Vedic Metre in its Historical Development c17.s2: 260. Table of Variations of Historical Importance
Vedic Metre in its Historical Development c17.s2
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260. Table of Variations of Historical Importance
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| Refer to § | Variation | In trimeter verses | In normal dimeter vv. |
| | Period | Ar. St. N. Cr. Pop. | Ar. St. N. Cr. P. |
| | Whole no. of verses | 4499 4458 5815 4942 3463 | 4368 3928 3257 618 343 |
| | **A. ARCHAIC** | | |
| 121ac¹ | Hiatus after -ă¹ | 22 9 2 2 5 | 30 12 7 – 8 |
| 142² | Resolutions -aa, -aam³ | 40 13 3 3 5 | 43 15 7 12 15 |
| 170 iibc | Shortened stems of nouns⁴ | – – – – – | 2 1 1 – – |
| 190 v⁵ | Irregular cadence | 16 6 2 2 3 | 21 14 5 15 26 |
| 191 i, ii | Short dimeter verses⁶ | – – – – – | 20 5 4 2 8 |
| 214 i, ii | Weak caesura⁷ | 17 8 4 2 2 | |
| 218 i | Break || – – ⁷ | 16 8 2 2 1 | |
| 218 vii | Irregular breaks (late caes.) | 11 4 3 3 2 | |
| 220 ii | Short tenth syllable | 34 10 4 5 3 | |
| 226 | Rests, with iambic rhythm⁸ | 35 9 2 2 1 | |
| 228 | Neutral rests | 18 6 2 2 7 | |
| | **Total** | 209 73 24 23 29 | 116 47 24 29 57 |
| | **B. ARCHAIC AND STROPHIC** | | |
| 123 ac | Hiatus after -ā | 6 5 1 1 1 | 9 4 1 0 4 |
| 143 iii | -aam in dimeter cadence | | 54 43 14 19 4 |
| 162 3, 4⁹ | -hi, ū-, -athe, -ate | 4 5 1 1 1 | 8 7 2 2 – |
| 190 i | Long fifth syllable | | 18 10 6 9 30 |
| 190 ii | Short sixth syllable | | 72 40 23 17 42 |
| 213 ii, iii | Secondary caesura¹⁰ | 15 24 8 3 3 | |
| 218 iii | Break || – – ⁷ | 14 10 2 3 2 | |
| 218 v | Break || – – – | 6 4 1 1 1 | |
| 220 i c | Short eighth not final | 14 9 2 3 4 | |
| 227 i | Pentad verses | 5 2 1 0 2 | |
| | **Total** | 64 59 16 12 14 | 161 104 46 47 80 |
| | **C. OTHER EARLY VARIATIONS** | | |
| 121b, 123b | Hiatus -a, -ā at caesura | 20 10 5 3 5 | |
| 213 i | Sec. caes.: Vāsisthī v. | 45 62 37 18 17 | |
| 213 iv | ” with break – || – | 13 14 8 4 3 | |
| 218 ii | Break || – – ⁷ | 20 27 12 7 7 | |
| 220 i ab | Short eighth (final syll.) | 31 26 13 6 10 | |
| | **Total** | 129 139 75 38 42 | |
| | **D. Cretic break (|| – – –)** | 74 72 109 138 121 | |
| | **E. LATER VARIATIONS** | | |
| 122b¹¹ | Comb. of sá, duals, iva | 6 6 9 19 5 | 3 4 3 5 9 |
| 136 3, 137 2 | ” divyá, sakhyá, sūrya¹² | 3 2 5 8 8 | 7 7 10 2 – |
| 144 | Resolution -bhīām, -bhiaḥ¹³ | [4 1 4 3 3] | 3 5 10 14 18 |
| 159 i, ii | -a, -tha, -ta shortened | 1 2 1 2 3 | 5 3 4 2 9 |
| 223 i | Catalectic Jagatī | 5 3 2 10 9 | |
| | **Total** | 15 13 17 39 25 | 18 19 27 23 36 |
| | **F. POPULAR PERIOD** | | |
| 125 | Comb. of -i, -u, etc.¹⁴ | 2 2 5 5 15 | 3 4 4 7 19 |
| 135 | ý ṿ consonantal | – 1 1 0 4 | – – – – 4 |
| 160 4, 161 3 | u, yádi¹⁵ | 1 2 1 3 8 | – 2 – – 1 |
| 171 v, 172 i | -ā u, -o before hiatus | 1 2 1 1 4 | 1 1 1 – – |
| 223 ii | Extended Triṣṭubh | 2 1 1 3 36 | |
| 229 | Hybrid verse | 2 – – 1 6 | |
| | **Total** | 8 8 9 13 73 | 4 7 5 7 24 |
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261. As the parallel developement of language and metre affords adequate proof of the general chronological sequence of the Vedic hymns, it is unnecessary to trace the developement of ideas with any purpose of obtaining from this study a corroboration of our theory as a whole. It is perhaps peculiarly difficult to trace such a developement in a ritual literature, in which antiquated conceptions may easily linger for long periods by the mere force of daily repetition, long after they have ceased to express any genuine feeling or belief. In giving here a general sketch of the developement of the conceptions which form the subject-matter of the hymns, we can only attempt to point out that here and there such developement plainly runs parallel with that of metre and language, and that there is reason to suppose that closer investigation may lead to more definite results.
