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On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, 629–645 A.D. v2.c23: Chapter XVIII

On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, 629–645 A.D. v2.c23

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Contents

Chapter XVIII

v2.c23.1

TSAO-KU-T'A.

v2.c23.2

At the end of *Chuan* XI the pilgrim tells us that from Fa-la-na he continued his journey north-west, crossed mountains and wide river-courses, passed small towns, and emerging from India after a journey of above 2000 *li*, reached the country of Tsao-ku-t'a. The next *Chuan* begins by describing this country as being above 7000 *li* in circuit and its capital *Ho-si-na* as being above 30 *li* in circuit; there was another capital named *Ho-sa-lo* of the same extent with *Ho-si-na*, and these two cities had strong elevated situations. The mountains with their river-courses stood high;¹ the cultivated lands had a high brisk situation; the crops were regular; early wheat was abundant, and vegetation was prolific; the land produced saffron and asa-fœtida; the latter plant grew in the valley of the *Lo-mo-yin-tu*. In the city *Ho-sa-lo* there were springs from which issued streams of water which the farmers used for irrigation. The climate was very cold, and frost and snow abounded; the people were excitable and deceitful; they were fond of accomplishments and were clever without intelligence (but according to B and D texts, without excellence); their writing and their spoken language differed from those of other countries. They paid worship to gods and also reverenced Buddha, the Canon, and the Order; there were some hundreds of monasteries, and there were above 10 000 Brethren all Mahāyānists. The reigning king, who was a hereditary sovereign, was a true believer in Buddhism and was intelligent and studious. In this country there were above ten topes erected by Asoka; of Deva-Temples there were some tens; the adherents of the various systems lived pell-mell, but the Tirthikas (wai-tao) were in the majority, and their disciples were very numerous; they worshipped the Shu (or Chu)-na deva who had come from Mount Aruṇa in Kapis to the Shu-na-hi-lo mountain in the south of this country.

v2.c23.3

¹ "The mountains with their river-courses stood high." The original here is *shan-chuan-yin-lin* (山川 嶔嶙), that is "mountains and rivers (or river-courses) of great elevation". But instead of *yin-lin* some texts have the reading *yin-chên* (隱 軫) making the clause mean "there is a succession of hill and valley". In this description as in several other passages of the Records it is not clear whether the pilgrim uses *chuan* in its classical sense of a large river, or to denote a river-course or valley.

v2.c23.4

According to the narrative in the Life here the pilgrim journeyed from Fa-la-na (Varana?) north-west to A-po-kan, and thence again north-west on to Tsao-ku-t'a. In the T'ang-Shu it is from Pitāśilā, and not from Varana, that the journey is made over mountains and across river-courses for 2000 *li* north-west to the Tsao-ku-t'a country.¹ The native annotator to our text tells us that another name for this country was Tsao-li (漕利). From other sources we learn that in the time of T'ang-Chung-Tsung it was also called Ha-ta-lo-chi (訶達羅支), and that the T'ang Empress Wu caused this to be changed for Sie-yuh (謝䫻), the name used in the T'ang-Shu. The Ho-si-na of our pilgrim's description has been identified with the modern city Ghazni, but more correctly perhaps with the old city Zabal near Ghazni in Afghanistan, and the river La-mo-yin-tu has been identified with the Helmand. But it will be noted that the distance from the valley of the Gumal to Ghazni is much less than 2000 *li* (about 400 miles). Cunningham, who adopts Saint Martin's identification of Ho-si-na, makes the second capital Ho-sa-lo, in the T'ang-Shu called A-sha-ni, to be the modern Guzra or Gusaristan on the Helmand.² The name Tsao (or Ts'ao)-kü-t'a is explained by Cunningham in his usual manner by taking Tsao as the Turki pronunciation of Ra, and Kuta as agreeing with the last two syllables of Sarasvati, Haraqaiti, and the Greek Arachotos, and we thus see that Tsaokuṭa corresponds exactly with the Arachosia of Greek writers. But as the first character of the name was also read Chao (or Cho), we may without doing violence to the Chinese characters restore the word as Jāguḍa, the name of a country famous for its saffron and also a name for saffron. The reader will remember that the "Saffron Tope" at the Bodhi Tree was originally erected by the leader of a caravan from Tsao-ku-t'a. This country, as the pilgrim intimates, was outside of India, and the Fang-chih rudely calls it a Hu (胡) or Tartar region. About the time of our pilgrim's visit there were dwelling in it Turks and people from Kashmir and Tokhara.

v2.c23.5

¹ Ch. 221; Ma T. l. ch. 337.

v2.c23.6

² Julien, III, p. 415; A. G. I. p. 39. See also "Afghanistan and its inhabitants", tr. Priestley p. 12.

v2.c23.7

The story of how the god Shuna (or Chuna) went to mount Aruna in Kapis, and on being treated with discourtesy by the god of that mountain, left it for the Shunahila (or Chunaśira) in this country, is told in the first chuan of the Records, and in Ch. IV of the present work. Our pilgrim reports this god as being held in great awe, as having rich offerings presented to him and prayers made to him, not only by the inhabitants of Tsao-Ku-t'a but also by votaries of all classes from other countries.

Fu-Li-Shih-Sa-T'Ang-Na

v2.c23.s1.1

The narrative in the Records proceeds to relate that from Tsao-ku-t'a Yuan-chuang travelled north for more than 500 li to Fu-li-shih-sa-t'ang-na. This country is described as being above 2000 li from east to west and 1000 li from north to south; its capital called Hu-pi-na was above 20 li in circuit. The country and its people were like Tsao-ku-t'a but with a different language; the climate was cold and the people were violent; their king was a Turk and a zealous Buddhist.

v2.c23.s1.2

From this district, the pilgrim proceeds, he travelled north-east over mountains and across rivers, passing some tens of small frontier towns of Kapis to the Po-lo-se-na range of the Great Snow Mountains. This he describes as an exceedingly high range with steep, narrow, winding paths, and precipices that overlap. One passes from deep ravine to steep cliff; it is very cold even in midsummer; you cut your steps in the ice; and a climb of three days brings you to the top of the Pass. A cold wind blows fiercely while massed snow fills the ravines; travellers may not make a halt; even the birds in their migrations cannot continue their flight here and have to descend and walk. As you look down on the hills below they seem mere mounds. This is the highest mountain in Jambudvīpa; it is absolutely tree-less, there is only a forest of rocky peaks.

