Taxila* and *Sinhapura*, to the south-west; and *Punach* and *Rajaori* to the south. The other hill-states to the east and south-east are not mentioned; but there is good reason for believing that they also were tributary, and that the dominions of Kashmir in the seventh century extended from the Indus to the Râvi. The petty independent state of *Kullu*, in the upper valley of the Biâs river, was saved by its remoteness and inaccessibility; and the rich state of *Jâlandhar*, on the lower Biâs, was then subject to Harsha Vardhana, the great king of Kanoj. But towards the end of the ninth century the Kangra valley was conquered by Sankara Varmma, and the sovereign power of Kashmir was extended over the whole of the Alpine Panjab from the Indus to the Satlej.*

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Hwen Thsang describes Kashmir as surrounded on all sides by lofty mountains, which is a correct description of the valley itself; but when he goes on to say that its circuit is 7,000 *li*, or 1,166 miles, he must refer to the extended kingdom of Kashmir, and not to the valley, which is only 300 miles in circuit. But the extent of its political boundary, from the Indus on the north to the Salt range on the south, and from the Indus on the west to the Râvi on the east, cannot be estimated at less than 900 miles, and may very probably have reached the amount stated by the pilgrim.

1. Kashmir.

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Hwen Thsang entered the valley of Kashmir from the west in September, A.D. 631. At the entrance there was a stone gate, where he was met by the younger brother of the king's mother; and after paying his devotions at the sacred monuments, he went to lodge for the night in the monastery of Hu-se-kia-lo, or *Hushkara*.† This place is mentioned by Abu Rihân,‡ who makes *Ushkara* the same as *Barâmula*, which occupied both sides of the river. In the ‘Raja Tarangini’* also *Hushkapura* is said to be near *Varâha*, or *Varâhamula*, which is the Sanskrit form of *Barâmula*. Hushkara or Uskar still exists as a village on the left or eastern bank of the Behat, two miles to the south-east of Barâmula. The Kashmiri Brahmans say that this is the Hushkapura of the ‘Raja Tarangini,’ which was founded by the Turushka king Hushka, about the beginning of the Christian era.

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∗ 'Raja Tarangini,' v. 144.

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† 'Hiouen Thsang,' i. 90.

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‡ Renaud, 'Fragments Arabes,' p. 116.

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According to the chronology of the ‘Raja Tarangini,’ the king of Kashmir in A.D. 631 was Pratâpâditya; but the mention of his maternal uncle† shows that there must be some error in the native history, as that king’s father came to the throne in right of his wife, who had no brother. Pratâpâditya’s accession must, therefore, have taken place after Hwen Thsang’s departure from Kashmir in A.D. 633, which makes an error of three years in the received chronology. But a much greater difference is shown in the reigns of his sons *Chandrapida* and *Muktapida*, who applied to the Chinese emperor for aid against the Arabs.‡ The date of the first application is A.D. 713, while, according to the native chronology, Chandrapida reigned from A.D. 680 to 688, which shows an error of not less than twenty-five years. But as the Chinese annals also record that about A.D. 720 the emperor granted the title of king to Chandrapida, he must have been living as late as the previous year A.D. 719, which makes the erorr in the Kashmirian chronology amount to exactly thirty-one years. By applying this correction to the dates of his predecessors, the reign of his grandfather, Durlabha, will extend from A.D. 625 to 661. He, therefore, must have been the king who was reigning at the time of Hwen Thsang's arrival in Kashmir in A.D. 631. Durlabha, who was the son-in-law of his predecessor, is said to have been the son of a Nâga, or Dragon; and the dynasty which he founded is called the Nâga, or Karkota dynasty. By this appellation I understand that his family was given to ophiolatry, or serpent-worship, which had been the prevailing religion of Kashmir from time immemorial. Hwen Thsang designates this race as Ki-li-to, which Professor Lassen and M. Stanislas Julien render by Kritya and Kritiya. They were extremely hostile to the Buddhists, who had frequently deprived them of power, and abolished their rights; on which account, says the pilgrim, the king, who was then reigning, had but little faith in Buddha, and cared only for heretics and temples of the Brahmanical gods. This statement is confirmed by the native chronicle, which records that the queen, Ananga-lekha, built a Vihâra, or Buddhist monastery, named after herself, Anangabhavana; while the king built a temple to Vishnu, called after himself, Durlabha-swâmina.* I infer from this that the queen still adhered to the Buddhist faith of her family, and that the king was, in reality, a Brahmanist, although he may have professed a lukewarm attachment to Buddhism.

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∗ B. vii. 1310 and 1312.

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† ‘Hiouen Thsang,’ ii. 90.

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‡ Rémusat, ‘Nouveaux Mélanges Asiatiques,’ i. 197.

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∗ 'Raja Tarangini,' iv. 3 and 5.

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The people of Kashmir are described as good looking, easy and fickle in manner, effeminate and cowardly in disposition, and naturally prone to artifice and deceit. This character they still bear; and to it I may add that they are the dirtiest and most immoral race in India. Hwen Thsang states that the neighbouring kings held the base Kashmiris in such scorn that they refused all alliance with them, and gave them the name of *Ki-li-to* or *Krityas*, which would appear to be a term of contempt applied to evil-minded and mischievous persons, as enemies, traitors, assassins, etc. The term which I have heard used is *Kîr-Mlechchhas*, or the "Barbarian *Kîras*," and Wilson gives *Kîra* as a name of the valley of Kashmir, and *Kîrâh* as the name of the people.

