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Encyclopedia of India–China Cultural Contacts v1.c6: Section III Science & Technology

Encyclopedia of India–China Cultural Contacts v1.c6

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English

Contents

Section III Science & Technology

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Exchanges in science, technology and medicine are one of the important components of the history of India-China cultural interactions. Beginning with the period of the Qin and Han Dynasties (c. 3ʳᵈ century BCE) to the end of the Qing Dynasty (1911), both countries had uninterrupted exchanges in the area of science and technology though its intensity varied between frequent and occasional over the long course of time. The major areas and nature of these exchanges were as follows:

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Exchanges in the Field of Astronomy

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Astronomy was a well-developed knowledge system in ancient India. Indians observed and described various astronomical phenomena using advanced mathematical calculation and formulae. According to Professor David E. Pingree, ancient Indian astronomy can be divided into five periods, namely, the Vedic Period (from 1000 BCE to about 400 BCE), Babylonian Period (from 400 BCE to 200 CE), Hellenistic Babylonian Period (from 200 CE to about 400 CE), the Greek Period (from 400 CE to 1600 CE) and the Islamic Period (from 1600 CE to about 1800 CE).

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Astronomical Science in the Vedic Period, as found preserved in the Four Vedas including the Rigveda, is characterised by its mostly localised Indian content. In the Babylonian Period, many Mesopotamian astronomical elements were integrated into Indian astronomy. This included methods of measuring length and change of time as well as mathematical models, time units and instruments originated from Babylon. In the Hellenistic Babylonian Period, inputs from the Greeks modified and expanded Babylonian astronomy. Its contents included descriptions of planetary configuration as well as issues such as solar and lunar eclipses, length of shadow and so on. Some of its contents were preserved in Pañcasiddhāntikā which was written sometime in 575 CE. The Greek Period of Indian astronomy, lasting over 1,000 years produced many outstanding Indian astronomers and classics contributing to the successive formation of five astronomical schools (paksas). Among them, the earliest was the Brāhmapaksa which was established in circa 400 CE. Having the longest history of over 1,500 years, its impact on Indian astronomy was the most profound. The others included Āryapaksa founded in 500 CE, the Ārdharātikapaksa established also in 500 CE, the Saurapaksa created in 800 CE and the Gaṇeśapaksa launched in 1500 CE. With the spread of Islam into India, an Islamic astronomical period existed between 1600 CE to 1800 CE. This was followed by the British colonial rule which witnessed a period of direct contact with modern and contemporary Western astronomy.

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Foreign astronomy made frequent inroads during the long history of India. Yet in spite of absorbing several foreign elements, the indigenous Vedic astronomy preserved itself and continued to flourish. With the spread of Buddhism in the east, this Vedic astronomy was also introduced into China. Transmission of Vedic astronomical knowledge can be found scattered in translated Buddhist classics and in various other kinds of historical texts of China. It covered the following areas: i) cosmology ii) constellation system iii) movements of the sun, moon, solar and lunar eclipses iv) seasons and calendars and v) planetary motion and ephemeris.

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It was early Indian or Vedic knowledge of cosmology that was transmitted to China along with Buddhism. This contained the concept of *kalpa* (*aeon*), cyclical model of destruction and creation, cosmic structure and dimension etc. According to the Buddhist world view, a *kalpa* (eg. *vivartakalpa*) begins with the arising of primordial wind leading to the creation of a structure of universe or cosmos after the destruction of everything by fire at the end of a *kalpa*. The world thus completes a turn of the wheel of life and it will then be recreated. Buddhist classics describe ancient Indian cosmic structure in terms of the unity of theory of relativity and quantum theory – in the cosmos/universe everything exists on an enormous wind wheel whose thickness is about 1,600,000 *yojanas* (Vedic measure of distance, which according to some estimates approximated one *yojana* to 8 miles in modern measurement). There is a water wheel on the wind wheel, which is 1,200,000 *yojanas* thick, of which 320,000 *yojanas* from the surface are compressed into a gold wheel. The combined diameter of the water and gold wheel is 1,203,450 yojanas and its circumference is triple the diameter. The gold wheel is placed in the centre of Sumeru Mountain [which according to various legends is a mandala (circular figure symbolising universe) like complex surrounded by mountains and seas with planets circumambulating it]. Both its height over the surface and depth below surface are each said to be of 84,000 yojanas. It is surrounded by seven Gold Mountains in turn. There are four continents outside the seven Gold Mountains. These are Wheel Ring Mountains outside the four continents. The depth of seven Gold Mountains and the Wheel Ring Mountains under the surface are equivalent to that of Mt Sumeru but height and width of each diminishes according to their distance from Sumeru. There are eight seas among nine mountains, in turn, the earlier seven seas are “inner seas”, the innermost sea is 80,000 yojanas in width, and the periphery is 240,000 yojanas in circumference. The width of each of the next six seas are reduced by half in turn. The eighth sea is the “outer sea” and was 321,000 yojanas in width. This ancient Indian cosmic model is similar to the ancient Chinese canopy cosmic model but presently there is no certain evidence about the close connections between the two.