v2.c23.s1.3

The *Fu-li-shih-t'ang-na* of this passage has been tentatively restored by Julien as Vrijisthāna, and St. Martin restoring the name as Vardasthāna has identified the country with that of the Vardaks (Wardaks) about 40 miles north of Ghazni.¹ This restoration seems to be impossible and Julien’s suggestion is interesting but doubtful. Cunningham identifies the country with the Kabul district and restores the pilgrim’s name for it as Urddhasthāna, a restoration in favour of which nothing can be said.² Then St. Martin identifies the capital of this country, *Hu-pi-na*, with the modern Hupian or Opian, while Cunningham restores the name as Kophene and makes the city to be Kabul. In the D text of the Life the country is called *Fo-li-shih* (佛栗氏)-sthāna, and in the other texts we have *Fo-li-shih-kuo* and *Sa-t'ang-na* (sthāna)-kuo. The insertion of *kuo*, "country" after *Fo-li-shih* is probably due to a copyist or printer, but this transcription does not seem to suit the restoration Vrijisthāna. The T'ang-Shu, quoting the pilgrim’s account, writes the name of the country as it is in the texts of the Records, but in other passages the historian seems to call the country *Hu-shih-kien* (護時健).³ This term perhaps represents a word like Gozkand, and it may give the local and popular name, while our pilgrim uses the designation employed by the Buddhist Brethren. It is in favour of the restoration Vrijisthāna that the three characters which make Vriji here are those used by Yuan-chuang to transcribe this word as the name of the Vṛiji or Vajjian people who lived in the Vesāli country. But Yule takes the transcription of the present passage to be possibly for Parāchisthāna, the Parāchis being one of the many tribes which inhabited the villages and districts of Kabul at the time of Baber.¹ This tribe, which was a distinct race with a language of its own, may have given its name to the district it occupied, but the characters Fu-li-shih cannot be taken to represent Parāchi.

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¹ Julien, III, p. 416.

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² A. G. I. p. 83 ff.

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³ Ch. 221.

v2.c23.s1.7

¹ J. R. A. S. Vol. VI, p. 104, 278.

v2.c23.s1.8

The great mountain here described by the pilgrim with a Pass over it is called by him *P'o-lo-se-na*. This may be for Bālasena or Varasena (Julien), and Yule thinks it is "the Parsiana of Ptolemy". But it is perhaps better to regard it as the book-name in use among the Buddhists in the monasteries. The Pass here described is, according to St. Martin, the Khevāk (Khawak) Pass over the Hindu Kush at the head of the Panjshir valley,² the Khawak or Khawk of our maps.

v2.c23.s1.9

² Julien, *loc. cit.* e. c.; Baber p. 139.

v2.c23.s1.10

It is possible that the *Fu-li-shah* (弗利沙) country mentioned in the *Ta-fang-têng-ta-chi-ching* is the Fu-li-shih-sa-t'ang-na of our passage. The Buddha is represented in the above sūtra as placing his religion and its adherents in Fu-li-sha under the care of certain supernatural beings who accept the responsibility.³

v2.c23.s1.11

³ *Ta-fang-têng-ta-chi-ching*, *ch.* 55 (No. 62).

An-Ta-Lo-Fo (Andarāb)

v2.c23.s2.1

The narrative in the Records, continuing the account of the pilgrim's passage of the *Po-lo-se-na* mountain, states that he was three days descending and comming to *An-ta-lo-fo* (or -fo). This country it describes as being old Tokhara territory above 3000 *li* in circuit its capital being fourteen or fifteen *li* in circuit; and it was under the Turks. The region was a succession of hills with narrow valleys of cultivation; it was extremely cold but very fruitful. The people were violent and without social institutions; they did not acknowledge moral retribution nor honour students, but paid attention to Deva-Temples, and Buddhism had little acceptance. There were three Monasteries with some tens of Brethren of the Mahāsaṅghika school; and there was one Asoka tope.

v2.c23.s2.2

According to the Life the pilgrim went from Vrijisthāna east to the confines of Kapis, where the king of that country made a largesse of seven days' duration. The pilgrim then resumed his journey and after travelling one yojana north-east arrived at the city *Ku-lu-sa-pang* (Gulsafan?); here he parted with the king of Kapis and went on north; after a journey of seven days he arrived at the summit of a mountain which was a medley of cliffs and peaks of all shapes. From this he continued his journey for seven days to a high range on the lowest part of which was a small village occupied by people who reared sheep as large as asses. From the base of this range was a path to another mountain which looked like a mass of snow; it was really white rocks, and on its top the air was piercing cold: there was no vegetation, no one could stand on it and birds could not fly over it. Coming down from this summit by the north-west side the pilgrim travelled for five or six days and reached the *An-ta-lo-fo-p'o* country. This form of the name, which occurs in all the texts of the Life so far as I have seen them, seems to represent an original like Antarabhava. But in all the texts of the Records and in the T'ang-Shu the reading is *An-ta-lo-fo*. The country with this name restored as Antarava (Julien) or Andarāb, is mentioned in the pilgrim's account of his outward journey, and it is evidently the Andarāb of Baber.¹ Yule thinks that the extent given to the district by the pilgrim in this passage is too great,² but we should probably regard the *li* in these mountainous regions as only about 1/3 th or 1/10 th of a mile. The pilgrim, we learn from the Life, made a stay of five days at the city of Andarāb (or Antarabhava).

v2.c23.s2.3

¹ Baber p. 151.

v2.c23.s2.4

² op. c. p. 104.

