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The Position of Women in Hindu Civilisation, from Prehistoric Times to the Present Day c11.s3: Women and Public Administration

The Position of Women in Hindu Civilisation, from Prehistoric Times to the Present Day c11.s3

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English

Women and Public Administration

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Let us now see what part women took in the administration of the country. Political thinkers were not unanimous as to whether it is desirable to permit women to become rulers of the state. One school saw no objection in allowing them to ascend the throne. There is a proposal in the Rāmāyaṇa to offer the crown to Sītā, when Rāma was banished to the forest¹. It could not materialise owing to Sītā’s determination to accompany her husband in his banishment. Bhīshma advised Yudhishṭhira to sanction the coronations of the daughters of those kings, who had died in the war and left behind no male issues². In Orissa when king Lalitābharaṇadeva died towards the end of the 9th century A. D., his widowed queen was requested by the feudatories to accept the sovereignty, come to her in course of succession. In compliance to their request, we are told, she ascended the lion-throne like Kātyāyanī³. It is to be noted that queen Tribhuvanadevī was not a regent for any minor son, but was ruling as a sovereign in her own rights after the death of her husband.

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¹ आत्मा हि दारा सर्वेषां दारसंग्रहवर्तिनाम् । आत्मयमिति रामस्य पालयिष्यति मेदिनीम् ॥ II, 37, 38.

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² कुमारो नास्ति येषां च कन्यास्तत्राभिषेचय । XII, 32, 33.

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³ तदधुनापि प्रसीद । नाथवत्सुचिरं धारयैनाम् । क्रियतां लोकानुग्रहः स्वीक्रियतां प्रक्रमागता करराज्यश्रीः ॥ *J.B.O.R.S*, II, pp. 422-3.

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The examples of queens reigning independently in their own rights are, however, few. This is to be attributed to the fact that the school of the political thinkers, which like the Salique law, opposed the accession of women to the throne, was representing the general opinion of society. It held that women should not be made rulers, for on account of their natural limitations, they cannot become efficient administrators¹. We hardly come across any queens like Tribhuvanadevī of Orissa reigning independently in their own right. Megasthenes had no doubt heard of queen rulers in Pāṇḍya country, but that was because of the matriarchal system prevailing in Malabar and the territory around. Hindu princesses, even when entitled to the throne in their own rights, did not usually like to become the legal heads of their states in supersession of their husbands, whom they revered intensely. Their consorts usually became *de jure* as well as *de facto* heads of the government. Thus when Gaurī, a Raṭṭa princess who was an heir to a fiefdom in Karnatak, married a prince of Banahaṭṭa family in the 10th century, her husband became the ruler over her principality (*J. B. B. R. A. S.*, X, p. 77). The Gupta history provides perhaps the only exception to the rule. The founder 'of the dynasty, Chandragupta I, was ruling the kingdom jointly with his Lichchhavi queen Kumāradevī. The names and effigies of both the king and the queen appear on their coins, along with the name of the Lichchhavi clan from which the queen was descended. The same is the case with the coins of William III and Mary II, who were jointly ruling over England from 1689 to 1694. Political reasons, however, were responsible for this joint rule; in the case of the first Gupta emperor the Lichchhavis were too proud to allow their state to be immersed in the Gupta empire on the marriage of their princess with Chandragupta; and so a compromise was arrived at, under which both the king and the queen were regarded as equal and joint rulers of the state. Normally, however, when a princess with her own right to the throne married, her husband became the *de jure* ruler as well.

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¹ अनवकाशं यमित्थी राजा अस्स चक्कवर्ती। *M. N.*, III, 65-66. यत्र स्त्री यत्र कितवो बालो यत्रानुशासिता । मज्जन्ति तेऽवशा । जन्मन्द्यामश्मप्लवा इव ॥*Mbh*, V, 38,92(B).