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In Chinese translation of Buddhist classics, it is worth paying attention to the rendering of the Indian constellation system, the problem of the beginning constellation/*nakshatra*, its total sum of as well as the size, the number of stars and the shape of each of the constellations. Before the spread of the Indian constellation system, China had a set of its own indigenously developed similar system. Chinese translation of names of the Indian constellation evinces three characteristics: i) A large part has been translated into known constellation names in Chinese ii) another large part is the transliteration of Sanskrit pronunciation of names into Chinese iii) translation of literal meaning of names in Sanskrit into Chinese. However, only one such case is found in *sutras* translated into Chinese (henceforth, referred to as translated *sutras*). The *Citra* in Indian constellation system is different from that of ancient China. In the Chinese translation of Buddhist classics, *Jiao xiu* (Spica) is considered as *Citra*, but there are also cases of conflating *Kṛttika* and *Aśini* with it. Obviously, using Spica as Citrā is to keep consistency with ancient Chinese constellation system. Recognition of *Kṛttikā* as the *Citra* was the characteristic of the ancient Indian system which reflected astronomical adjustment for precession of equinoxes and is a later addition to the translated *sutra*. Two constellation numbers, ie 27 and 28 appear in the Chinese translation of Buddhist classics. The system of 28 constellations is consistent with those of ancient China while the system of 27 constellations excluding *Abhijit* (*niu xiu*) is the result of adjustment to match the Indian local constellation system with that of foreign zodiacal signs. The most complete description of 27 constellations is seen in *Xiuyaojing* (*Book on the Nakshtras and the Luminaries*) written and translated in Chinese by Monk Amoghvajra (Bu Kong) during the Tang dynasty. In the translated *sutras*, the size of the constellations have a kind of uneven division but its random nature is not similar to the 28 constellations of ancient China where the size of each is irregular and all of which could be divided into three types – ie wide, narrower and the narrowest. In the Buddhist classics such as *Xiuyaojing* (*Book on the Nakshtras and the Luminaries*), there is also a tendency to make uniform the size of each constellation which is the result of the influence of the entry and spread of the western astronomical system based on 12 equatorial constellations or signs of the zodiac in India. Further, the number of stars in the constellation systems in *sutras* greatly differs from that of ancient China, with only five constellations having completely the same number of stars. Astronomical instruments to gaze at constellation configurations and its product names also have special Indian characteristics.

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As for movements of the sun and moon, many translated *sutras* mention that they moved around Mt Sumeru propelled by the wind wheel. The height of the solar and lunar orbital motions is half of Mt Sumeru, ie 42,000 yojanas. The diameter of sun was 51 yojanas, and of the moon 50 yojanas. The sun moved around Mt Sumeru Mountain, day and night causing alterations and seasonal changes in the four continents. In *Li shi a pi tan lun* (*Treatise on Creating the World of Abhidharma*), the Chapter 19 of Volume 5 entitled ‘Motion of the Sun and the Moon’ mentions that there are 180 paths for the solar movement and 15 paths for the lunar movement. In half-a-year, the sun transits from one solar path to the next consecutively each day and after reaching the outermost it returns to the innermost solar path. This model helps better explain the changes in the time of sunrise azimuth and the length of day. As far as the lunar path is concerned, each lunar path is equal to 12 solar paths. The distance between the outermost (southernmost) and innermost (northernmost) path of the 180 solar paths is 290 yojanas. The sun and moon travel their next successive path on each day. The centre of illumination of sunlight is a ball with the diameter of 721,200 yojanas.

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As for solar and lunar eclipses, translated *sutras* explain that the eclipse cycle takes place every six months and are caused by Asurindaka Rahu who hides the sun and the moon with his hands. Textual sources, outside the translated sutras, inform us that Indian astronomy transmitted to China was good in the skill of calculating the eclipse. These note the calculation method of the Indian monk, Kasyapa Xiaowei. This is found in Volume 33 of *Jiu Tangshu* (*Book of the Later Tang*) attached to the Eclipse Calculation Skill of Lin Deli (Linde Calendar) as an annexure entitled ‘Indian Method of Kashyap Xiaowei and Others’ (see the entry of ‘Kasyapa Xiaowei’ for details). In Volume 34 of the same book, there is another entry attached to the chapter on ‘Eclipse Calculation Skill of Dayan Li (Dayan Calendar)’ which describes the Indian ‘method to judge eclipse’ descended from the Indian monk, Kumara (see the entry on ‘Kumara’ for details). Furthermore, the *Jiuzhili* (Jiuzhi Calendar), edited and translated by Gautama Siddha introduces Indian eclipse calculation method in detail (see the entry on 'Jiuzhi Calendar' for details).

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*Cover of the Jiuzhi Calendar*

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Contents related to “lunar month” of ancient Indian seasons and calendars are also recorded in translated *sutras* which are rich in detail and include division of season, month names, concepts of white month and black month, arrangements of large month and small month, placement of leap month, changes in day and night time-length, division and name of day and night time etc. The Volume 48 of *Da zhi du lun* (*Great Treatise on the Perfection of Wisdom*) defines four kinds of months, which are so-called “solar month”, “*karma* month”, “lunar month” and “*nakshatra* month”. Here, the “solar month” is one-twelfth of the length of a tropical year, “*karma* month” is one-twelfth of an ideal year (which consists of 360 days), “lunar month” connotes synodic month and “*nakshatra* month” refers to sidereal month. Several forms of seasonal changes in the length of shadow at noon are given in sutras. Datasheets in *Shi fei shi jing* (*Sutra on Time and Non-Time*) are most detailed. As for complete books similar to ancient Indian calendars, besides the Jiuzhi Calendar, the Futian Calendar can be considered as representative. It originated from Indian astronomy and was popular among the Chinese during the late Tang Dynasty. Its main contents are however now untraceable. According to the inference of Sou Neiqing, the Guangzhai Calendar compiled by Gautama Luo might be “a kind of astronomical almanac calculating astronomical phenomena based on Indian astronomy.”

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As far as the knowledge of planets is concerned, translated *sutras* primarily relate to planet names and orders, its dimensions and sizes and its movements and calendars, especially, the two lunar nodes, ie Rahu and Ketu are also regarded as planets. In translations, planets are named either according to ancient Chinese names or provided transliterated names. Their orders sometimes are sequenced according to an ancient Chinese order of five elements and sometimes are based according to the intensity of luminance of each plane. The *Xiuyaojing* (*Book on the Naksatras and the Luminaries*) describes it according to their speed “from fast to slow.” Planet movements and calendars are prominently shown in *Qi yao rang zai jue* (*Expelling Fated Calamities under the Seven Lumnaries*) (see the entry on *Qi yao rang zai jue* for details).