K'Uo-Si-To (Khost)

v2.c23.s3.1

From Andarāb, the narrative proceeds to relate, the pilgrim going north-west entered a defile, crossed a mountain range, passed several small towns, and after a journey of above 400 *li* came to *K'uo-si-to*. This country, which had been Tokhara territory, was above 3000 *li* and its capital above ten *li* in circuit; and it was subject to the Turks. It had many hills and narrow valleys with very cold winds; it had good crops and abundance of fruits and flowers, but the people were violent and unruly. There were three Monasteries, and a very small number of Brethren.

v2.c23.s3.2

Instead of the "3000 *li*" here given as the circuit of this country the D text has "less than 1000 *li*", which is probably the correct reading. The country has been identified with the old Khost of which Baber writes more pleasantly than our pilgrim.¹

v2.c23.s3.3

¹ Baber p. 151; Yule op. c. p. 104.

Huoh

v2.c23.s4.1

From Khost, the description in the Records continues, the pilgrim going north-west crossed a mountain and a valley, passed several small towns, and after a journey of over 300 *li* reached *Huoh*. This country, which was formerly Tokhara territory, was above 3000 *li* and its capital above twenty *li* in circuit; it had no separate ruler and was under Turkish government. The land was level and farming operations were regular; vegetation flourished and fruits and flowers were exceptionally abundant; the climate was genial, and the people had honest ways but were excitable; they wore garments of thick woollen material (lit. felt and serge); the majority were Buddhists, a few serving the gods. There were above ten monasteries, and some hundreds of Brethren who were attached to both "Vehicles". The king was a Turk who ruled over the small states south of the Iron Pass moving about from one to another without any permanent city of residence.

v2.c23.s4.2

The discription then continues. Eastward from this you enter the Tsung Ling (Onion Range) which is the centre of Jambudvipa; on the south this Range connects with the Great Snow Mountains (the Hindu Kūsh), on the north it reaches to the "Hot sea" and "Thousand Springs", on the west to the Huoh country, and on the east to Wu-sha (烏鎩); in each direction it is some thousands of li and it has some hundreds of cliffs and ridges in a series with sombre inaccessible defiles; here frozen snow was perpetually accumulated and cold winds blew fiercely; the soil produced numerous onions, and hence the name; but according to another opinion the name was derived from the onion-blue hue of the cliffs.

v2.c23.s4.3

The name of the country written Huoh (活) in the text of this passage, is in one passage of the C text of the Life, given as Kuah (括). These two characters were formerly both read Kuah or Kuoh, and it is probable that the name here transcribed was something like Kuoh or Guoh, perhaps the "Ghour" of M. Saint-Martin. It will be noticed that the bearing of this country from Khost agrees with the narrative in the first chuan of the Records. According to the Life the capital was on the south bank of the Po-chu or Oxus; and the T'ang-Shu treats Huoh as the name of a tribe.¹ Yule gives good reasons for rejecting previous identifications, and for finding the modern representative of our pilgrim's Huoh in the present Kunduz, the Kundez of Baber.² In the D text of the Records (and in the Fang-chih) the circuit of this country is given as 2000 li, not 3000 li as in the other texts.

v2.c23.s4.4

¹ Ch. 221.

v2.c23.s4.5

² op. c. p. 99; Baber p. 139.

v2.c23.s4.6

The Ts'ung Ling or Onion Range described in the present passage of the Records is the Bolor Tagh and Karakorum Mountains of modern geographers. To the Chinese since the second century B. C. "Ts'ung-Ling" has been the name of "the high mountain chain which separates Eastern Turkestan (Kashgar, Yarkand, Khotan, &c.) from Western Turkestan (Kokand and the land on the Jaxartes and Oxus)".³

v2.c23.s4.7

³ Med. Res. Vol. I, p. 27 note.

Mêng-Kan (Mungkan)

v2.c23.s5.1

The pilgrim appends to his description of the Ts'ung-Ling the statement that "going east above 100 *li* he came to the Mêng-kan country". This, he adds, was old Tokhara territory; it was above 400 *li* in circuit and its capital was 15 or 16 *li* in circuit. In native products and ways of the people the country was very like Huoh; it had no sovereign and was under Turkish rule.

v2.c23.s5.2

The account in the Life makes the pilgrim set out from Huoh with a party of traders and after a journey of two days (that is probably, about 100 *li*) arrive at Mêng-kan. This country has been identified with Mungan (or Munjan) which "is still a feudatory province under Badakshān, on the slopes of the Hindu kūsh". Yule's remarks on the pilgrim's account are based on the mistake in Julien's translation which gives 4000 *li*, instead of 400 *li*, as the circuit of the district. But Yule's suggestion that the pilgrim's Mêng-kan is the modern Talikhan may perhaps be accepted: it cannot be the Mungān of Macartney's map, or the Minjan of Wood's map.¹

v2.c23.s5.3

¹ Yule op. c. p. 105.

A-Li-Ni

v2.c23.s6.1

The narrative in the Records proceeding describes that to the north of Mungkan was the *A-li-ni* country. This country, which had been Tokhara territory, lay along both banks of the Oxus; it was above 300 *li* in circuit and its capital was about fourteen *li* in circuit; in its natural productions and in the ways of the people it bore much resemblance to the Huo country (Kunduz).

v2.c23.s6.2

In the Life this little state is merely mentioned as one of the countries lying to the side of Mungkan. It was probably not visited by the pilgrim, and in the account of his outward journey, as we have seen, it is simply mentioned as the district immediately before Mungkan. Yule thinks that the country "must have been close to Hazrat-Imām", and as that district "formerly bore the name Ahreng or Arheng", he proposes to identify this name with the *A-li-ni* of our pilgrim's account.¹ But, although the situation may correspond, we cannot regard *A-li-ni* as a transcription of Arheng or Ahreng. It may represent a word like Alni or Arin, and it may possibly be another name for *A-li-na* (阿 利 那). This is the name of a great dragon which plagued the Brethren in a monastery of the country called *Ki-pin* (Ka-pin, the Kashmir and Kabul territory according to some), until a Brother of strictly pure life succeeded in coaxing him away.²

v2.c23.s6.3

¹ op. c. p. 106.

v2.c23.s6.4

² Abhi-ta-vib., ch. 24 (No. 1268).