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Though queens usually did not assume the reins of government when their husbands were alive, they did not hesitate to assume full control of the administration as regents, when their husbands died or sons were minors or taken prisoners. During the captivity of king Udayana of Kauśāmbī, his mother had taken full charge of the administration. The way in which she discharged her duties excited the admiration of even experienced ministers¹. Many dowager queen regents also are known to ancient Indian history. The queen of Masaga was directing the attack against Alexander the Great, when her husband was killed in the battle with the invader. In the second century B. C. queen Nayanikā was at the head the administration of the extensive Sātavāhana empire of the Deccan during the minority of her son. In the 4th century A. D. Prabhāvatīguptā was directing the Vākāṭaka administration in the Central Province for more than 10 years after her husband's death as the Queen Regent for her minor son. In medieval Kashmir queens Sugandhā and Diddā were actively governing the country during their widowhood. In Rajput history there are several instances of widowed queens carrying on the administration efficiently during the minority of their sons even in troublesome times. Thus when her husband Sāmarasi died on the battlefield along with Prithvīarāja in 1193 A. D. Kūrmādevī took the administration of Mevad in her own hands, and fought at the head of her troops resisting the invasion of Kutbu-d-din¹. Karṇavatī, one of the widows of Rana Sang, took a prominent part in the defence of Chitor, when it was attacked by Sultan Bahadur Shah of Gujarat. Her moving and inspiring address rekindled patriotism in a sullen and alienated nobility, which as a consequence, immediately mustered strong in the defence of the famous fort. The odds, however, were too heavy against the gallant defenders. Undaunted by the inevitable defeat that was staring them in the face, Jawahirbai, another queen of King Sanga, fought at the head of the army and died on the battle-field while defending the castle². Many other similar instances of able queen regents can be given from the medieval 'Rajput history.

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¹ *Pratijñāyaugandharāyaṇa*, Act I.

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¹ Tod, *Annals*, vol. I, pp. 303-4.

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² *Ibid*, p. 362.

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In the Maratha history Tarabai of Kolhapur, Anubai of Ichalkaranji, Ahalyabai of Indore and Lakshmibai of Jhansi are well known for the skill, diplomacy, efficiency and bravery with which they carried on the government during their regencies. In spite of the most adverse circumstances Tarabai, the founder of the Kolhapur ruling family, showed remarkable grit and statesmanship in continuing and organising the Maratha opposition to Aurangzeb after the death of her husband Chhatrapati Rajaram in 1700 A. D. The fact that her opponent had the resources of the whole of India at her command did not deter her from her patriotic duty. During her regency of 30 years (1745-1775 a. d.), Anubai Ghorpade of Ichalkaranji (near Kolhapur) conducted most efficiently the administration of her state. She used to participate in many of the campaigns of the Peshwas with her own forces. She was in fact the maker of her state and had inherited all the qualities of her illustrious father, Peshwa Balaji Vishvanath. Ahalyabai Holkar of Indore was entrusted with administrative duties by her father-in-law, Malharrao Holkar, when she was only 24. Her regency during 1766-1795 a. d. covered a critical and troublesome period of Indian history. She, however, managed to steer the ship of her state clear of all shoals and rocks. While the rest of the country was torn by wars, her dominions enjoyed peace and prosperity. Her extensive and judicious charities, her repairs and reconstructions of old and demolished temples, illustrated to the whole country how the Maratha rule stood for the revival and progress of Hindu culture. Queen Lakshmibai of Jhansi was a lady of ideal character and great administrative abilities. She was a trained soldier and a born general; the skill, bravery and generalship which she showed in fighting with the English against heavy odds have excited the admiration of frends and foes alike.

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Hindu kingdoms under lady regents were usually well governed. An Anglo Indian officer of long standing had observed to J. S. Mill that if a Hindu principality was vigilantly and economically governed, if order was preserved without oppression, if cultivation was extending and people prosperous, in three cases out of four he found it to be under a woman's rule. This high praise would show that Hindu queen regents were not mere figure heads of government, but used to actively guide and supervise the state administration.