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In the seventh century the capital of the country was on the eastern bank of the river, and about 10 *li*, or less than 2 miles, to the north-west of the ancient capital. Abu Rihân* calls the capital *Adishtân*, which is the Sanskrit *Adhisthâna*, or "chief town." This is the present city of Srinagar, which was built by Raja Pravarasena about the beginning of the sixth century, and was, therefore, a new place at the time of Hwen Thsang's visit. The "old capital" I have already identified with an old site, 2 miles to the south-east of the Takht-i-Sulimân, called Pân-drethân, which is the corrupt Kashmiri form of Purânâdhisthâna, or "the old chief city." Pân is the usual Kashmiri term for "old," as in Pân Drâs, or "old Dras," to distinguish it from the new village of Drâs, which is lower down the river.* Near the old capital there was a famous stupa, which in A.D. 631 enshrined a tooth of Buddha; but before Hwen Thsang's return to the Panjâb in A.D. 643 the sacred tooth had been given up by the Raja to Harsha Vardhana, the powerful king of Kanoj, who made his demand at the head of an army on the frontier of Kashmir.† As Raja Durlabha was a Brahmanist, the sacrifice of the Buddhist tooth was a real gain to his religion.

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∗ Renaud, 'Fragments Arabes, etc.', p. 116.

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† Compare 'Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 180 with i. 251.

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From the earliest times Kashmir has been divided into the two large districts of Kamrâj and Merâj, the former being the northern half of the valley, below the junction of the Sindh river with the Behat, and the latter the southern half above that junction. The smaller divisions it is unnecessary to mention. But I may note the curious anomaly which a change of religious belief has produced in the use of two of the most distinctive Hindu terms. By the Hindu who worships the sun, the cardinal points are named with reference to the east, as *para*, the "front," or the "east," to which he turns in his daily morning worship; *apara*, "behind;" or the "west;" *vâma*, the "left" hand, or the "north;" and *dakshina*, the "right" hand, or the "south." By the Muhammadan, who turns his face to the west, towards Mecca, these terms are exactly reversed, and *dachin*, which still means the "right" hand in Kashmiri, is now used to denote the "north," and *kâwar*, or the "left" hand to denote the "south." Thus, on the Lidar river there is the subdivision of *Dachinpâra* to the north of the stream, and *Kâwar-pâra* to the south of it. On the Behat river also, below Barâhmula, the subdivision of *Dachin* lies to the north, and that of *Kâwar* to the south of the stream. This change in the meaning of *Dachin* from "south" to "north" must have taken place before the time of Akbar, as Abul Fazl* describes *Dachin-pâra* as "situated at the foot of a mountain, on the side of Great Tibet," that is to the north of the river Lidar.

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∗ Wilson altered this spelling to Payin Drâs, which in Persian signifies "Lower Drâs," in spite of the fact that Pân Drâs is higher up the river.

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The principal ancient cities of Kashmir are the old capital of *Srinagari*, the new capital called *Pravarasenapura*; *Khâgendra-pura* and *Khuna-musha*, built before the time of Asoka; *Vijipâra* and *Pântasok*, which are referred to Asoka himself; *Surapura*, a restoration of the ancient *Kâmbuva*; *Kanishkapura*, *Hushkapura*, and *Jushkapura*, named after the three Indo-Scythian Princes by whom they were founded; *Parihâsapura*, built by Lalitâditya; *Padmapura*, named after Padma, the minister of Raja Vrihaspati; and *Avantipura*, named after Raja Avanti Varmma.

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∗ 'Ayin Akbari,' ii. 130

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*Srinagari*, the old capital of Kashmir prior to the erection of Pravarasenapura, is stated to have been founded by the great Asoka,[*] who reigned from B.C. 263 to 226. It stood on the site of the present *Pândrethân*, and is said to have extended along the bank of the river from the foot of the *Takht-i-Sulimân* to *Pântasok*, a distance of more than three miles. The oldest temple in Kashmir, on the top of the *Takht-i-Sulimân*, is identified by the unanimous consent of all the Brahmans of the valley with the temple of *Jyeshta Rudra*, which was built by Jaloka, the son of Asoka, in Srinagari.[†] This identification is based on the fact that the hill was originally called *Jyeshteswara*. The old bridge abutments at the village of *Pântasok* are also attributed to Asoka; and the other ruins at the same place are said to be the remains of the two *Asokeswara* temples which are noted in the native chronicle of Kashmir. Srinagari was still the capital of the valley in the reign of Pravarasena I., towards the end of the fifth century, when the King erected a famous symbol of the god Siva, named after himself *Pravareswara*. This city still existed in A.D. 631, when the Chinese pilgrim arrived in Kashmir, although it was no longer the capital of the valley. He speaks of the capital of his time as the "new city," and states that the "old city" was situated to the south-east of it, at a distance of ten *li*, or nearly two miles, and to the south of a high mountain. This account describes the relative positions of Pândrethân and the present capital with the lofty hill of Takht-i-Sulimân so exactly, that there can be no hesitation in accepting them as the representatives of the ancient places. The old city was still inhabited between A.D. 913 and 921, when Meru, the minister of Raja Pârtha, erected in *Purânadhisthâna*, that is in the "old capital," a temple named after himself *Meru-Varddhana-swâmi*. This building I have identified with the existing temple of Pândrethân, as Kalhan Pandit relates* that, when Raja Abhimanyu set fire to his capital, all the noble buildings "from the temple of *Varddhana Swâmi*, as far as *Bhikshukipâraka*" (or the asylum of mendicants) were destroyed. I attribute the escape of the limestone temple to its fortunate situation in the midst of a tank of water. To this catastrophe I would assign the final desertion of the old capital, as the humble dwellings of the people could not possibly have escaped the destructive fire which consumed all the "noble edifices" of the city.

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∗ 'Raja Tarangini,' i. 104.

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† 'Raja Tarangini,' i. 124.