Hoh-Lo-Hu

v2.c23.s7.1

The narrative in the Records continues—"east, the *Hoh-lo-hu* country". This also was old Tokhara territory. It had the Oxus on its north side, was above 200 *li* in circuit and its capital was 14 or 15 *li* in circuit; the district was like Kunduz in natural productions and the ways of the people.

v2.c23.s7.2

Yule identifies the *Ho-lo-hu* (that is perhaps, Rāhu) of this passage with "Ragh, still an important fief of Badakshān, between the Kokcha and the Oxus".³ This district also was apparently not visited by the pilgrim: it is mentioned in the Life, along with the last country and the next one, as being to the side of Mungkan.

v2.c23.s7.3

³ op. c. p. 107.

Kih-Lih-Seh-Mo

v2.c23.s8.1

The description in the Records proceeds—From Mungkan Yuan-chuang went east across mountains and valleys passing several towns for above 300 *li* to the *Kih-lih-seh-mo* country, formerly Tokhara territory. This country was above 1000 (according to B, but in the C and D texts, ten) *li* from east to west and 300 *li* from North to south, its capital being 15 or 16 *li* in circuit. In products and manners and customs it resembled Mungkan, but its people differed in being of a very malicious disposition.

v2.c23.s8.2

Notwithstanding the wording of the above passage we are not obliged to believe that Yuan-chuang actually went to the district here described. The Life, as has been stated, merely mentions it as one of the States near Mungkan. For the Chinese transcription the original may have been a word like Krism or Krisma, but Julien’s restoration as Kharisma does not seem to be admissible. Cunningham identifies the district with Tālikān, St. Martin makes it “Ish-Keshm, at the lower end of the valley of Wakhān”, and Yule “can only see in it the once well-known Kishm or Kāshm, the Province of Casem of Marco Polo three days from Talikan”.¹

v2.c23.s8.3

¹ Julien III, p. 419; Yule l. c.

Po-Li-Hoh

v2.c23.s9.1

The pilgrim’s account proceeds—To the north-east (in the D text, north) [of Krism] was the *Po-li-hoh* country. This was old Tokhara country, was above 100 *li* east to west by 300 *li* north to south, and its chief city was above 20 *li* in circuit. It resembled Krism in its products and the manners and customs of the people.

v2.c23.s9.2

This country also was evidently not visited by the pilgrim; it is merely named in the Life as one of the districts to the side of Mungkan. The transcription of the name has been supposed to represent Priha (Julien), or Parika (Yule). Several identifications have been proposed, and Yule supposes that the district “from its relation to Kishm must have lain either immediately on the south bank of the Kokcha or just beyond that river. In the latter case it would lie between Rostāk and Faizābād, where now exists the Province of Pasākū or Shahr-i-Buzburg”.²

v2.c23.s9.3

² op. c. p. 108.

Hi-Mo-Ta-Lo

v2.c23.s10.1

The pilgrim’s description proceeds. From Krism he went east over hills and across valleys for over 300 *li* to *Hi-(or Si)-mo-ta-lo*. This country, which was old Tokhara territory, was above 3000 *li* in circuit; it was an unbroken succession of hill and vale, with a fertile soil good for grain and yielding much early wheat with prolific vegetation and fruits in abundance. The climate was very cold; the people were of a violent impetuous disposition; they did not recognize moral retribution; they were small, ugly, and without good manners; in the materials of their clothing—coarse woollen cloth (felt), skins, and serge—they rather resembled the Turks. Their married women wore as a head-dress a wooden horn above three feet high, with two branches in front one above the other; the upper branch represented the woman's father-in-law and the lower her mother-in-law; a branch was removed from the horn on the death of the relative represented, and when both of the husband's parents were dead the horn head-dress was laid aside.

v2.c23.s10.2

The pilgrim continuing his account of this country tells us that those who had formerly made themselves kings of this land were of the Sākya stock, and the greater part of all west of the Ts'ung-ling had became subject to them; as this country was on the confines of the Turks it became influenced by the ways of the latter; the inhabitants moreover were raided while keeping their own territory, hence the people of this country became vagrants in other lands; there were some tens of strong cities each with its own governor; the dwellers in felt tents went about from place to place reaching westward to the Krism country.

v2.c23.s10.3

The original of this passage presents some difficulties and the translation here given is not very satisfactory. The Hi-mo-ta-lo of this, and of two other passages of the Records, is translated in a Chinese note by "Foot of Snow Mountain", and restored as Himatala which has a similar meaning. But this name is probably derived from Buddhist books, or from Indian Brethren settled in the district, and there was presumably a local and popular name. Yule thinks we find a trace of the word Himatala in the name "of one of the still existing feudatory provinces of Badakshān, Daraim or Dara-i-aim". The account in the Life makes the pilgrim go from Mungkan east 300 *li* among hills and so on to Himatala, but as this account is evidently derived from the Records it is possible that there is a mistake as to the place of departure. In the Records' description of the pilgrim's journey out, Himatala is mentioned between Ku-lang-na and Po-li-ho. The Fang-chih agrees with the present passage of the Records in placing this country 300 *li* east of Krism, and 200 *li* west of Po-to-ch'ang-na (Badakhshān).

v2.c23.s10.4

In the pilgrim's description of the people of Himatala the words "did not recognize moral retribution" are for the Chinese *pu-chi-tsui-fu* (不識罪福), lit. "do not acknowledge guilt and happiness", and the meaning of the phrase is "do not believe in the action of karma". Julien translates the words "ne savent pas distinguer le crime de la vertu", but this is not what the text states. The form of expression, which we have met before, merely indicates ignorance of, or scepticism as to, or denial of, the doctrine of karma, and tells us that those to whom it is applied were not Buddhists.

v2.c23.s10.5

The wearing of the conical wooden head-dress by the married women in Himatala as described by our pilgrim was a very peculiar custom. Among the Ye-t'a, supposed to have been of Yue-ti (Getæ) stock, and inhabitants of this region, the married women, we are told, wore a horn head-dress, but with them the number of knobs or horns indicated the numbers of their brothers-in-law who were also their husbands.¹ So also in the *Hua* (滑) country the married women wore on the head a carved wooden horn six inches high and adorned with gold and silver.² Among the Tartars the wives had a head-dress of a peculiar kind, apparently not very unlike those just mentioned.³ William of Rubruck tells us that the Tartar married women "have a head-dress, which they call *bocca*, made of bark, or such other light material as they can find, and it is big and as much as two hands can span around, and is a cubit and more high, and square like the capital of a column."⁴

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¹ Wei Shu, *ch.* 102; cf. Ka-lan-chi, *ch.* 5.

v2.c23.s10.7

² Ma T. l., *ch.* 338.