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Generally speaking, Indian astronomy spread over China early during a large span of time from the 3ʳᵈ century to the 10ᵗʰ century. Relevant materials have, therefore, been preserved sparsely and it is hard to connect its contents with certain classics of astronomical schools in different periods. However, the influence of Indian astronomy on China which reached a climax, especially during the Tang Dynasty can still be traceable. In his preface to *Shen long licun* (Celestial Dragon Calendar), Li Jiao writes that Chinese and Indian astronomers “worked together even though they had different styles and skills” and made common efforts to compile calendars. The most common evidence is that of the Dayanli (Dayan Calendar) compiled by the Chinese monk, Yi Xing and the Japanese monk, Saicho, who came to China in the Tang Dynasty to seek Buddhist learning. Their work Neizheng Fofa xiangcheng xie mai pu (*Blood Spectrum of Inner Realization of Dharma*) describes that “monks of both Tang Chinese and Indian Sanskrit tradition participated in a joint discussion meeting and together committed themselves” to finally complete “a fixed and authoritative classic” which as part of the Chinese calendar history became a model for calendars for later generations.

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*Rubbings of Essays of Gautama Siddhartha*

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Exchanges in the field of Medical Sciences

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In ancient Eastern medical systems, China’s traditional medicine and India’s Ayurveda, Siddha, Unani and Islamic medicines had a long and rich history of progress and enormous contributions to protect and preserve human health. These classical medical systems mutually transmitted and shared knowledge. This was most apparent in the extensive penetration and diffusion of medical knowledge and skills between China and India, primarily through Buddhism in the medieval period. Indian Āyurveda had three representative books (*Mahā-triya*) ie *Caraka-samhitā* of Caraka, which mainly discussed internal medicine; *Śuśruta-samhitā* of Śuśruta, which was related to surgery; *Aśtāngahrdayasamhitā* of Vāgbhatta which paid attention to both internal medicine and surgery. The pathogenesis in Āyurveda is directly based on the “theory of harmony and balance of three humours/ essences.” The human body is made up of three essences, ie *vāta’/*vāyu (wind), *pitta* (bile) and *kapha* (phlegm) and any imbalance among the three leads to *tridośa*, “three causes” or “three disease elements”. A disease caused by the disturbance in three humors is referred to as “three-in-one disease” or “three-for-one disease” etc. If the three humors are balanced, the human body will be healthy; if the three humours are imbalanced, a human being will suffer from illness. Besides having the Āyurvedic theory of three humours/essences for pathogenesis, the Buddhist medical system primarily applies the concept of four elements forming the body. The abnormality of one leads to 101 diseases and of more than one similarly to 404 diseases and so on. The earliest scripture *Ren shen si bai si bing jing* (*Classic on Four Hundred and Four Diseases of Human Body*) and the *Ren bing yi bu neng zhijing* (*Classic on Incurable Human Diseases*) are taken from Volume I in *Xiu xing di dao jing* (*Classic on Path to Cultivation*) which was edited and translated by the Indian monk, Dharmaraksa, during the Western

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Jin dynasty and records the pathogenesis theory of Buddhist medicine. With translated classic/sutras as a medium of introduction, Buddhist medical theories appeared in traditional Chinese medicinal works. Tao Hongjing collected Ge Hong’s Zhou hou jiu zu fang (*Handbook of Prescription for Emergency*) and changed its name to *Hua Yang yin ju bu que zhou hou bai yi fang* (*Complements of Prescription for Emergency Written by the Hermit of Huayang*). The modification in the book’s name came from the theory of “four elements for human health and abnormality of one element for one hundred and one diseases.” Volume II of *Aversion to Wind in Zhu bing yuan hou lun* (*Treatise on the Pathogenesis and Manifestations of All Diseases*) written by Chao Yuanfang in the Sui Dynasty, places all the 404 kinds of diseases in sutras under the category of wind disease. Thus, there were 404 kinds of wind diseases. Chao Yuanfang then used the concept of five colours based on the theory of five elements to make it compatible with the theory of five winds. In his *Zhu bing yuan hou lun* (*Treatise on the Pathogenesis and Manifestations of All Diseases*), chapter X of volume XXVI entitled ‘The Parasitic Poison Diseases’ is devoted to “detoxification” and describes theories of “four elements for health” and “four abnormalities”. Sun Simiao of Tang Dynasty in the Preface of Volume I of his Bei ji qian jin yao fang (*Valuable Prescriptions for Emergency*), discusses Fourth Diagnosis adopting the theory of the sutra that “earth, water, fire and wind as well as harmony preserves humans.” He thus professed that, “Abnormality of one element will lead to 101 diseases” to “abnormality of one Qi will lead to 101 diseases.” Volume XXVII of Bei ji qian jin yao fang (*Valuable Prescriptions for Emergency*) mechanically applies the concept of 404 diseases to the theory of five viscera and changes “earth, fire, water and wind” into “cold, hot, wind in seven days" and "doctor king" coming from India's taixiang (fetal phases) theory, considerably influenced traditional Chinese medicine and Tibetan medical literature.

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Diagrams on Daoist exercises (involving breathing, stretching, and self massage), and healing exercises dating from the western Han dynasty excavated at Mawangdui in Changsha, Hunan