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262. The ritual practices which are fundamental to the Rigveda appear to be essentially older than any beliefs in gods, heroes, or spirits which may be adduced from time to time in explanation of them. The kindling of the sacred fire before dawn may have been originally an act of sympathetic magic calculated to ensure the return of daylight, and therefore as practical in its aim as the kindling of fire to be a source of light or warmth in the house, or a means of warning off thieves and beasts of prey. The preparation of the sacred drink, originally mead and in a later form Soma, was an even more direct means of strengthening the clan by raising the spirits of its warriors, and making welcome the visitor who might some day fight on his hosts’ side. Throughout the Rigveda the ‘priests’ are primarily expert craftsmen, skilled in the kindling of the fire or the preparation of the nectar in accordance with ancient rules: a third attainment, the poetic inspiration which finds expression in chant and recitation, necessary accompaniments of either of the primeval ceremonies, is perhaps of later date, but reaches almost equal importance.
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But even in the earliest parts of the Rigveda we find each of the two great ceremonies interpreted in a different way, and so that the one becomes to a great extent out of harmony with the other. The sacred fire is now kindled to act as ‘messenger’ between two peoples, the one on the earth and the other in heaven. The ‘people in heaven’ is variously described as consisting of the ‘gods,’ or by name of ‘Varuṇa, Mitra, Aryaman,’ to which list we may mentally add ‘and so forth,’ since the names given are plainly no complete catalogue of the gods meant. We have therefore in the archaic period a clear conception of a company of deities living in the sky, and an interpretation of the sacrifice as a festival to which these gods are invited by the fire-messenger to descend. This circle of deities we may provisionally name the ‘Chaldaean gods,’ since so far as our knowledge goes the study and admiration of the heavens is in the first instance associated with the shepherd-peoples of the Chaldaean plains.
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On the other hand the drink-ceremony is associated with a god or hero Indra, well described by H. Oldenberg as a ‘barbarian-god.’ A great feeder, swiller, and fighter, he stands out as the type of the Aryan adventurer-prince, rushing to the invasion of the lands of the ‘seven rivers,’ storming forts, releasing captives, taking possession of lands and herds. This conception seems so natural a product of the times, that we are hardly surprised to find that there is practically no trace of the worship of Indra amongst other Indo-European peoples: and it is so predominant in the earliest Vedic hymns, that we must ascribe to the enthusiasm of conquest embodied in the praise of this warrior-god the chief impulse towards the creation of the literature. From the ‘Chaldaean gods’ Indra is cut off by the fact that he dwells on earth, not in the sky; and again not less sharply by the lower moral tone which he represents. At this period then, the two worships seem to be separated by a gulf both of theory and of sentiment.