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³ op. c. p. 108.

v2.c23.s10.9

⁴ Rockhill's "Journey of Friar William of Rubruck" p. 73. Mr. Rockhill's note to this passage is very interesting.

v2.c23.s10.10

The pilgrim's statement about a Sākya or Sākyas having obtained forcible possession of the throne of this country is explained in his account of the sack of Kapilavastu by king Virūḍhaka. Instead of stating that "the inhabitants were raided while keeping their own territory" the author probably meant to state that the Himatala people made raids into other countries while guarding their own borders. One of the kings of Himatala had, as the pilgrim relates in another passage, invaded Kashmir and murdered its king.¹ Then the words "reaching westward to the Krism country" are treated by Julien as a separate clause—"du côté de l'ouest ce pays touche au royaume de Kharism". There is nothing in the original for "ce pays", but *hsi-chie* (西接) seems to mean "du côté de l'ouest touche". The pilgrim, however, has already stated that Himatala was above 300 *li* distant from Krism, and we must apparently understand the passage as meaning that the nomads of Himatala had their temporary encampments as far west as the confines of Krism.

v2.c23.s10.11

¹ See *Chuan* III.

Po-To-Ch'Ang-Na (Badakshan)

v2.c23.s11.1

The pilgrim proceeds to relate that he went east above 200 *li* to the *Po-to-ch'ang* (*ch'uang*)-na country. This he describes as having been formerly Tokhara territory, as being above 2000 *li* in circuit with its capital, which was on a cliff, six or seven *li* in circuit. The country was an unbroken succession of hills and vales and it was covered with sand and stones; it yielded pulse and wheat and a great quantity of grapes, walnuts, pears, and plums. The climate was very cold; the people were valorous but without good manners and without education; they were ill-favoured and their garments were chiefly of felt and serge. There were three or four Buddhist monasteries with a small number of Brethren. The king was a sincere upright man with a profound belief in Buddhism.

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The *Life* calls this country *Po-ch'ang-na*, but the pronunciation was probably nearly the same as the *Po-to-ch'ang-na* (鉢鐸創那) of our text, that is Patach'an or Badakshan. This latter is the restoration of the name given by St. Martin, and accepted by the other commentators on the Records. Yule thinks that the capital may have been on or near the site of the modern Faizabad.¹ At the time of the pilgrim's visit, we learn from the Life, the weather was so severe that he had to make a halt of more than a month. In the D text of the Records, and in the Fang-chih, the region between Himatala and Badakshan is called a *ku* (谷) or "valley between mountains". The account of the pilgrim's outward journey makes Badakshan come after Dharmasthiti, and before *Yin-po-kan*.

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¹ Julien III, p. 423; Yule op. c. p. 109.

Yin-Po-Kien (or -Kan)

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From Badakshan, we are informed by the Records, the pilgrim proceeded south-east through a district of hills and vales for over 200 *li* to the *Yin-po-kien* country. This is described as old Tokhara territory, as being above 1000 *li* in circuit its capital being above ten *li*. It was a series of mountains with narrow valleys of cultivated land; in climate, products, and the character of the people it resembled Badakshan, but the language was not quite the same; its king was a bad, cruel man.

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Julien restores the *Yin-po-kien(-kan)* of this passage as Invakan, and the restoration has been accepted. In the C text of the Life we have *K'a*(佉)-po-kan, but the old reading is *Yin* as in the Records. Yule, after mentioning the identifications proposed by St. Martin and Cunningham, writes—"Direction and distance, however, antecedent and consequent, point not to Wakhán, but to Yamgán or Hamakán, the old name of the valley of the Kokcha from Jerm upwards."² The word here transcribed by the pilgrim may have been one like Impakin or Impakan.

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² op. c. p. 110.

Ku-Lang-Na

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The pilgrim proceeds to relate that from *Yin-po-kan* he travelled south-east across mountain and valley by narrow dangerous paths for above 3000 *li* to *Ku-lang-na*. He describes this country as old Tokhara territory, and as being above 2000 *li* in circuit;

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it resembled *Yin-po-kan* in the character of the country and in climate; the people had no civil polity and had bad dispositions; there were only a few Buddhists. The cliffs yielded much gold-essence ("d'or pur"), which was obtained by smashing the rocks. There was a small number of monasteries, and the Brethren were few; the king was a sincere upright man who reverenced Buddha, the Canon, and the Order.

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The *Ku-lang-na* of this passage, restored as Kuraṇa, has been identified by Yule with the modern Kuran or Koran, in the upper part of the valley of the Kokcha and "a sub-division of the province of Jerm, lying among the spurs of the Hindu Kūsh. In fact, it includes the Lazuli Mines".¹ Other forms of Chinese transcription are Kü-lan (俱蘭) and *Kü-lo-nu* (俱羅弩).² It is described as adjoining Tokhara, as being 3000 *li* in circuit, bounded on the south by the Great Snow Mountains (the Hindu Kush) and on the north by the river Kü-lu (俱魯). In A.D. 646 *Hu-t'i-p'o*, the rāja of this country, sent an envoy to T'ang T'ai Tsung bearing a letter in Indian writing.

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¹ op. c. p. 111: Wood's "Journey to the Source of the Oxus," ed. Yule, Int. p. LXXXVII and p. 169.

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² T'ang-Shu, *ch*. 221.