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Although there are no Chinese versions of the three major medical dictionaries of the Indian Āyurveda, many texts of the Indian medical literature have been translated into Chinese. In the period of the Northern Dynasty, the Chinese Dharma branch translated 20 volumes of *Bo luo tian men* (*Brahman Astronomy*) and *Wu ming lun* (*Treatise on Five Fields of Knowledge*); (this includes "firstly, Treatise on Sound; secondly, Treatise on Prescription; thirdly, Treatise on Technique; fourthly, Treatise on Curse; fifthly, Treatise on Seal"), for Yuwen Hu. During the Southern Liang Dynasty, Ruan Xiaoxu's *Qi lu* (*Seven Collections*) records 10 volumes of *Mo he qu hu guo fang* (*Journey of Mo hu to Hu Countries*). Compiled by Maha Hu monk, this appears to be a foreign medical book from the name of the compiler and the book. One volume of *Za Rong Di fang* (*Miscellaneous Notes on the Rong and Di (tribes)*) was compiled by Emperor Wu of the Song Dynasty, and contained medicinal prescriptions from nations in the Western Regions or surrounding areas of the Northwest. Volume XXXIV entitled *Jing ji zhi san* (*Third Record to Religious Texts*) of *Sui shu* (*Book of the Sui Dynasty*), describes over 10 medical books of India and the Western Regions, including four volumes of *Longshu Pusa yao fang* (*Nagarjuna Medicinal Prescriptions*), 23 volumes of *Xiyu zhu xian suo shuo yao fang* (*Medicinal Prescriptions of Fairies in the Western Regions*), (one volume of catalogue and 25 volumes of texts), 10 volumes of *Xiang shan xian ren yao fang* (*Medicinal Prescriptions of Nine Fairies of Fragrant Mountain*), three volumes of *Xi yu bo luo xian ren fang* (*Medicinal Prescriptions of the Bodhisattva Nagarjuna*), four volumes of *Xiyu mingyi suo ji yao fang* (*Invaluable Prescriptions Collected by Famous Doctors in the Western Regions*) (12 volumes of texts), 20 volumes of *Bo luo men zhu xian yao fang* (*Medicinal Prescriptions of Brahman Fairies*), five volumes of *Bo luo men yao fang* (*Medicinal Prescriptions of Brahman*), two volumes of *Qipo suo shu xian ren ming lun fang* (*Prescriptions for Immortals Described by Jīvaka*) (one volume of catalogue and three volumes of texts), 10 volumes of *Gan da li zhi gui fang* (*Gāndhārī Recipes to Treat Demons*), four volumes of *Xin lu gan da li zhi gui fang* (*the Newly Recorded Gāndhārī Recipes to Treat Demons*) (five volumes of texts and errors), two volumes of *Longshu pusa he xiang fa* (*Methods of the Bodhisattva Nāgārjuna for Compounding Perfumes*) and one volume of *Longshu pusa yang xing fang* (*Bodhisattva Nāgārjuna's Prescription for Spiritual Cultivation*). Like *Mo he qu hu guo fang* (*Journey of Mohe to Hu Countries*), this batch of medical books must be

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and air." Volume XXI of Wang Tao's *Wai tai mi yao fang* (*Medical Secrets from the Royal Library*) which was written during the Tang Dynasty, copies the contents of *Tianzhu jing lun yan* (*Indian Sutras and Shastras on Ophthalmology*). This was interpreted by Hu monks in the Western Regions to the Daoist priest Xie. Many theoretical sections of Indian Buddhist medicine could be witnessed in traditional Chinese literature unearthed from Dunhuang. P2115V of Dunhuang ms., *Zhang Zhongjing wu zang lun* (*Treatise on the Five Viscera of Zhang Zhongjing*) (Book A) quoted the exposition of sutras that "health is based on four elements and five *skandhas*, and abnormality of one element will lead to 100 diseases." P3655, *Ming dang wu zang lun* (*Treatise on the Five Viscera of Mingtang*) had the sentence that "the human body is composed of four elements and lives on five cereals." P2675, *Xin ji bei ji jiu jing* (*New Collective Moxibustion Techniques for Emergency*) adopted the theory that "health is based on four elements, and abnormality of one vein will lead to 100 diseases." The common phrase "abnormality of one element" in Indian Buddhist medical theory was changed into the typical traditional Chinese phrase "abnormality of one vein." Moreover, Daoist classics and divination literature also adopted the concept of "abnormalities of four elements" and "404 diseases" of the Indian sutras.

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The transition from "abnormality of one element" to "abnormality of one vein", or "abnormality of one *qi* (air)" in traditional Chinese classics and Dunhuang literature reflects that some traditional Chinese physicians (cum Buddhists) recognised and accepted certain practices of the Indian Buddhist medical theories. Their acceptance was, however, not based on total imitation; rather they applied it as a model for transforming and improving its application by adding core elements of local culture consciously within the outer shell of imported foreign culture. Through the transition from "one element" to "one vein" or "one *qi*", traditional Chinese physicians linked the traditional pathogenesis theory with the Buddhist pathogenesis theory. Furthermore, it must be noted that the terms such as "one change translated Chinese versions and their translation, introduction and communication are consistent with the eastern spread of Indian religion. The famous catalogue of Chinese medical books entitled *Riben guo jian zai shu mu lu* (*Catalogue of Books Extant in Japan*), compiled by Fujiwara no Sukeyo (828-898) lists several kinds of medical books with names of Bodhisattva Nāgārjuna and Jīvaka, thus indicating influence of some elements of Indian medicine.

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For example, there is one volume with the title *Longshu pusa he xiang fa* (*Methods of the Bodhisattva Nāgārjuna for Compounding Perfumes*), one volume of Jīvaka on *Qipo fu lingsan fang* (*Decomposed Recipes of Poria*), 12 volumes of Jīvaka entitled *Qipo mai jue* (*Qipo on Impulse*) (annotated by Shi Luoshi) and one volume of *Longshu pusa yan jing* (*Bodhisattva Nāgārjuna’s Classic on Eyes*), one volume of *Longshu pusa yinfa* (*Bodhisattva Nāgārjuna’s Indian Method*) and one volume of *Longshu pusa ma ming pusa mi fa* (*Secret Methods of Bodhisattva Aśvaghoṣa and Bodhisattva Nāgārjuna*). Besides these books which were translated directly into Chinese, some Indian medical books were translated into medical texts in dialects of Xinjiang areas. *Bao wei er xie ben* (*Bower Manuscript*), *Yi li qing hua* (*Siddhasra*) and *Qipo shu* (*Jīvaka-pustaka*) are characteristic examples of such translation. Moreover, all Tibetan medical books containing some “medical knowledge and application” from the Great Sutra are translated from Indian texts, while Tibetan medical classics and literature including *Si bu yi dian* (*Standard Medical Texts in Four Parts*) and *Yue wang yao zhen* (*Medicine Treasures of Moon King*) also contain rich Indian medical knowledge. Translated classics/sutras too are comprehensive in content and provide extensive medical knowledge. In Buddhist Tripitakas, there are sutras expounding medicines or subjects related to it.