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Pravarasenapura, or the new capital, was built by Raja Pravarasena II. in the beginning of the sixth century. Its site, as already noted, was that of the present capital of Srinagar. This is determined beyond all possibility of doubt by the very clear and distinct data furnished by the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang, and by the Hindu historian Kalhan Pandit. The statements of the first have already been quoted in my account of the old capital; but I may add that Hwen Thsang resided for two whole years in Kashmir in the *Jayendra Vihâra*,* or Buddhist monastery, built by Jayendra, the maternal uncle of Pravarasena. The Hindu author describes the city as situated at the confluence of two rivers, and with a hill in the midst of it. This is an exact description of the present Srinagar, in the midst of which stands the hill of Hari Parbat, and through which flows the river *Hara*, or *Ara*, to join the Behat at the northern end of the city.†

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∗ See my 'Temples of Kashmir,' p. 44; and 'Raja Tarangini,' vi. 191.

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The question now arises, how did the new city of *Pravarasenapura* lose its own name, and assume that of the old city of Srinagari? I think that this difficulty may perhaps be explained by the simple fact that the two cities were actually contiguous, and, as they existed together side by side for upwards of five centuries, the old name, as in the case of Delhi, would naturally have remained in common use with the people, in preference to the new name, as the customary designation of the capital. The old name of Delhi is exactly a case in point. There, new city after new city was built by successive kings, each with the distinctive name of its founder; but as they were all in the immediate vicinity of Delhi itself, the old familiar name still clung to the capital, and each new appellation eventually became absorbed in the one general name of "Delhi." In the same way I believe that the old familiar name of *Srinagar* eventually swamped the name of the new city of *Pravarasenapura*.

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∗ ‘Hiouen Thsang,’ i. 96. † ‘Moorcroft’s Travels,’ ii.

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²⁷⁶ I speak also from personal knowledge, as I have twice visited Kashmir.

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The names of *Khâgipura* and *Khunamusha* are referred by Kalhan Pandit* to Raja *Khâgendra*, who, as the sixth predecessor of Asoka, must have reigned about 400 B.C. Wilson and Troyer have identified these two places with *Kâkapur* and *Gaumoha* of Muhammadan writers. The first is certain, as *Kâkapur* still exists on the left bank of the Behat, at 10 miles to the south of the Takht-i-Sulimân, and 5 miles to the south of Pâmpur. But the identification of *Gaumoha*, wherever that may be, is undoubtedly wrong, as *Khunamusha* is now represented by the large village of *Khunamoh*, which is situated under the hills at 4 miles to the north-east of Pâmpur.

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The old town of *Bij Biâra*, or *Vijipâra*, is situated on both banks of the Behat, at 25 miles to the south-east of the capital. The original name was *Vijayapâra*, so called after the ancient temple of *Vijayesa*, which still exists, although its floor is 14 feet below the present level of the surrounding ground. This difference of level shows the accumulation of ruins since the date of its foundation. The people refer its erection to Asoka, B.C. 250, who is stated by Kalhan Pandit* to have pulled down the old brick temple of Vijayesa, and to have rebuilt it of stone. This is apparently the same temple that is mentioned in the reign of Arya Raja, some centuries after Christ.†

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∗ 'Raja Tarangini,' i. 90.

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Sûrapura, the modern Sûpur or Sopur, is situated on both banks of the Behat, immediately to the west of the Great Wular Lake. It was originally called Kâmbuva, and under this name it is mentioned in the chronicles of Kashmir as early as the beginning of the fifth century.‡ It was rebuilt by Sura, the minister of Avanti Varmma, between A.D. 854 and 883, after whom it was called Sûrapura. From its favourable position at the outlet of the Wular Lake, I think it probable that it is one of the oldest places in Kashmir.

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Kanishkapura was built by the Indo-Scythian prince Kanishka,§ just before the beginning of the Christian era. In the spoken dialects of India it is called Kanikhpur, which in Kashmir has been still further corrupted to Kâmpur. It is situated 10 miles to the south of Srinagar, on the high-road leading to the Pir Panchâl Pass. It is a small village with a sarai for travellers, and is now generally known as Kâmpur Sarai. In the large map of Kashmir by Captain Montgomerie the name is erroneously given as Khanpoor.

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∗ 'Raja Tarangini,' i. 105. † Ibid., ii. 123. ‡ Ibid., iii. 227.

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Hushkapura, which was founded by the Indo-Scythian prince Hushka, or Huvishka, the brother of Kanishka, would appear to have been the same place as the well-known Varâhamula, or Barâhmula, on the Behat. Abu Rihân* calls it "Ushkar, which is the town of Barâmula built on both banks of the river." It is noted under the same name by the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang, who entered the valley from the west by a stone gate, and halted at the monastery of Hu.se.kia-lo, or Hushkara. The name of Barâhmula has now eclipsed the more ancient appellation, which, however, still exists in the village of Uskara, 2 miles to the south-east of the present town, and immediately under the hills. The place has been visited, at my request, by the Rev. G. W. Cowie, who found there a Buddhist stupa still intact. This is probably the same monument that is recorded to have been erected by Raja Lalitâditya† between A.D. 723 and 760. It is again mentioned in the native chronicle‡ as the residence of the Queen Sugandhâ in A.D. 913. From all these notices, it is certain that the town still bore its original name down to the beginning of the eleventh century, when Abu Rihân mentions both names. But after this time the name of Varâhamula alone is found in the native chronicles, in which it is mentioned during the reigns of Harsha and Sussala, early in the twelfth century: I think it probable that the main portion of the town of Hushkapura was on the left, or south bank of the river, and that Varâhamula was originally a small suburb on the right bank. On the decline of Buddhism, when the monastic establishment at Hushkapura was abandoned, the old town also must have been partially deserted, and most probably it continued to decrease until it was supplanted by the Brahmanical suburb of Varâhamula.