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Two other groups of deities are prominent in the earlier parts of the Rigveda, the Aśvinā and the Marutaḥ. Both appear capable of naturalistic interpretations; the Aśvinā as representing some phenomenon of the sky, by which they come to be associated with the ‘Chaldaean’ deities; the Marutaḥ as representing the storm-clouds, which as they sweep furiously over the earth may be compared to or associated with the devastating onset of Indra. In a subordinate position we may notice especially Uṣas the Dawn, and Pūṣan the rustic deity of the field path-ways. In these religious conceptions there is a striking lack of coordination, and we can only think of them as fragments of some earlier system or systems of deities, to which we are hardly likely to find the clue unless it be in the history of other Indo-European peoples. The chief deity of the Indo-Europeans, Ζεύς or Jove, is honoured in the Rigveda by no hymn, but his name Dyaus is still held in respect, and at times he seems to exercise a shadowy sovereignty. Failing fuller knowledge, we may reasonably speak of all the deities mentioned in this section as Indo-European, and we may largely interpret this Indo-European system as a deification of natural phenomena. Amongst these phenomena, however, the daily course of the sun occupies a position of very subordinate importance.
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Our general conception therefore of the subject-matter of the earliest Vedic hymns is that it is composed of heterogeneous elements amongst which the following stand out prominently, arranged in an order of time based upon their relative clearness in the minds of the hymn-writers: (i) the primitive ceremonies of fire- and drink-making; (ii) the Indo-European nature-worships; (iii) the Chaldaean deities of the heaven; (iv) the warrior-god of the invasion of India.
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We may consider here in more detail those deities who are most prominent in the archaic period.
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(i) To the primary conception of Indra as the warrior-god several others are attached, which may have been originally independent of him and much earlier in date. Such are the conceptions of (a) the Vṛtraghna, the slayer of the dragon who guards in his rock-cavern the seven sacred streams; (b) the dawn-maker, who with a blow parts heaven and earth, and makes the light appear; (c) the storm-god, who rides at the head of his host, the Marutaḥ, and who strikes down his foes with his mace, the thunder-bolt; (d) the conqueror of some miserly foe, such as the Paṇayaḥ or Vala, whose cows he seizes. These conceptions cross one another and the primary conception of the warrior-god in all imaginable directions, and can therefore only with difficulty be disentangled.
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In the later periods of the Rigveda Indra is brought into closer relation with the other gods, and the savage traits of his character are toned down. He assumes the position of the creator and supporter of the universe, the begetter of heaven and earth, the protector of the ceremonies. He is chosen by the gods as their champion in time of danger, and then admitted to their company. In the latest poems his name stands always prominent in the catalogue of the gods, as indeed it does throughout the Rigveda in the hymns addressed to the Viśve Devāḥ.
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(ii) In the archaic hymns Vāyu appears to be the charioteer of Indra. There is no hint in the hymns themselves that this god represents the Wind: this later interpretation of his character may be either a reminiscence or a guess. In no case is Vāyu to be identified with Vāta, for they appear side by side in many hymns to the Viśve Devāḥ. In the later parts of the Rigveda the place of Vāyu is taken by Bṛhaspati.
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(iii) The group *Mitra-Varuṇa-Aryaman* is very commonly met with in the archaic period, but not so frequently in hymns addressed to this triple deity as in Agni hymns. In the periods next following either Aryaman disappears from the group, or other names are added. In later times (e.g. RV. ix 114 3c) these gods form part of a group of seven, known as the seven Ādityāḥ, the sons of their mother Aditi. This number seven we may perhaps trace back to the archaic period by the help of viii 28 5, and if so, a door is open for H. Oldenberg’s interpretation of this group as ultimately based upon an older worship of sun, moon and five planets (*Die Religion des Veda*, p. 193).
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It is however quite impossible to connect the Vedic deities directly with the separate heavenly bodies. The association of Mitra with the sun is frequently based upon the parallel with the Iranian Mithra. But it finds little support in the Rigveda, unless it be in the early Agni hymns, in which Agni is often said to be ‘like Mitra.’
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The names of the seven Ādityāḥ, if indeed that was their original number, are variously given: besides the three principal figures we find with some regularity Savitar and Bhaga, and the list may be completed by adding the feminine names of Puramdhi and Aramati, or those of the male deities Dakṣa and Amśa.
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(iv) The *Aśvinā* are twin deities who are usually interpreted as denoting some phenomenon of the sky. In the Rigveda they appear as twin-charioteers, who travel to the ceremony and bring with them mead: by their beauty and their courage they win the favour of the Sun’s daughter; she mounts their car and becomes their bride. In the later parts of the Rigveda the Aśvinā are rescuers and physicians, and play a part in numerous myths.