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These primarily include *Fo shuo Fo yi jing* (*Buddhavidya Sūtra*), *Fo shuo yi yu jing* (*Bhaiśjya Upamāna Sūtra*), *Fo shuo liao zhi jing* (*Buddhist Sūtra Explaining the Treatment of Haemorrhoids*), *Qian shou qian yan guan shi yin pu sa zhi bing he yao jing* (*Sutra on the Use of Medicinal Herbs for Healing by the Thousand-eyed and Thousand-handed Avalokiteśvara*), *Fo shuo wen shi xi yu zhong seng jing* (*Sūtra on Jīva’s Inviting Many Priests to Wash Themselves in a Bath-House*), *Yan shou ming jing* (*Sūtra on Life Extension*), *Yan Jiu ji jing* (*Sūtra on Curing Diseases*), *Shen mi yao fa jing* (*Sūtra on the Hidden and Important Law of Meditation*), *Fo shuo tai bao jing* (*Garbha Sūtra*), *Chu yi qie ji bing da luo ni jing* (*Sarvarogapraśamani Dhāranī Sūtra*), *Fo shuo chu kong zai huan jing* (*Sūtra on Eliminating Disasters and Diseases Preached by Buddha*), *Jia ye xian ren shuo yi ji nu ren jing* (*Sūtra on Obstetrics Spoken by the Sage Kāśyapa*), *Wu fen lu: yao fa* (*Vinaya of the Five Categories: Medical Methods*), *Mo he send zhi lu: Ming za tong ba qu fa* (*Mahasangha-vinaya: Vagga Methods*), *Si fen lu: yao jian du* (*Vinaya of the Four Categories: Medical Khandha*), *Shi tong lu: ji yao fa* (*Ten Vinaya Recitations: Medical Methods*), *Jin guang ming jing: Chu bing pin* (*Sūtra of Golden Light: On Eliminating Diseases*), *Jin guang ming zui sheng wang jing: chu bing pin* (*Suvarnaprabha-sottamaraja: On Eliminating Diseases*) and so on.

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In the process of seeking Buddhist learning from India or in participating in sutra translation, Chinese Buddhist monks recorded some Indian medical contents in their works. The eminent monk Yi Jing seeking Dharma in the Tang Dynasty discussed medical contents in three chapters of volume III in *Nan hai ji hui nei fa zhuan* (*An Account of the Inner Law Sent Home from the South Sea*) ie “Disease Sources”, “Methods to Take Medicines” and “Medicines Eliminating Diseases”. Yi Jing acquired the knowledge of medicine in India’s Nalanda Monastery and the contents such as “Sutra on Medicine preached by Bhagavant” were authentic Indian medical knowledge which provided accurate and new information to Chinese scholars.

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Medicine of the ethnic Tibetans from China, Materia Medica in four parts, preserved in the museum at Lhasa in Tibet

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Traditional Chinese “herbalism” witnessed extensive development in the Tang Dynasty. Sun Simiao quoted the theory of the great Indian doctor ‘Jīvaka’ in Volume I in *Qian jin yi fang* (*Supplement to Invaluable Prescriptions for Ready Reference*) that “all things under heaven are medicines.” Undoubtedly, the thought that all things were medicines largely broadened the vision of doctors. Many Indian medicines entered China, and Indian studies on herbs were translated into Chinese. During the Tang period, Indian Master Dharmacandra (called Fa Yue in Chinese) “was proficient in Tripitaka and had good knowledge of medicine.” Volume XIV of Yuan Zhao’s *Zhenyan xin ding shi jiao mu lu* (*Catalogue of Buddhist Teachings Newly Established in the Zhenyuan Era*) records that Dharmacandra arrived in Chang’an in the 20th year of Kaiyuan Reign (732 CE), “offered astrology, medical prescriptions, palm-leaf scriptures, herbals and sutras as tributes. His disciple, Monk Li Yan translated *Fang yao* (*Prescriptions*) and *Ben cao* (*Herbals*) sutras with his master, for the emperor.” This was because properties of Hu medicines were little known in China, and the medical circles especially needed to know the characters of these foreign medicines, judge their authenticity, compare them with local medicines, and add them to the daily used medical books.

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A large quantity of medicines were recorded and applied in Chinese medicine from Su Jing’s *Xin xiu ben cao* (*Newly Revised Materia Medica*), Chen Cangqi’s *Ben cao shi yi* (*Compendium of Materia Medica*), Zheng Qian’s *Hu ben cao* (*Hu Materia Medica*) in the Tang Dynasty, Li Xun’s *Hai yao ben cao* (*Overseas Materia Medica*) in the Five Dynasties, Su Song’s *Ben cao tu jing* (*Illustrated Classics of Materia Medica*) and Tang Shenwei’s *Zheng lei ben cao* (*Classified Materia Medica*) in the Song Dynasty to Li Shizhen’s *Ben cao gang mu* (*Compendium of Materia Medica* in the Ming Dynasty. India’s ‘piperis longi’, ‘haritaki’, ‘terminalia billerica’, asafoetida, amlaphala, borneol oil, litharge, refined sugar, rhinoceros horn, radix curcumae, sal ammoniac, logwood, birthwort root, dipterocarpaceae, mastic, spica nardi and various kinds of aromatic drugs, were widely used in traditional Chinese herbal and prescription classics and some of them became common traditional Chinese medicines without foreign colourings. From the Han dynasty, the trade in medicine between India and China had continued without any interruption. This provided necessary material foundations for the development of India-China exchanges in medical sciences.

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A large quantity of Indian medical prescriptions and skills (such as Indian massage methods and ophthalmological gold needle techniques etc) were preserved in Sun Simiao’s *Bei ji qian jin yao fang* (*Valuable Prescriptions for Emergency*) and *Qianjin yi fang* (*Supplement to Invaluable Prescriptions for Ready Reference*), Wang Tao’s *Wai tai mi yao fang* (*Medical Secrets from the Royal Library*), Tanba Yasuyori’s (Japan) *Ji xin fang* (*Essence of Medical Prescriptions*) and in several other works written by Chinese physicians of later generations. They have preserved innumerable Indian medical prescriptions and methods of treatment (for example, India’s method for anesthesia and golden needle for ophthalmology). These provide an important testimony to exchanges in the medical field between India and China. Knowledge of Indian medicines also spread to China through Persia and Arabia. For example, in the Tang Dynasty, Sanlejiang (three forces liquid) syrup “via Persia” originated from three fruit medicines (‘harītakī’, ‘terminalia billerica’ and ‘amlaphala’) in India. There were multiple Indian medicines and prescriptions in the Islamic medicine book named *Hui hui yao fang* (*Prescriptions of Hui*) which was translated in the late Yuan Dynasty and the early Ming Dynasty. Particular attention must also be paid to the exchanges in medical sciences through a third country providing the bridge.