Ta-Mo-Si-Ti-Iè-Ti

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From Kuran, the narrative in the Records proceeds to relate, the pilgrim going north-east over hill and through valley by steep narrow paths travelled more than 500 *li* to *Ta-mo-si-ti-iè-ti*, which lay between two hills. This country, formerly Tokhara territory, was 1500 or 1600 *li* east to west and four or five *li*, (but in its narrowest part not above a *li*), from north to south. It lay along the *Po-chu* (Oxus) river, following the windings of the river; it was full of hillocks with sand and gravel everywhere; its winds were icy cold; the only crops were wheat and pulse and there was little vegetation; the country yielded many fine horses of small size but capable of long journeys. The people were ill-tempered and ill-favoured, and their clothing was of felt and serge; their eyes differed from those of other people in being of a turquoise hue. There were above ten Buddhist monasteries but very few Brethren. The capital, which was called *Hun-t'ê-to*, had a monastery built by a former king of the country by quarrying the cliff and filling up the gully. Our pilgrim then gives the conversion of this king to Buddhism by a mendicant missionary, and the consequent introduction and establishment of Buddhism. The shrine (ching-shê) of this monastery had a stone image of the Buddha over which was freely suspended a gilt copper canopy set with precious stones; this canopy moved with the worshipper as he performed pradakshina to the image, and stopped when he stopped. Our pilgrim examined the walls, and questioned the residents, but could not learn the secret of the self-acting canopy.

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The native annotator to our text here tells us that another name for Ta-mo-si-t'iè-ti was Chên-k'an (鎮侃) or Huo(護)-k'an, the latter being apparently the correct reading. He also tells us that the country was also called Huo-mi (護蜜). This latter, written also Hu(護)-mi, is the name used in the T'ang-Shu¹ and by the pilgrim Wu-k'ung.² We may regard Huo-k'an or Huo-mi as the local and popular name, while that given by our pilgrim was probably known only to the Buddhists. The T'ang-Shu also records as another name for this country Po-ho (鉢和) which is taken from the Wei History and the travels of Sung-yun.³ The latter traveller describes the country as being north of the Great Snow Mountain (the Hindu Kūsh) with high hills and deep defiles, as being extremely cold, its inhabitants living with their domestic animals in pits excavated in the earth. Julien suggests Tamasthiti as a conjectural restoration of our pilgrim's transcription, but we should perhaps restore it as Dhammasthiti. The name which Yuan-chuang gives to the capital is, as we have seen, Hun-t'ê-to (昏駄多), but in the T'ang-Shu the capital of Huo-mi is Han-ka-shên (寒迦審), or in one text Sai(塞)-ka-shên. It is described as being to the south of the Oxus, but Sung-yun tells us that the hill was turned into the city. Yule agrees with Cunningham in identifying Dhammasthiti with Wakhan, the long valley of the Wakh, taking in also the upper part of the Chitral valley.⁴ The Chinese name *Huokhan* seems to be merely a transcription of Wakhan, and *Po-ho* may be for Wakh pronounced Vakh.

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¹ Ch. 221.

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² Shih-li-ching and J. A. Vol. VI, p. 347.

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³ Wei Shu, ch. 102; Ka-lan-chi, ch. 5.

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⁴ op. c. p. 112.

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The Records, as we have seen, make this country to be only from one to four or five *li* wide (from north to south), but in the Fang-chih it is from ten to nearly 100 *li* from north to south.

Shih-K'I-Ni

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The pilgrim continues—"Crossing a mountain of Dhammasthiti (Wakhan), one goes north to *Shi-k'i-ni*". This country he describes as above 2000 *li*, and its capital as five or six *li*, in circuit; it was a succession of hills and vales with sand and stone wastes everywhere. There was much pulse and wheat, but little of other crops; trees were rare and there were very few flowers or fruits; the climate was very cold; the people were given to robbery and murder and did not recognize social proprieties or moral distinctions, erring as to future retribution they feared the [punitive] misfortunes of this life. They were ill-favoured, wore skins and serge; and they had a writing like that of Tokhara, their spoken language being different.

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In the first *Chuan* of these Records *Shih-k'i-ni* is apparently to the immediate south of the country called *Kou-mi-t'ê*. The *T'ang-Shu* calls the district *Shi-ni* (識匿), and gives *Sê-ni* (瑟匿) and our *Shih-k'i-ni* as other names.¹ These three are probably different transcriptions of a word like Sikhni or Sighni. At one time the country had a capital called *K'u-han* (苦汗); but in the course of time the inhabitants dispersed themselves among the five mountain valleys of the country. Each valley had its own chief and capital and so the district came to be called the *Five Shi-ni*.² The *Shih-k'i-ni* of our pilgrim has been identified with the modern Shaghan or Shighnan, and Yule says there can be no doubt about it, the gentile adjective of Shighnan being Shighni with which the Chinese form is identical.³ This is evidently the district which was in the "Pamir Valley" according to Wu-k'ung, who calls it the "Five *Chi-ni*" (五赤 匿), a note adding that another name was *Shi*(式)-ni.¹ The features and character of the modern Shighnan do not seem to agree with the description of Shighni by our pilgrim, but we must remember that Yuan-chuang is apparently describing from hearsay.

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¹ *Ch.* 221.

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² *Ch.* 221.

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³ Julien III, p. 292; Yule op. c. p. 113.

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¹ Shih-li-ching and J. A. Vol. VI, p. 346.

Shang-Mi

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The pilgrim's narrative proceeds to tell us that passing through Dhammasthiti to the south of a mountain you come to the *Shang-mi* country. This he describes as being 2500 or 2600 *li* in circuit, with alternating hills and vales, and with hillocks of various sizes. All crops were grown in it, pulse and wheat being very abundant, and there was plenty of grapes; it yielded realgar which was obtained by breaking up the rocks. The mountain gods were malicious and caused disasters; if travellers offered them worship the travellers had good luck, but if they did not worship then they encountered storm and hail. The climate was cold, the people were rash in their ways; they were upright without ceremonial observances and with narrow views and slight accomplishments; they had the same writing as Tokhara, but their spoken language was different; they chiefly wore coarse woollen garments. Their king was of the Sākya stock and was a Buddhist, and under his influence the people had all become genuine believers; there were two monasteries with a few Brethren.