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(v) It seems clear that the *Marutaḥ* are personifications of the storm-clouds, and the Vedic statement that they are sons of Dyaus (viii 20 17) may be interpreted by us as meaning that they are Indo-European deities. In the earlier parts of the Rigveda they are also entitled Rudras, but later a deity *Rudra* is evolved, who becomes their father. The Marutaḥ are frequently brought into relation with Indra. In the Māna hymns (i 165-190) Indra robs them of their share in the sacrifice, on the ground that he has conquered the Vṛtra, not they. In truth Indra appears to have stolen his title of Vṛtraghna from some earlier god or gods. Later the Marutaḥ become the fighting-men of Indra’s host, and it would seem that through them Indra first became associated with the region of the clouds.
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263. The first Vedic pantheon appears to have been formed under the pressure of war. The various cults noted in the last section may have been maintained with various degrees of zeal by different Aryan clans: but any such difference became small in the face of the dark-skinned natives, who did not practise even the fundamental ceremonies; who ‘kindled no fire, and pressed no Soma.’ In the pantheon thus formed the war-god naturally took the first place. But when this pressure was removed new forces political, philosophical and aesthetic began to assert themselves, and to influence the forms of religious worship. Great kingdoms were established in the New Land, and their sovereigns and chancellors prided themselves in establishing an order of peace and justice, repeating on earth the everlasting harmony of the kingdom of heaven, and embracing the light-skinned and the dark-skinned as members of one family. Under such influences the half-forgotten lore of Chaldaea was in part revived, and under the names sometimes of the pair Mitra and Varuṇa, sometimes of a single deity as Varuṇa, Savitar or Bhaga, a sovereign power is established in the pantheon itself, possessing a moral grandeur not altogether unworthy to be compared with that of Ahura Mazdā or Yahveh. In the exuberant life of a tropical country the beginnings of philosophy arose in questionings as to the source and the unity of the manifold vital powers of the universe, the setting-out of its parts in the order of space, and the existence of a ‘beyond’ known to the initiated only. Thus the fire-god took again a new character as the source of life in man and beast, in cloud and rock, in mountain and wood. Some old-world myth of a giant who takes three steps was turned to a picture of earth, heaven, and the third mysterious region: and from these in turn the fancy builds up three earths, three heavens, and even a threefold order of the universe.
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But as the speculative spirit grew, religion became more and more divorced from practical affairs, and in the variety of opinions the uniformity, and, as it seemed, the beauty of the ceremonial attracted the more attention. The ceremonies indeed, as we have seen reason to think, were originally celebrated for severely practical purposes: but when the fear of days without dawns and sons without spirit died out, they were continued for their inherent charm and as exercises of priestly skill: perhaps too because the priests, like highly educated people in all ages, were unwilling *quod iuvenes didicere, senes perdenda fateri*. The worship of the fire-god and of the Soma was already in existence in the archaic period, but the deities were conceived in human shape, and even associated with Indra in his warlike feats. In the later parts of the Rigveda proper they are increasingly prominent in their ceremonial meaning only. Every stage in the ritual is described with insistent minuteness in hymn upon hymn. New deities are introduced which are without meaning except for their part in the ritual, as Ghṛta, Gauḥ, Havis, Vāc and above all the deities of the successive verses of the Āpriya hymns.
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Again, it is in connection with the ritual of the fire-worship, that we may find an explanation of the new importance attached in the normal and cretic periods to such deities as Uṣas and Dyāvā-Pṛthivī, which seem to be Indo-European in their origin. The dawn is the hour of the ritual, and the twin deities of darkness and light nurse the infant flame. The fire is set up as a pillar to join heaven and earth, and at the same time to hold them apart. These deities are therefore no longer nature deities in the strict sense, but are part of the equipment of the ritual.
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(i) The worship of Mitra and Varuṇa reaches its highest developement in the Vasiṣṭha hymns to these deities, which attain an elevation of moral conception which has often recalled to their readers the Hebrew psalms. Of the worship of Varuṇa alone as a supreme deity there is hardly any trace in the Rigveda, but there are hymns addressed to him in which he is appealed to to release his worshipper from the burden of his sins, and apparently from the penalty of dropsy. Several hymns are addressed to Savitar singly, two to Mitra, and one to Bhaga. Aditi, the mother of the Ādityāḥ, is probably, as Professor A. Macdonell suggests, an abstraction from the qualities of the group. In the Vasiṣṭha hymns the daily course of the sun is the chief wonder-deed of Mitra and Varuṇa: and from this time on the worship of Sūrya has a growing importance.