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(Rediscovery of the lost) Compendium of Medical Herbs

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Handed down from generation to generation, many anecdotes and stories of ancient Indian medical experts, especially Jīvaka and Nagarjuna exist in China. Evidence of many eminent foreign monks who were proficient in medicine are also available. They include An Shigao, Dharmakāla, Kumārajīva, Buddhayaśas, Dharmakṣema, Guṇabhadra, Ratnamati, Jñānagupta, Prajnā, Bodhiruci, Atikuta, Divākara, Devaprajnā, Amogha and Vajrabodhi. Some of them came from India, taught medicine and made valuable contributions to the spread of the science of healing in China through the translation and communication of Indian medical texts.

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During the Sui and Tang period, there was also much development in alchemy and multiple methods of making a variety of chemical compounds for medicine. The Daoist alchemy not only used many medicines from India but also attracted many rasāyana masters and alchemists from foreign countries. Elderly Indian Brahmin rasāyana masters Nārāyanasvāmin and Lokāditya came to China in the era of Emperor Taizong and Emperor Gaozong in the Tang Dynasty. Alchemist Nārāyanasvāmin made macrobiosis/longevity medicines in Jinbiaomen. The chief of the Chinese military, Cui Dunli supervised him and ordered people in the country to collect rare medicines and innumerable precious stones to help him make the drugs. The Medicines were made eventually, but they were found to be ineffective, so he was repatriated. According to Italian scholar Antonino Forte’s study, the elderly Brāhmaṇa *rasāyana* master who held the ordination ceremony for Kang Fazang was Śākyamitra from Sri Lanka. Śākyamitra lived with Lu jia a yi duo (Ajita) in Penglai Palace and Kang Fazang was one of the participants in the medicine-making activities in the palace. Śākyamitra who visited Wutai Mountain and Zhi Falin who came from Lingshi County, Fenzhou to collect saltpeter were the same person. According to the investigation of He Bingyu, Du Gutao who was the author of *Dan fang jian yuan* (*Alchemical Sources*) was a foreign pharmaceutical dealer in the late Tang Dynasty (or the Southern Tang Dynasty), and had excellent proficiency in alchemy. These alchemists living in China came from India, Sri Lanka and Central Asia (for example, Kang Fazang) and each of them undoubtedly introduced some Indian alchemical methods to China. On the one hand, Chinese Daoists absorbed and transformed contents of foreign medicines and on the other, they also propagated Daoist medical knowledge (especially alchemy) outside China. The gold medicines refined by the Daoists were frequently sought by the Hun people (Hun merchants), who purchased and sold it among Hun countries in the Western Regions, thus spreading some alchemical technologies to India, Persia and the Arab world and influencing foreign medicines. The medical text of Siddha in South India in particular records that there were two Chinese Daoists (Bogar and Puëipari/Pulipanni) among 18 Siddhars (saints). Relations between Tamil alchemy and Daoism reflect mutual communication of ancient India-China alchemy and deserves much further research.

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Exchanges in the field of Mathematics and Metrology

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Both Ancient India and China possessed excellent advanced knowledge of mathematics. The Vedas are a repository of the most ancient Indian mathematics. *Sheng fa jing* (*Sulba Sutra* or *Śulbasūtra*) is the most important classic on mathematics in India. This includes geometric contents, questions in algebraic calculus in architecture as well as approximation of circumference ratio. There is a symbol representing the number zero on a 9ᵗʰ century stone tablet in Gwalior, India. The external spread of Indian numerical codes via Arabia is also one of the important contributions in the history of mathematics in the world. Liu Ping, the scholar who participated in the translations of sutras in Dharmagupta's translation institute in the Sui Dynasty was proficient in mathematics and compiled one volume on *Nei wai bang tong bi jiao shu fa* [*Internal-external Mastery and Comparison with Mathematics* (or *External-internal Mastery and Comparison with Mathematics*)]. This sums up mathematical names and calculation methods in sutras translated into Chinese and compares them with the corresponding Chinese units and numbers ie "adopted mathematical methods in sutras to compare with the Eastern Xia" so that Indian mathematical terms and numbers in the process of sutra translation could be standardised. This book can be regarded as the first work related to the study on comparison of India-China algorithm. The Indian calendar calculation works, which were introduced in China before the Tang Dynasty, included three volumes of *Po luo men sun fa* (*Brahman Algorithm*), one volume of *Po luo men yin yang suan li* (*Brahman Yin-yang Calculation Calendar*) and three volumes of *Po luo men suan jing* (*Brahman Calculation Sutra*), which were recorded in *Sui Shu: Jing ji zhi* (*Book of the Sui Dynasty: Records on Sutras*). During the Tang Dynasty, an Indian astronomer based in China, Gautama Siddhartha, compiled 120 volumes of *Kai yuan zhan jing* (*Classic of Astrology in the Kaiyuan Period*) and part of Jiu zhi li (*Jiuzhi Calendar*) (ie Volume 104 Algorithm) recorded nine numerical codes in Indian algorithm and decimal null/invalid point symbols. Gautama Siddhartha also introduced the Indian mathematical knowledge of taking measurements with an arc and sine function table at the interval of 3°45′. This was a significant contribution in the history of exchanges between India and China in mathematics. Commenting on Indian astronomical algorithms, the *Xin tang shu* (*New Book of the Tang Dynasty*) in its Volume XXVIII, writes that "calculation was written in characters (written calculation) rather than in a planned manner. Algorithm was so complicated, the accurate number may be obtained through luck, but it cannot be regarded as proper standard method. Astronomical algorithms were so confused that they could not be explained on first sight." These derogatory words showed that ancient Chinese scholars could not understand the Indian astronomical algorithms profoundly.