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To the north-east of Shang-mi, the account in the Records continues, across mountains and defiles by dangerous paths at a distance of above 700 *li*, was the *Po-mi-lo* Valley. This was above 1000 *li* east to west, and 100 *li*, but in its narrowest part not more than ten *li*, from north to south. It was between two Snow Mountains and so had fierce chilling winds and snow-storms, spring and summer; the soil was saltish with much gravel. As there was no cultivation, and scarcely any vegetation, the place had become a mere waste destitute of human inhabitants. In this Valley was a large Dragon Lake above 300 *li* east to west and 50 *li* north to south. As the lake was in the Ts'ung-ling, the centre of Jambudvipa, in a very high position, its water was very pure and clear, it was of unmeasured depth, and was of a bluish black colour with a very pleasant taste. In the depths of the lake dwelt all kinds of aquatic monsters, and water-birds of various species haunted its surface, the shells of their great eggs being left in the wilds among the marshes, or on the sandy islets. This lake sent forth on the west a large stream which joined the Oxus to the east of Dhammasthiti, and flowed west; and so all streams on the right (west) side flow west. On the east the Jake sent out a large stream which went north-east to the confines of Kashgar, where it joined the Sitā and flowed east; and so all streams on this side of the lake flow eastward.

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The *Shang-mi* (商彌) of the text of this passage has been restored by Julien as Śambhi, but the restoration does not seem to be admissible. It was apparently from our pilgrim's narrative that this name Shang-mi became known to the Chinese as denoting this country. In the Wei-Shu and other books we find mention of a district called *She-mi* (赊彌) which was at a mountain south of a country called *Po-chih* (波知), perhaps Balti, between *Po-ho* (Wakhan?) and Udyāna.¹ This *She-mi*, which was visited by Sung-yun, may have been our pilgrim's Shang-mi. Then we learn that in the T'ien-pao period of the T'ang dynasty, that is between A. D. 742 and 755, eight States of these remote regions sent embassies to the Chinese emperor. One of these states was *Ku-wei* (俱緯), and this is described as the country also called Shang-mi; and the capital at that time is given as *A-shih-yuh-shih-to*, represented as being in the Great Snow Mountain north of the river *Po-lü*.² Wu-k'ung also traversed a country called *Kou-wei* (拘緯) on his journey from *Hu-mi* (Wakhan) on towards Kashmir, and this is evidently the *Ku-wei* and *Shang-mi* of other travellers and writers.³

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¹ Wei Shu, *ch.* 102.

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² T'ang Shu, *ch.* 221; Ma T. l., *ch.* 339.

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³ Shih-li-ching and J. A. op. c. p. 348.

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As we have seen the text places the Pamir Valley 700 *li* to the north-east of Shang-mi, but the Life gives the direction as east, the distance being the same. Neither in it, nor in the Records, is there any information as to the bearing or distance of Shang-mi from Dhammasthiti, but the latter was evidently, as in the T'ang-Shu, between Shighni on the north, and *Shang-mi* on the south. There seems to be a consensus of opinion that the modern representative of *Shang-mi* is the Chitral District, and the identification must be accepted, although it does not seem to meet all the requirements of the texts. This district is also known as Kāskār, and Elphinstone relates that the inhabitants, who live chiefly in tents, "belong to a nation called Cobi". This name, as Yule suggests, may be the *Ku-wei* of the Chinese historian although Elphinstone seems to have regarded it as connected with Gobi.¹

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¹ "Account of Caubul" p. 442 (2d ed.): Yule, op. c., p. 114.

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The *P'o-mi-lo* of our pilgrim is evidently the *Po-mi* (播密) of Wu-k'ung and the T'ang-Shu, and the Pamir of western travellers. There are eight Pamirs in the district which bears this general designation, and geographers are not agreed as to which of these is the "Pamir Valley" of our text. Mr. (now Lord) Curzon from study and personal observation concludes that this is the Great Pamir and that the Dragon Lake is the Victoria Lake or Sar-i-kul.² This identification, however, does not seem to suit the requirements of the narrative and description in the Life and Records. These do not require us to believe that the pilgrim visited either Shighnan or Shang-mi, and it seems probable that he went on from Wakhan into the Pamirs. His account of the "Valley" with its Dragon Lake does not agree with all the particulars in the descriptions of any one of the Pamirs given by western explorers, but it is in substantial agreement with Mr. Curzon's summary of the general features of a Pamir. Much of the pilgrim's information was apparently obtained from books or guides. Thus it was evidently from others that he learned of the hornless dragons, tortoises, and other aquatic monsters which lived in the dark depths of the Lake. He may have seen the wild fowl; the ducks, geese, swans, and great king-fishers (?) and heard the clanging clamour of their cries. The shells of the great eggs left on the marshes or sandy islets are conjectured by the author of the Life to be identical with the "large egg-shells of T'iao-Chih" that is, ostrich egg-shells.¹ The eggs were as large as water-jars and the parent bird with due regard to proportion was ten feet high.

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² "The Pamir and the Sources of the Oxus" p. 17, 67 ff.

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¹ See Dr. Hirth's "China and the Roman Orient" p. 152.

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The identification of the Dragon Lake of the Pamirs, that is, the Sar-i-kul, with the Anavatapta Lake is not made by our pilgrim, as some have asserted. He does not apply the name Anavatapta to the Pamir Lake, and he assigns the two lakes to localities far apart.