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∗ Renaud, "Fragments Arabes, etc." p. 116. † "Raja Tarangini," iv. 188.

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Jushkapura was founded by the Indo-Scythian prince Jushka, a brother of Kanishka and Hushka. The Brahmans of Kashmir identify the place with Zukru, or Zukur, which is still a considerable village, 4 miles to the north of the capital. This is evidently the "Schecroh, ville assez considérable," which Troyer and Wilson* have identified with Hushkapura. I visited the place in November, 1847, but the only traces of antiquity that I could discover were a considerable number of stone pillars and mouldings of the style of architecture peculiar to Kashmir, all of which had been trimmed and adapted to Muhammadan tombs and Masjids. Parihâsapura was built by the great Raja Lalitâditya,† who reigned from A.D. 723 to 760. It was situated on the right, or eastern bank of the Behat, near the present village of Sumbal. There are still many traces of walls and broken stones on the neighbouring mounds, which show that a city must once have existed on this spot; but the only considerable remains are a bridge which spans the Behat, and a canal which leads direct towards Sûpur, to avoid the tedious passage by the river through the Wular Lake. As *Parihâsapura* is not mentioned again in the native chronicle, it must have been neglected very soon after its founder's death. His own grandson, *Jayapida*, built a new capital named *Jayapura*, in the midst of a lake, with a citadel, which he named *Sri-dwâravati*, but which the people always called the "Inner Fort."* The position of this place is not known, but I believe that it stood on the left bank of the Behat, immediately opposite to *Parihâsapura*, where a village named *Antar-kot*, or the "Inner Fort," exists to this day. The final destruction of this city is attributed by the people to Sangkara Varmma, who reigned from A.D. 883 to 901. He is said to have removed the stones to his own new city of *Sangkarapura*, which still exists as *Pathan*, 7 miles to the south-west of the Sumbal bridge. The great temple at *Parihâsa* was destroyed by the bigoted Sikandar, who reigned from 1389 to 1413, A.D. Of this temple a curious story is told by the Muhammadan historians. Speaking of *Pârispur*, Abul Fazl† says, "here stood a lofty idolatrous temple which was destroyed by Sikandar. In the ruins was found a plate of copper with an inscription in the Indian language purporting that after the expiration of 1100 years the temple would be destroyed by a person named Sikandar." The same story is told by Ferishta,* with the addition of the name of the Raja, whom the translator calls Balnat, which is probably a mistake for Laldit, the usual contracted form of Lalitâditya among the Kashmiris. As the difference of time between this prince and Sikandar is barely 700 years, it is strange that the tradition should preserve a date which is so much at variance with the chronology of their own native chronicles.

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∗ ‘Raja Tarangini,’ i. 370 ; Asiat. Res. xv. 23.

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† ‘Raja Tarangini,’ iv. 194.

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∗ 'Raja Tarangini,' iv. 505, 510.

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† 'Ayin Akbari,' ii. 135.

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Padmapura, now called Pâmpur, was founded by Padma, the minister of Raja Vrihaspati, who reigned from A.D. 832 to 844.† It is situated on the right bank of the Behat, 8 miles to the south-east of the capital, and about midway on the road to Avantipura. The place is still well inhabited, and its fields of saffron are the most productive in the whole valley.

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† 'Raja Tarangini,' iv. 694.

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Avantipura was founded by Raja Avanti-Varmma,‡ who reigned from A.D. 854 to 833. It is situated on the right bank of the Behat, 17 miles to the south-east of the present capital. There is now only a small village called Wantipur; but the remains of two magnificent temples, and the traces of walls on all sides, show that it must have been once an extensive city. The name of No-nagar, or the "New Town," which is now attached to the high tract of alluvial table-land on the opposite side of the river, is universally allowed by the people to refer to Avantipura itself, which is said to have occupied both banks of the river originally.

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∗ Briggs's 'Ferishta,' iv. 465

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‡ 'Raja Tarangini,' v. 44

2 Urasa

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Between Taxila and Kashmir Hwen Thsang places the district of *U-la-shi*, or *Urasa*, which, from its position, may at once be identified with the *Varsa Regio* of Ptolemy, and with the modern district of Rash, in Dhantâwar, to the west of Muzafarâbâd. It is mentioned in the native chronicle of Kashmir* as a mountainous district in the vicinity of the valley, where Raja Sangkara Varmma received his death wound in A.D. 901. It corresponds exactly with the Pakhali of Abul Fazl, which included all the hilly country between the Indus and Kashmir, as far south as the boundary of Attak. At the present day the principal towns of the district are *Mânsera*, in the north-east; *Noshahra*, in the middle; and *Kishan-garh*, or *Haripur*, in the south-west. In Hwen Thsang's time the capital is said to have been either 300 or 500 *li*, that is, 50 or 83 miles, distant from Taxila. This difference in the distance makes it impossible to identify the actual position of the capital in the seventh century; but it seems probable that it must have been at *Mângali*, which is said by the people to have been the ancient capital of the district. This place stands midway between Noshahra and Mânsera, and about 50 miles to the north-east of Taxila.

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According to Hwen Thsang, Urasa was 2000 *li*, or 333 miles, in circuit, which is probably correct, as its length from the source of the Kunihâr river to the Gandgarh mountain is not less than 100 miles, and its breadth from the Indus to the Behat, or Jhelam, is 55 miles in its narrowest part. Its distance from Kashmir is stated at 1000 *li*, or 167 miles, which would place the capital somewhere in the neighbourhood of Noshahra, and within a few miles of Mângala, which was the ancient capital according to the traditions of the people.