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Ancient Indian knowledge in metrology spread through the translated sutras. In the Wu state during the Three Kingdoms Period, in the translation of the Indian Tripitaka's *Mo deng jia jing* (*Matangi Sutra*), Zhu Luyan and Zhi Qian in their chapter VI entitled 'Observing Disaster and Auspiciousness' records Indian jin and liang algorithms. This includes the conversion relations among weight units such as wheat, soybean, Suvarna, 'zhu', 'liang', 'jin', 'Para', 'cuo', 'ju', 'bo xi ta', Magadha 'Bo xi ta a' and so on. The *Matangi Sutra* also provided information regarding methods of division and calculation of distance – li and you *xun* (*yojana*) as well as of using a water clock for measuring time, length of day and night and seasons. The other translated version of *Mo deng jia jing* (*Matangi Sutra*) entitled *She tou jian tai ze er shi ba su jing* (*Sutra on Twenty Eight Constellations Remonstrated with the Prince*), (translated by Indian Dharmaraksa in the Western Jin Dynasty) narrates in a much more detailed manner, the distance measurement in yojana and *li*, and the knowledge of distinguishing tastes and cereals. Methods of writing and remembering large and small numbers in *sutras* also had some influence on China. The *Suan xue qi meng* (*Enlightenment of Mathematics*) by Zhu Shijie, a mathematician of the Yuan Dynasty, recorded the Indian maximal numbers such as “sands of the Ganges”, *asamkhya*, *na yu ta*, “incredible” and “numerous”, and the minimal numbers such as “sand”, “dust”, “dirt”, “tiny”, “insignificant”, “vague”, “prowl”, “instant”, “moment”, “fillip”, “ksana”, “six virtues”, “voidness”, “emptiness”, “clearness”, “purity” and so on.

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British scholar Joseph Needham and Chinese scholar Qian Baocong thought that ancient Indian mathematics was also influenced by China. In *Zhong guo shu xue shi* (*A History of Chinese Mathematics*), Qian Baocong listed 14 kinds of evidence including place value digitals, four arithmetic operations, fraction, three columns, arch area and ball volume, simultaneous linear equations, negative number, Pythagorean proposition, circumference ratio, method of double differences, linear congruence, indefinite equation, extraction of root and the method of making the sine table to prove that Indian mathematics was influenced by Chinese mathematics. Indian scholar B S Yadav thought that historically both India and China had substantial exchanges in mathematics but similar computational problems such as folding bamboo and ball volume equation in Chinese and Indian mathematical works do not fully explain the nature of mutual exchange. The issue of mutual exchange and influence between ancient Chinese and Indian mathematics needs further extensive probing.

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Exchanges in the Field of Technology

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**i) Fagoted Iron Forging:** As a kind of high-quality steel product, fagoted iron was a significant item in the history of India-China exchanges in technology. Metallurgical techniques in ancient India were rather developed. The “Delhi Iron Pillar” forged in about the 4ᵗʰ century is a typical representative example of this technology. As far as steel-making technologies are concerned, India developed a kind of ultra-high carbon steel, namely the Wootz steel, which was produced after refinement in a cauldron. Later introduced in areas of ancient Persia, Damascus (Syria) and Europe, this was widely known as “Indian iron”. The Sanskrit name of fagoted iron was “pina” as mentioned in Li yan’s *Fan yu za ming* (*Miscellaneous Names in Sanskrit*) compiled in the Tang Dynasty. Hui Lin points out in volume XXXV of the book, *Yi qie jing yin yi* (*Sounds and Meanings of All the Sutras*), that the “fagoted iron came from Kophen (present Kashmir) and foreign countries mixed it with other iron. This was refined and superior to other iron.” The *Wei shu: Xi yu zhuan* (*Book of the Wei Dynasty: Legend of the Western Regions*) notes in general that Persian products included fagoted iron and the earliest record appeared in the literature on the history of the Han Dynasty. Records related to fagoted iron in *Zhou shu* (*Book of the Zhou Dynasty*) and the *Sui shu* (*Book of the Sui Dynasty*) are, however, earlier than that of *Wei shu* (*Book of the Wei Dynasty*). Following the records in early Chinese literature, it can be said that the central plains of China began to learn about the foreign fagoted iron sourced from Persia and Caoguo (same as Jibin/ Kapisha/ Kashmir) in the Northern and Southern Dynasties. Among the translated *sutras*, the earliest reference to fagoted iron is found in *Bu kong juan suo zhou jing* (*Amoghapasha Hridaya Sutra*) translated by Indian Tripitakacharya Jñanagupta in the Sui Dynasty. It says that. “If one’s curses need to be broken, his or her image shall be made with flour, mud or max, and then fagoted iron shall be used as a knife to cut it.” The word “fagoted” had two meanings – firstly, it was the transliteration of a loan word; secondly, it was iron from Jibin (Kashmir). According to Indian Tantric literature such as *Ta luo ni ji jing* (*Dharani-samuccaya Sutra*) translated by Indian Tripitakacharya Atigupta, fagoted iron was used to make Buddhist instruments including vajra pestle with metals such as gold, silver, red copper and tin etc. Yuan Zhen, a poet in the Tang Dynasty, wrote in his poem *Feng he che xi da fu Li Deyu shu meng si shi yun* (*Forty Verses Describing Dreams to Respond to the Scholar-official of West Zhejiang Li Deyu*) that “diamond drill cuts jade and fagoted iron sword peels feathers” which meant that knives and swords made from fagoted iron were very sharp.