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(ii) In the earliest hymns Agni is worshipped as the messenger of the gods, and also as a warrior-deity: in the latter capacity he is frequently joined with Indra. Even in these hymns he bears the title Jātavedas, indicating that all living things are his household, or in other words that he is the source of all life, the soul of the universe. Agni is therefore at once one and manifold: by the side of Agni stand the Agnayaḥ. Thus in the later parts of the Rigveda proper Agni Jātavedas and Agni Vaiśvānara are deities distinct from Agni himself, and we can trace the beginnings of an Agni Draviṇodas, an Agni Rakṣohan, and so forth. But this developement is most marked in connection with the ritual, with the result that Agni is discerned not merely in the sacrificial fire (Agni Samiddha), but in the persons of the worshippers (Agni Tanū-napāt), in those of the singers (Agni Narā-śaṃsa), in the straw-carpet, in the doorways, in the sacrificial post, and in the solemn concluding cry of svāhā, according to the set type of the Āpriya hymns.
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(iii) That Viṣṇu represents the marking out of the bounds of space is the view of H. Oldenberg (Die Religion des Veda, p. 228).
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(iv) Perhaps to all previous writers on Vedic chronology, certainly to the present author in his earlier papers, the hymns to Soma Pavamāna have appeared to be amongst the oldest in the Rigveda. For this view there is the obvious argument that both in language and sentiment these hymns are entirely cut off from the later parts of the Rigveda and all later literature. The metre, however, goes to shew that only a few of these hymns can belong to the two earliest periods of the Rigveda: and it therefore seems likely that the number of these hymns has been artificially increased so that they may equal those addressed to Agni and Indra. The hymns are purely of a ritual character: only in the popular Rigveda (ix 113) do we find the doctrine of immortality associated with the worship of Soma, as in Greece with that of Dionysus.
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(v) The deity of the sacred song is properly Bṛhaspati or Brahmaṇaspati, and in hymns of the two earlier periods this character is strictly preserved. In later hymns the god becomes associated with Indra, and takes the place left vacant by the disappearance of Vāyu, as Indra’s charioteer. As god of song he appears to be replaced in turn by Vāc.
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(vi) The close association of the pairs Night and Day, Earth and Heaven with the ritual can readily be traced in the Āpriya hymns. In separate hymns Uṣas alone takes the place which is filled by the pair Uṣāsā-naktā in the hymns to the Viśve Devāḥ. The hymns to Uṣas in their feeling for brightness and beauty recall to us the Greek Eos and the Latin Aurora, and perhaps are our best representations of the Indo-European type of hymn. So Dyāvā-Pṛthivī appear occasionally in Indo-European fashion as parents of the gods, but more usually they are merely guardians of the sacred rite, and obedient subjects of the law of Mitra and Varuṇa.
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(vii) Amongst the deities which are prominent in the later parts of the Rigveda are the Ṛbhavah: they are craftsmen who by their skill have attained the rank of gods.
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264. It hardly falls within the scope of this book to discuss in any detail the subject-matter of the popular Rigveda, which opens a world of thought entirely different to that of the Rigveda proper, and records for us the first distinctively Indian efforts to lay the foundations of philosophy, cosmology, and magic. But a few concluding words may be devoted to those myths of which a considerable number are to be found in the popular Rigveda, and which appear to constitute its earliest part: since in the mythical hymns the linguistic forms of the Rigveda proper and the popular Rigveda are used side by side. The Rigveda proper is not altogether deficient in myths, but they are baldly related and generally in single stanzas; as for instance the warlike deeds of Indra and the clever rescues of the Aśvinā. But in the popular Rigveda myths appear in a dramatic form, and the theme is not historical but social: here too the poets for the first time wrestle with the moral and aesthetic problems associated with the relationship of man to woman. In these myths the woman generally appears as the temptress, not perhaps so much from a sensual impulse as from the desire of children: whilst the duty of the man is always abstinence, without any regard even to the claims of marriage. We find in fact the germ of the ascetic theories which afterwards became so firmly rooted both in Brahmanism and in Buddhism, and which have spread thence over the Western world. Such theories stand in striking contrast to the patriarchal sentiments of the Rigveda proper and of all other national religions, and the question of their origin seems to call for investigation. One suggestion may be made here by the way. It seems probable enough that Aryan princes may often have been led by native wives away from the practices of the Brahmanic religion, and in particular from liberality to the Brahmans themselves: and thus that an opposition of interests between priests and queens may have become traditional.