3 Taxila, or Takshasila

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The position of the celebrated city of Taxila has hitherto remained unknown, partly owing to the erroneous distance recorded by Pliny, and partly to the want of information regarding the vast ruins which still exist in the vicinity of Shâh-dheri. All the copies of Pliny agree in stating that Taxila was only 60 Roman, or 55 English, miles from Peucolaïtis, or Hashtnagar, which would fix its site somewhere on the Haro river, to the west of Hasan Abdâl, or just two days' march from the Indus. But the itineraries of the Chinese pilgrims agree in placing it at three days' journey to the east of the Indus,[*] or in the im- The *fraternities* of the Middle Ages, which were so numerous and so varied in their objects, were not all of the same origin. Some were religious, some social, some charitable, and some industrial. The religious guilds, or *gilds*, as they were often called, were associations of laymen for the purpose of performing religious duties, such as the maintenance of a chaplain, the celebration of masses, or the support of a hospital. The social guilds were formed for the purpose of mutual aid and good fellowship, and often included in their objects the relief of the poor, the sick, and the aged. The charitable guilds were established for the purpose of supporting hospitals, almshouses, and other institutions of mercy. The industrial guilds, or *craft guilds*, were associations of men engaged in the same trade or industry, and were formed for the purpose of regulating the trade, protecting the interests of the members, and maintaining the quality of their work.

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∗ 'Fa-Hian,' c. xi., Beal's translation, makes it seven days' journey from Peshâwar, that is, four days to the Indus plus three days to Taxila. Sun-yun (Beal's translation, p. 200) places it three days to the east of the Indus. Hiouen Thsang makes it three days' journey to the south-east of the Indus (Julien's translation, i. 263). See Maps

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CAMPAIGN OF ALEXANDER IN THE PANJAB B C 327-326

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The craft guilds, which became so powerful in the later Middle Ages, were the successors of the earlier *collegia* of the Roman Empire. The *collegia* were associations of artisans and tradesmen, which were recognized by the state and had a legal existence. When the Roman Empire fell, these associations were largely destroyed, but the idea of association for mutual protection and the regulation of trade survived. In the early Middle Ages, the *gilds* began to reappear, and by the twelfth century they were firmly established in many of the cities of Europe.

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The craft guilds were organized on a democratic basis, and every member had a voice in the management of the guild's affairs. The officers were elected by the members, and the rules and regulations were made by the guild as a whole. The guilds had the power to fix prices, to regulate the hours of labor, and to determine the conditions of apprenticeship. They also had the power to punish members who violated the rules, and to expel those who were guilty of serious offenses. The guilds were thus a powerful force in the economic life of the Middle Ages, and they played an important part in the development of the modern industrial system.

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The decline of the craft guilds began in the sixteenth century, when the rise of the factory system and the growth of international trade made it difficult for the small, local guilds to compete with the larger and more efficient industrial organizations. The guilds were also weakened by the growth of the power of the state, which began to regulate trade and industry directly, and by the rise of the capitalist class, which sought to break the power of the guilds and to establish a system of free competition. By the end of the eighteenth century, the craft guilds had largely disappeared, but their influence lived on in the trade unions and other labor organizations of the modern world.

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TRAVELS OF HWEN THSANG IN THE PANJAB A D 631-633. 64 Miles to 1 Inch

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The *fraternities* of the Middle Ages, which were so numerous and so varied in their objects, were not all of the same origin. Some were religious, some social, some charitable, and some industrial. The religious guilds, or *gilds*, as they were often called, were associations of laymen for the purpose of performing religious duties, such as the maintenance of a chaplain, the celebration of masses, or the support of a hospital. The social guilds were formed for the purpose of mutual aid and good fellowship, and often included in their objects the relief of the poor, the sick, and the aged. The charitable guilds were established for the purpose of supporting hospitals, almshouses, and other institutions of mercy. The industrial guilds, or *craft guilds*, were associations of men engaged in the same trade or industry, and were formed for the purpose of regulating the trade, protecting the interests of the members, and maintaining the quality of their work.

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The craft guilds, which became so powerful in the later Middle Ages, were the successors of the earlier *collegia* of the Roman Empire. The *collegia* were associations of artisans and tradesmen, which were recognized by the state and had a legal existence. When the Roman Empire fell, these associations were largely destroyed, but the idea of association for mutual protection and the regulation of trade survived. In the early Middle Ages, the *gilds* began to reappear, and by the twelfth century they were firmly established in many of the cities of Europe.

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The craft guilds were organized on a democratic basis, and every member had a voice in the management of the guild's affairs. The officers were elected by the members, and the rules and regulations were made by the guild as a whole. The guilds had the power to fix prices, to regulate the hours of labor, and to determine the conditions of apprenticeship. They also had the power to punish members who violated the rules, and to expel those who were guilty of serious offenses. The guilds were thus a powerful force in the economic life of the Middle Ages, and they played an important part in the development of the modern industrial system.

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The decline of the craft guilds began in the sixteenth century, when the rise of the factory system and the growth of international trade made it difficult for the small, local guilds to compete with the larger and more efficient industrial organizations. The guilds were also weakened by the growth of the power of the state, which began to regulate trade and industry directly, and by the rise of the capitalist class, which sought to break the power of the guilds and to establish a system of free competition. By the end of the eighteenth century, the craft guilds had largely disappeared, but their influence lived on in the trade unions and other labor organizations of the modern world.