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Iron Pillar in New Delhi

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According to the studies of Qian Wei, a scholar of history of metallurgy, the *Jin tai zu shi lu* (*Authentic Records of Emperor Taizu of Jin*) mentions that “Liao used fagoted iron as its state title although it was hard, it would finally be destroyed.” This however, cannot be regarded as the definitive evidence of Khitan people having grasped the forging technology for preparation of this kind of special steel. This may have been fabricated by the Jin people. The establishment of a “Fagoted Iron Bureau” in the Yuan Dynasty is recorded in the *Yuan shi: xuan ju zhi san* (*History of the Yuan Dynasty: Record of Election III*). The use of the name “fagoted iron”, however, cannot be truly regarded as evidence of the introduction of this metallurgical technology in China. It may have been used to manage Semu ironsmiths from Central and West Asia. In view of the lack of reliable evidence of fagoted iron production in the Central Plains of China, new knowledge on the development of metallurgy arising out of archaeological excavations in Xinjiang provide more valuable evidence on sources and expansion of fagoted iron technology. According to Shen Maoshang’s *Si yi kuang ji* (*Extensive Records of Four Borders*), fagoted iron was made in Huozhou, Xinjiang (present-day Hala), about 70 li to the west of Liucheng and 30 li to the east of Turfan. Huozhou offered fagoted iron knives and files, as well as various kinds of clasp knives and diamond drill as tribute. Fagoted iron was also made in Hami Region, Xinjiang during the Ming period, and there were iron ores which could be used to refine it. The “fagoted iron was made from whetstone, also known as “iron stone” and it was obtained by cutting the stone,” (also referred to Official Records of Hami). The *Si yi kuang ji* (*Extensive Records of Four Borders*) mentions that Bengal (ie undivided Bengal region) also made fagoted iron knives. Fagoted iron products are recorded more extensively in the Ming Dynasty. Cao Zhao’s *Ge gu yao lun* (*Important Theory of Assessing Antiques*) notes that it came from the Western Regions and its surface had spiral and sesame snowflake-like patterns. Polished fagoted iron knives and swords can be verified by their spun golden alum pattern, while the fake ones are distinguishable by their black colour. Fang Yizhi in Volume VII of his *Wuli xiao zhi* (*Physics Knowledge*) also refers to the same method for verification.

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**ii) Glaze Firing** Chinese characters meaning “Glaze” can be written in many ways like吠琉璃, 鞞瑠璃, 昆瑠璃, 流离 and吠努璃野 is the transliteration of Sanskrit word *vaidurya*. In sutras, it is generally regarded as one of seven treasures (that consisted of gold, silver, glaze, glass, tridacna, red pearl and agate), most of which came from the Western

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A snuff bottle of Qing Period with flowers interlocked with scroll design

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Regions. The *Wu du fu* (*Wu Capital Rhapsody*) which was written by Zuo Si (whose style name was Taichong) in the Western Jin dynasty mentions that “glaze and jade are precious”. Volume XI of *Yi qie jing yin yi* (*Sounds and Meanings of All Sutras*) written by Hui Lin in the Tang Dynasty refers to it as “natural treasure in dark green, clear and bright, which cannot be refined by the common stones and fires in the world.” The technology for firing glaze was introduced in China from the Western Regions in the period of the Northern and Southern Dynasties. Volume CII entitled *Legend of the Western Regions* of the *Wei shu* (*Book of the Wei Dynasty*) records the following in the time of Northern Wei’s Emperor Tuoba Tao. "(Emperor Shizu) was on the throne, one man from the Kushana country (Great Yueshi Country) did business in the capital. He could cast stone into a five-coloured glaze. He demonstrated it in the capital by collecting ores from the mountains and casting it on the stone. The casting was successful and the end product was brighter and more beautiful than the western glaze. He was then summoned to the imperial palace which could hold over 100 people and all were surprised to see its bright colours and thought that it was made by god. From then on, the Chinese glaze was considered inferior and people didn’t value it.” The technology for firing glaze was introduced into Luoyang from the Great Kushana Empire in the northwest of India and Central Asia, during the Northern Wei Dynasty. It thus appears to have certainly originated in India. Five-coloured glazes fired with this technology can be favourably compared with the ones imported from the western regions. From the Northern Wei Dynasty to the prosperous Tang Dynasty, Chinese craftsmen gradually mastered the art of making fake and imitation glazes. Volume XVIII of *Yi qie* jing yin yi (*Sounds and Meanings of All Sutras*) points out that “glazes are blue/ green treasures, and there are authentic and fake ones. It is difficult to obtain authentic glazes which are made by foreign countries. Fake glazes are refined from stone in the country and dyed into five colours.” From then on, glazes became an essential component of decoration and have been found fused in the construction of palaces, temples, mausoleums and other such representative architecture of ancient and modern China. The technology for firing glaze developed then has more or less remained the same till the present time.

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iii) **Sugar-making Technology:** The origin and development of technology for manufacturing sugar is one of the most representative successful examples of mutual exchanges and interaction between India and China. Professor Ji Xianlin’s *History of Sugar Cane* is a wonderful work describing significance of the technology of cane sugar making in China’s exchanges with the outside world. India was one of the original producers of cane sugar and had a highly

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*Recreating the Tang scenery (recorded in Ming Dynasty’s Song Yingxing)*

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developed technology for making sugar. India’s famous medical classic, *Śuśruta-samhita* (*Sha wen ben ji*) and the definitive treatise on government, *Artha-sastra* (*Li lun*) refer to the existence of five types of sugar named according to different colours and purities. In Buddhist Vinaya literature translated into Chinese, various varieties of ancient Indian sugar and its application in daily life are recorded. The term cane sugar (‘gan su’ 甘蔗) is written in several ways in Chinese literature, eg 'gan zhe竿蔗’, 'shu zhe 薯蔗’, 'zhu zhe诸蔗’, 'zhu zhe诸柘’, 'zhu zhe竹蔗’, 'du zhe杜蔗’ and 'du zhe 都蔗’ etc. These transliterated words explain its origin in foreign countries. Chinese sugar probably appeared in an era between the Three Kingdoms and the Tang Dynasty or the Southern and Northern Dynasties. Volume IV entitled ‘Legend of Xuanzang’ in Dao Xuan’s book, *Xu gao ceng zhuan* (*Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks*) written in the early Tang Dynasty, refers to Tang Emperor Taizong’s dispatch of Wang Xuance to India as an envoy who “recruited monks of Bodhi Temple as sugar craftsmen. Two craftsmen and eight monks

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