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(i) The best known of the dramatic myths of the Rigveda is the dialogue of Purūravas and Urvaśī (RV. x 95) on the interpretation of which much light has been thrown by Professor Karl Geldner (*Vedische Studien* i, pp. 243–295). The poem is of special interest to the folklorist, being based upon the marriage of a prince to a fairy maiden, and his subsequent desertion by her. Special attention may be called to the cynical reply of Urvaśī in stanza 15, when Purūravas threatens to die for love of her. *There is no truth in the friendship of women: they have the hearts of hyaenas.* However dramatically the sneer may suit the occasion in the mouth of Urvaśī, it reveals a bitter grudge in some poet’s mind against feminine influence.
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(ii) The tale of Agastya and his neglected wife Lopāmudrā (i 179) has been lately treated by Dr Emil Sieg (*Die Sagenstoffe des Rgveda*, pp. 120–126). Agastya as a sage is bound by a vow of chastity: Lopāmudrā’s youth is passing, yet she remains childless. To her passionate appeals Agastya gives way. So far the poet has only blame for the woman. But in the concluding stanzas excuses are found for the pair. The divine Soma may well forgive the sin, for desire is human: besides Agastya has won offspring, to the advantage of both the light and the dark races (Lopāmudrā, we may conclude, is a native woman) and the high purposes of the gods are after all fulfilled.
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(iii) In the light thrown by these two hymns we may consider the tale of Yama and Yamī, the parents of the human race (x 10). At the first glance it becomes probable that we have a variant of the tale of Adam and Eve, though it may not be easy to guess from what common source or by what channels the tale has reached us in such different forms. The Vedic myth has the advantage of logical consistency, for the temptation deals not with the apparently meaningless prohibition of eating from a particular tree, but with the real moral problem necessarily implied in the relationship of the first human pair, if they are conceived (and it cannot easily be otherwise), both as brother and sister and as husband and wife. The Hebrew version may however have in reality the same meaning as the Vedic: at any rate the phrase "the knowledge of good and evil" well represents the late Vedic conception of the marriage relation, and the shame which overcomes Adam and Eve after their sin, as well as the penalty inflicted on the latter, both point to the real nature of the sin itself. In the Rigveda however the position is plainly stated. Yamī is full of a longing to fulfil her destiny, and to become the mother of mankind. Yama on the other hand is overwhelmed by scruples: the laws of the gods permit no exceptions, and their eyes are open wide to mark offence. 'Nay, but the gods designed us for wedlock,' Yamī suggests. 'Who knows their secret intent, or will venture to be their spokesman?' replies her brother. 'Heaven and Earth were brother and sister, yet they became the parents of the gods: why not you and I then of mankind?' But Yama is still unconvinced, and bids his sister look elsewhere for a husband. This suggestion is under the circumstances irritating, and Yamī fairly loses her temper and speaks out her mind. So far as our poem reaches, Yama does not yield: yet it is obvious that in the original form of the tale he must have given way.
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Much more light from other literatures is needed before any certainty can be felt in this case as to the details of the interpretation: but it seems sufficiently clear that we have before us the sincere attempt of a theological school to grapple with fundamental problems of morality, such as the instinct of shame in regard to sexual relations, the prohibition of marriage between near relatives, and the rival claims of reason and the divine law to man's unquestioning obedience. The solution suggested in the Veda is perhaps near akin to that of Genesis: had the first human beings had more faith, the heavenly powers would have spared them the sin and pain of an animal mode of procreation, and yet would have found a way to perpetuate the human race.
Linked texts (2)
- Ṛgvedasaṃhitā — Sanskrit
- בְּרֵאשִׁית — Hebrew