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mediate neighbourhood of Kâla-ka-sarâi, which was the third halting-place of the Mogul emperors, and which is still the third stage from the Indus, both for troops and baggage. Now as Hwen Thsang, on his return to China, was accompanied by laden elephants, his three days' journey from Takhshasila to the Indus at Utakhanda, or Ohind, must necessarily have been of the same length as those of modern days, and, consequently, the site of the city must be looked for somewhere in the neighbourhood of Kâla-ka-sarâi. This site is found near Shah-dheri, just one mile to the north-east of Kâla-ka-sarâi, in the extensive ruins of a fortified city, around which I was able to trace no less than 55 stupas, of which two are as large as the great Mânikyâla tope, twenty eight monasteries, and nine temples. Now the distance from Shah-dheri to Ohind is 36 miles, and from Ohind to Hashtnagar is 38 more, or altogether 74 miles, which is 19 in excess of the distance recorded by Pliny between Taxila and Peukelaotis. To reconcile these discrepant numbers I would suggest that Pliny's 60 miles, or LX., should be read as 80 miles, or LXXX., which are equivalent to 73 1/2 English miles, or within half a mile of the actual distance between the two places.

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The classical writers are unanimous in their accounts of the size and wealth of Taxila. Arrian describes it as "a large and wealthy city, and the most

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Nos. IV., V., and VI. for the position of Shah-dheri or Taxila.

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populous between the Indus and Hydaspes."* Strabo also declares it to be a large city, and adds, that the neighbouring country was "crowded with inhabitants, and very fertile."† Pliny calls it "a famous city, situated on a low but level plain, in a district called *Amanda*."‡ These accounts agree exactly with the position and size of the ancient city near *Shah-dheri*, the ruins of which are spread over several square miles.

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About fifty years after Alexander's visit, the people of Taxila rebelled against *Bindusâra*, king of Magadha, who sent his eldest son *Susima* to besiege the place. On his failure, the siege was entrusted to his younger son, the celebrated Asoka; but the people came out 2½ yojanas, or 17½ miles, to meet the young prince and offer their submission.§ At the time of Asoka's accession the wealth of Taxila is said to have amounted to 36 *kotis*, or 360 million of some unnamed coin, which, even if it was the silver *tangka*, or sixpence, would have amounted to nine *karors* of rupees, or £9,000,000. It is probable, however, that the coin intended by the Indian writer was a gold one, in which case the wealth of this city would have amounted to about 90 or 100 millions of pounds. I quote this statement as a proof of the great reputed wealth of Taxila within fifty years after Alexander's expedition. It was here that Asoka himself had resided as Viceroy of the Panjab during his father's lifetime; and here also resided his own son Kunâla, or the "fine-eyed," who is the hero of a very curious Buddhist legend, which will be described hereafter.

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∗ 'Anabasis,' v. 8: πόλιν μεγάλην καὶ εὐδαίμονα. † Geogr. xv. i. 17; xv. i. 28. ‡ Hist. Nat., vi.

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²³ "Taxillæ, cum urbe celebri, jam in plana demisso tractu, cui universo nomen Anandæ." § Burnouf, 'Introduction à l'Histoire du Buddhisme Indien,' p. 361.

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Just before the end of the third century B.C. the descendants of the Maurya kings must have come in contact with the Bactrian Greeks under Demetrius, the son of Enthydemus, and in the early part of the following century Taxila must have formed part of the Indian dominions of Eukratides. In 126 B.C. it was wrested from the Greeks by the Indo-Scythian Sus or Abars, with whom it remained for about three-quarters of a century, when it was conquered by the later Indo-Scythians of the Kushân tribe, under the great Kanishka. During this period Parshâwar would appear to have been the capital of the Indo-Scythian dominions, while Taxila was governed by satraps. Several coins and inscriptions of these local governors have been found at Shah-dheri and Mânikyâla. Of these the most interesting is the copper plate obtained by Mr. Roberts, containing the name of Takhasila, the Pali form of Takshasila, from which the Greeks obtained their Taxila.[*]

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∗ See translation by Professor J. Dowson in Journ. Royal Asiat. Soc., xx. 221 ; see also notes on the same inscription by the author, Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bengal, 1863, p. 139.

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During the reign of the Parthian Bardanes, A.D. 42 to 45, Taxila was visited by Apollonius of Tyana and his companion, the Assyrian Damis, whose narrative of the journey Philostratus professes to have followed in his life of Apollonius. His account is manifestly exaggerated in many particulars regarding the acts and sayings of the philosopher, but the descriptions of places seem to be generally moderate and truthful. If they were not found in the narrative of Damis, they must have been taken from the journals of some of Alexander's followers: and in either case they are valuable, as they supply many little points of information that are wanting in the regular histories. According to Philostratus, Taxila was "not unlike the ancient *Ninus*, and was walled in the manner of other Greek towns."* For *Ninus*, or Nineveh, we must read Babylon, as we have no description of the great Assyrian city, which was destroyed nearly two centuries before the time of Herodotus. Now we know from Curtius that it was the "symmetry as well as the antiquity" of Babylon that struck Alexander and all who beheld it for the first time.† I conclude, therefore, that Taxila must have reminded the Greeks of Babylon by its *symmetry*, as Philostratus goes on to say, that the city was "divided into narrow streets with great regularity." He mentions also a temple of the sun, which stood outside the walls, and a palace in which the usurper was besieged. He speaks also of a garden, one stadium in length, with a tank in the midst, which was filled by "cool and refreshing streams." All these points will be noticed in a separate work when I come to describe the existing ruins of this ancient city.

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∗ Vita Apollon., ii. 20. † Vita Alex., v. 1: "Pulchritudo ac vetustas."

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We now lose sight of Taxila until A.D. 400, when it was visited by the Chinese pilgrim *Fa-Hian*, who calls it *Chu-sha-shi-lo*, or the "severed head;" and adds, that "Buddha bestowed his head in alms at this place, and hence they gave this name to the country."* The translation shows that the original Sanskrit name must have been *Chutyasira*, or the "fallen head," which is a synonym of *Taksha-sîra*, or the "severed head," the usual name by which Taxila was known to the Buddhists of India. In A.D. 502, "the place where Buddha made an alms-gift of his head" was visited by Sung-yun, who describes it as being three days' journey to the east of the river *Sin-tu*, or *Indus*.†

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† Beal's Translation, p. 200.