Kie-P'An-T'Ê

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The Records proceed to relate that "to the south of the Pamir Valley across a hill is the Po-lu-lo country", which yielded much gold and silver, the former being of a fiery hue. It adds that from the centre of the Pamir Valley going south-east the road has no inhabited villages, over hills by risky paths where frozen snow prevailed, a journey of over 500 *li* brought the pilgrim to Kie-(ha)-p'an-to. This country was above 2000 *li* in circuit; its capital, founded on a rocky ridge and having the river Sītā at its back, was above twenty *li* in circuit. The country was a system of mountains with narrow river-courses and downs; there were little of other crops but much of pulse and wheat, and there were few fruit and other trees; its downs and swamps were wastes and its cities and towns uninhabited. The people had no social etiquette or common feeling of right; they had little education and were fierce, daring, and ugly; their clothes were of coarse woollen material (lit. felt and serge); their written and spoken languages were like those of Kashgar; and they were sincere Buddhists. There were more than ten monasteries with above 500 Brethren, all Hinayānists of the Sarvāstivādin School. The reigning king was a patron of Buddhism, and a scholar of culture. Many years had elapsed since his dynasty was established; before that event the country was a wild valley of the Ts'ungling. A king of Po-li-ssŭ, the pilgrim continues, had married a lady in China, and the bride-elect had reached this place on her way to her husband's home. At the time of her arrival armed rebellion had broken out in the country, and the roads were impassable. So the king's bride was taken to the top of a high steep rocky hill, and kept there for safety. When tranquillity was restored, and the journey was to be continued, the king's envoy in charge of the bride discovered that she was enceinte. On making enquiry he found that the sun-deva had visited the lady every day at noon, and that it was by him she was with child. So it was decided that the party should remain at the place; a palace was built on the hill, and the whole company settled there, and made the Chinese lady their queen. In due time she gave birth to a son who grew up very handsome and accomplished, famed for his power over the elements and his good government, and neighbouring States became his vassals.

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The pilgrim next tells of the petrified body of this sovereign preserved in a cave in the steep side of a mountain above 100 *li* to the south-east of the capital. His lineal descendants had reigned ever since, and because their first ancestress was a Chinese lady and their first ancestor a sun-deva, they styled themselves "China-[sun]-deva stock". But the successors of the first king came to lose their prestige and be kept down by powerful Countries, and when Asoka came to rule he built a tope in the palace. Hereupon the king then reigning removed to the north-east of the palace, and made a splendid monastery of the old palace for the śāstra-master *T'ung-shou* (Kumāralabdha). This man, we are told by the pilgrim, was a native of Takshaśilā who in early youth embraced the religious life, and became an enthusiastic student of sacred literature. He composed some tens of treatises which were widely known and read; and he was the founder of the Sautrāntika School. He was brought by force from his native land to this country. In his time Aśvaghosha in the east, Deva in the south, Nāgārjuna in the west, and Kumāralabdha in the north were called the Four Shining Suns.

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Above 300 *li* to the south-east of the capital was a cliff in which were two caves, each containing an arhat in a trance which had been prolonged for more than 700 years: the bodies were like skeletons, and the only sign of life was that the hair kept growing, and had to be cut periodically. Going to the north-east of this cliff over a mountain for 200 *li* the pilgrim came to a Puṇyaśāla. This had been built and endowed, according to tradition, by an arhat in pity for distressed caravans crossing the wild bleak region.

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Foreign commentators on the contents of this passage are not agreed as to the modern representative of the *P'o-lu-lo* country which the pilgrim places on the other side of a mountain to the south of his "Pamir Valley".

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It is apparently the "Pu-lu-chou (布路州) country" of the Sung pilgrim, who places it beyond a snowy range before the "Ts'ung-ling snow mountains" on the way down to Kashmir.¹ It is also the Po-lu-lo (鉢盧勒) of the Wei-Shu, which was to the east of the Shê-mi country over mountains with precipitous sides up which travellers climbed by means of chains.² Yule follows Cunningham in identifying the district with the modern Balti adding that "doubtless the territory included Gilghit and Kanjut the latter famed for its gold produce";³ but objections have been made to this identification.

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¹ Ma T. l., ch. 338.

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² Wei Shu, ch. 102.

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³ op. c. p. 117.

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From the "Pamir Valley" the pilgrim's journey lay south-east according to the Records, but east according to the Life. After travelling above 500 li (perhaps about 60 miles) he came to the country which he calls Ka-p'an-t'o. This is apparently the K'ê-p'an-t'o (竭盤陀) of earlier writers, called also K'ê-lo and Han-t'o (漢陀). The capital of this country was in the Ts'ung-ling. Beyond the country on the south and south-west was the Hindu-Kūsh, to its north was Kashgar, and to its west was Hu-mi (Wakkhan).⁴ Sung-yun mentions a country Han-p'an-t'o which he locates on the Ts'ung-ling, the last before Po-ho (Wakhan?) on his itinerary.⁵ Julien suggests Khavandha as the possible restoration of the pilgrim's transcription, and the name was probably something like Kabhanda or Kavanda. The country has been identified by modern Chinese writers with Sol-gol or Sariq-gol, the chief city of which is Tashkurghan,⁶ and this is the identification made by Cunningham and his successors. It is admitted, however, that Tashkurghan cannot represent the capital of Kabhanda, the former being situated in a plain. St. Martin regards Karchu as occupying the site of Yuan-chuang's capital, and adds that the river which passes Karchu is one of the principal upper branches of the Yarkand river, that is, the Sitā of our pilgrim.¹ But the situation of Karchu (or Karachu) seems to make the identification inadmissible.

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⁴ Ma T. l., ch. 339. The situation here assigned to the country does not agree with that in the Wei Shu which tallies with the Life's account of our pilgrim's journey.

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⁵ Ka-lan-chi, ch. 5.

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⁶ Hsin-chiang, ch. 1.

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¹ Julien, III, p. 426.

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In the legend here related by the pilgrim about the origin of the dynasty reigning in Kabhanda at the time of his visit, we find the king of a country called P'o-li-ssŭ contracting a marriage with a Chinese lady. In the C text the reading is P'o-la-ssŭ which is Yuan-chuang's transcription for Persia. The D text has "P'o-li-la-ssŭ" which is evidently a mistake. The correct reading as we can learn from the D editor's note is P'o-li-ssŭ. This was not Persia, but a country not far from the region of the Pamirs, it is also called P'o-ssŭ, and it is probably sometimes confounded with Persia. Julien transcribes correctly P'o-li-ssŭ, but Yule turns this into Persia, and adds that "in Persian legendary history we find king Jameshid marrying a daughter of Máháng, king of China". The king of P'o-li-ssŭ, however, never actually became the husband of the Chinese lady who had only a temporary husband in the sun-god. By him she became the mother of the king who founded the reigning dynasty of Kabhanda, and made the country prosperous and powerful. The kings of this dynasty styled themselves "China-deva-gotra" translated by "China and sun-god stock". But this interpretation seems to be absurd, and Chinadeva may be a proper name.

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