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We now come to Hwen Thsang, the last and best of the Chinese pilgrims, who first visited *Ta-cha-shi-lo*, or *Takshasila*, in A.D. 630, and again in A.D. 643, on his return to China. He describes the city as about 10 *li*, or 12/3 mile, in circuit. The royal family was extinct, and the province, which had previously been subject to Kapisa, was then a dependency of Kashmir. The land, irrigated by numbers of springs and watercourses, was famous for its fertility. The monasteries were numerous, but mostly in ruins; and there were only a few monks who studied the *Mahâyâna*, or esoteric doctrines of Buddhism. At 12 or 13 *li*, or 2 miles, to the north of the city there was a stupa of King Asoka, built on the spot where Buddha in a former existence had made an alms-gift of his head; or, as some said, of one thousand heads in as many previous existences. This was one of the four great stupas that were famous all over north-west India;* and accordingly on his return journey Hwen Thsang specially notes that he had paid his adorations, for the second time, to the "stupa of the alms-gift of one thousand heads."† The present name of the district is *Chach-Hazâra*, which I take to be a corruption of *Sîrsha-sahasra*, or the "thousand heads." In the Taxila copper-plate of the Satrap Liako Kujuluka, the name is written *Chhahara-Chukhsa*, which appears to me to be only another form of the same appellation.

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∗ Beal's Translation, c. xi.

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† Julien's 'Hiouen Thsang,' i. 262.

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From these accounts of the Chinese pilgrims, we see that Taxila was specially interesting to all Buddhists as the legendary scene of one of Buddha's most meritorious acts of alms-giving, when he bestowed his head in charity. The origin of this legend I think may be certainly traced to the name, which as *Takshasila* means simply the "cut rock;"

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∗ 'Fah-Hian,' (Beal's translation) c. xi.

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but with a slight alteration, as *Taksha-sira* means the "severed head." "*Aut ex re nomen, aut ex vocabulo fabula,*" either the name sprang from the legend, or the legend was invented to account for the name." In this case we may be almost certain that the latter was the process, as the Greeks have preserved the spelling of the original name before Buddhism had covered the land with its endless legends of Sakya's meritorious acts in previous births. It is nowhere stated to whom Buddha presented his head, but I believe that it was offered to the hungry tiger whose seven cubs were saved from starvation by a similar offering of his blood.† I am led to this belief by the fact that the land immediately to the north of the ruined city is still called *Babar Khâna*, or the "Tiger's House," a name which is as old as the time of Mahmud, as Abu Rihân speaks of *Babarkân* as being halfway between the Indus and the Jhelam,‡ a description which is equally applicable to the Babarkhâna of the ancient Taxila. The name is a Turki one, and is, therefore, probably as old as the time of Kanishka. From the continued existence of this name, I infer that, in the immediate neighbourhood of the great stupa of the "head-gift," there was most probably a temple enshrining a group in which Buddha was represented offering his head to the tiger. This temple the *Turks* would naturally have called the *Babar-Khâna*, or ‘‘Tigers’-house;’’ and as Taxila itself decayed, the name of the temple would gradually have superseded that of the city. The remembrance of this particular act of Buddha’s extreme charity is, I believe, preserved in the name of *Mârgala*, or the ‘‘beheaded,’’ which is applied to the range of hills lying only two miles to the south of Shah-dheri. *Mârgala* means literally ‘‘decollated,’’ from *gala-mârna*, which is the idiomatic expression for ‘‘cutting the neck,’’ or beheading.

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∗ Pomponius Mela, iii. 7.

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† Sun-yun mentions that the head was offered "for the sake of a man ;" that is, Buddha offered his own life to save that of another man. (Beal's translation, p. 200).

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‡ Renaud's 'Fragments Arabes, etc.,' p. 116.

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The ruins of the ancient city near Shah-dheri, which I propose to identify with Taxila, are scattered over a wide space extending about 3 miles from north to south, and 2 miles from east to west. The remains of many stupas and monasteries extend for several miles further on all sides, but the actual ruins of the city are confined within the limits abovementioned. These ruins consist of several distinct portions, which are called by separate names even in the present day.¹ The general direction of these different works is from south-south-west to north-north-east, in which order I will describe them. Beginning at the south, their names are:—

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¹ * See Map No. IV.

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1. *Bir* or *Pher*.
2. *Hatiâl*.
3. *Sir-Kap-ka-kot*.

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4. Kacha-kot.
5. Babar Khâna.
6. Sir-Suk-ka-kot.

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The most ancient part of these ruins, according to the belief of the people, is the great mound on which stands the small village of Bir or Pher. The mound itself is 4000 feet in length from north to south, and 2600 feet in breadth, with a circuit of 10,800 feet, or rather more than two miles. On the west side towards the rock-seated village of Shah-dheri, the Bir mound has an elevation of from 15 to 25 above the fields close by; but as the ground continues to slope towards Shah-dheri, the general elevation is not less than from 25 to 35 feet. On the east side, immediately above the Tabrâ, or Tamrâ Nala, it rises 40 feet above the fields, and 68 feet above the bed of the stream. The remains of the walls can be traced only in a few places both on the east and west sides; but the whole surface is covered with broken stones and fragments of bricks and pottery. Here the old coins are found in greater numbers than in any other part of the ruins; and here, also, a single man collected for me, in about two hours, a double handful of bits of lapis lazuli, which are not to be seen elsewhere. Judging from the size of the place, I take it to be the site of the inhabited part of the city in the time of Hwen Thsang, who describes it as being only 10 li, or 1 2/3 mile, in circuit. This conclusion is confirmed by the position of the great ruined stupa in the midst of the Babarkhâna land, which is 8000 feet north-north-east from the near end of the Bir mound, and 10,000 feet, or just 2 miles, from the main entrance to the middle of the old city. As Hwen Thsang describes the position of the stupa of the "Head Gift" as being 12 or 13 *li*, or rather more than 2 miles, to the north of the city,* I think that there can be little doubt that the city of his time was situated on the mound of Bir. I traced the remains of three small topes on the north and east sides of the mound, all of which had been opened previously by the villagers, who, however, stoutly denied the fact, and attributed the explorations to General Abbott and Major Pearse.

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Hatiâl is a strong fortified position on the west end of a spur of the *Mârgala* range, and immediately to the north-east of the Bir mound, from which it is separated by the *Tabrâ* Nala. About half a mile from Bir the spur is divided into two nearly parallel ridges, about 1500 feet apart, which run almost due west to the bank of the Tabrâ, where they are joined by a high earthen rampart. The clear space thus enclosed is not more than 2000 feet by 1000 feet, but the whole circuit of the defences, along the hill-ridges and the artificial ramparts, is about 8400 feet, or upwards of 1½ mile. At the east end the two parallel ridges are joined by stone walls, 15 feet 4 inches thick, with square towers at intervals, all of which are still in very good order. The crest of the south or main ridge is 291 feet above the general level of the fields, but the north ridge has an elevation of only 163 feet. Between these two there is a small rocky ridge, 206 feet in height, crowned by a large bastion or tower, which the people look upon as a stupa or tope. There is a similar tower on the crest of the north ridge, which I was induced to excavate by the report of a villager named Nûr, who informed me that he had found a copper coin at each of the four corners of the basement, which he considered as a certain sign that the building was a tope. I knew also that it was the custom in Barma to erect a stupa in each of the corner bastions of their square fortified cities. But my excavation, which was carried down to the bare rock, a depth of 26 feet, showed only regular courses of large rough blocks, which were extracted with much difficulty. Close to the west of this tower I traced the remains of a large enclosure, 163 feet long by 151½ feet broad, divided into rooms on all four sides, from which I at first thought that the building was a monastery. But the subsequent discovery of a large quantity of burnt clay pellets of a size well adapted for slingers led me to the conclusion that the place was most probably only a guard-house for soldiers. The two ridges fall rapidly towards the west for about 1200 feet, till they meet the general slope of the intervening ground, and at these points are the two gateways of the fort, the one being due north of the other. The north ridge then rises again, and running to the west-south-west for 2000 feet, terminates in a square-topped mound, 130 feet high. This part of the ridge is entirely covered with the remains of buildings, and near its east end the villager Nûr discovered some copper coins in a ruined tope. Of the name of Hatiâl I could obtain no information whatever: but it is probably old, as I think it may possibly be identified with Hattiâr-Lank, which Abul Fazl places in the Sindh-Sâgar Doab. The spelling of the name would refer it to Hatti, a shop, and Hatti-âla would then be the market-place or bazaar. But the Hatiâl fort is so evidently the stronghold or citadel of this ancient place that I look upon this derivation as very doubtful.

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∗ Julien's 'Hiouen Thsang,' ii. 153.

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The fortified city of Sir-kap is situated on a large level mound immediately at the north foot of Hatiâl, of which it really forms a part, as its walls are joined to those of the citadel. It is half a mile in length from north to south, with a breadth of 2000 feet at the south end, but of only 1400 feet at the north end. The circuit of Sirkap is 8300 feet, or upwards of 1½ mile. The walls, which are built entirely of squared stone, are 14 feet 9 inches thick, with square towers of 30 feet face, separated by curtains of 140 feet. The east and north walls are straight, but the line of west wall is broken by a deep recess. There are two large gaps in each of these walls, all of which are said to be the sites of the ancient gates. One of these in the north face is undoubted, as it lies due north of the two gateways of the Hatiâl citadel, and due south of the three ruined mounds in the Babar-khâna. A second in the east face is equally undoubted, as parts of the walls of the gateway still remain, with portions of paved roadway leading directly up to it. A third opening in the west face, immediately opposite the last, is almost equally certain, as all the old foundations inside the city are carefully laid out at right angles due north and south. The position of Sirkap is naturally very strong, as it is well defended on all sides,—by the lofty citadel of Hatiâl on the south, by the Tabrâ Nala on the west, and by the Gau Nala on the east and north sides. The entire circuit of the walls of the two places is 14,200 feet, or nearly 2¾ miles.

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Kacha-kot, or the "mud fort," lies to the north of Sirkap, in a strong isolated position formed by the doubling round of the Tabrâ Nala below the junction of the Gau Nala, which together surround the place on all sides except the east. The ramparts of Kacha-kot, as the name imports, are formed entirely of earth, and rise to a height of from 30 to 50 feet above the stream. On the east side there are no traces of any defences, and inside there are no traces of any buildings. It is difficult therefore to say for what purpose it was intended; but as the Gau Nala runs through it, I think it probable that Kacha-kot was meant as a place of safety for elephants and other cattle during a time of siege. It is 6700 feet, or upwards of 1¼ mile in circuit. The people usually called it Kot, and this name is also applied to Sir-kap, but when they wish to distinguish it from the latter they call it Kacha-kot. Now this name is found both in Baber's 'Memoirs,' and in the 'Ayin Akbari.' In the former the Haro river is called the river of Kacha-kot, which therefore must have been some large place near the banks of that stream, but I suspect that it ought rather to be looked for near Hasan Abdâl, or even lower down.

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