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Queens used to excercise a good deal of influence on the administration even when their husbands were ruling. They were often entrusted with most delicate missions and their advice was eagerly awaited. When Duryodhana was adamant in his resolution to go to war with his cousins, the last effort to dissuade him from his resolve was entrusted to his mother queen Gāndhārī. The influence which the masterly mind of Draupadī excercised upon the Pāṇḍavas and their policy is well known. Kuntī sums up her inspiring and eloquent message to her sons by asking them to follow the advice of Draupadī. This shows how great was the confidence which was placed in her judgment by all her relatives.

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Inscriptions testify to several queens and princesses taking an active part in the administration. This was particularly the case with the Deccan. Thus Vijayabhaṭṭārikā, the senior queen of king Chandrāditya of the Chālukya family, was ruling over a portion of the Bombay Deccan by the middle of the 7th century. We have got a charter given by her in the 5th year of her reign (*I.A.*, VII, p. 163). In 786 A. D. we find Śīlamahādevī, the crowned queen of the Rāshtrakūṭa king Dhruva, making a land grant on her own authority (*E. I.*, XXII, p. 98). Obviously she felt that being the crowned queen, she had an inherent right to issue routine administrative orders without any reference to her husband; or, the latter may have expressly invested her with certain ruling powers, including the important power of making land grants. Mailādevī, a queen of Someśvara Chālukya, was governing the extensive province of Banavāsī in 1053 a. d. Ketalādevī, another queen of the same king, was the governor of the *Agrahāra* of Ponavad. Akkādevī, an elder sister of Jayasimha III, was ruling over the district of Kinsukad in 1022 a. d. Kumkumadevī, a sister of Vijayāditya, was ruling over a portion of Dharwar district in Karnatak in 1077 a. d. Lakshmīdevī, the chief queen of Vikramāditya VI, was in charge of the administration of 18 religious endowments¹. Guntur district was being governed by a queen at the time of the vistit of Marco Polo towards the end of the 13th century a. d. We have already referred to the great influence which Rajput wives and mothers used to excercise over the internal and external policies of their husbands and sons. They often used to show remarkable originality and presence of mind in the face of grave danger. Thus it was queen Padminī who suggested the device which secured the release of her husband.

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¹ Altekar, *The Rāshtrakūṭas and their Times*, p. 154.

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Let us now see what part ordinary women took in the administration of the country. There were democratic assemblies in the Vedic age. The marriage hymn expresses the hope that the bride would be able to speak with composure and success in these public assemblies down to her old age². It is thus probable that some ladies used to take an effective part in the public discussions of the democratic assemblies of the age. In the later Vedic period, the state of affairs changed; a text expressly informs us that women do no longer go to public assemblies¹. Later on popular representative bodies at the seats of central and provincial governments disappeared. Village, town and guild assemblies remained the only popular bodies known to the later period (*c.* 200 B. C. to 1200 A. D.). Rules about the administration of these bodies given in Smṛitis and south Indian inscriptions do not show that women were usually among their members. Female education was on the decline; marriage had become obligatory for women, and it was taking place very early in their life. Ordinary women of this period did not naturally feel much interest in the problems discussed in these bodies. Child marriages led to maternity at an early age, and most women were naturally too much engrossed in family duties and responsibilities to find leisure to take part in public affairs. During the last two thousand years, therefore, ordinary Hindu women have not been taking any part in public administration. It may be pointed out that the same was the case in the west till quite recent times.

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² **वशिनी त्वं विदथमावदासि ।** *R.V.*, X, 85, 26.

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¹ तस्मान्मांसः सभां यान्ति न स्त्रियः । *M.S.*, IV, 7, 4.

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We shall now take a brief survey of the position of women in public life during the last seventy five years. They hardly figured in it down to the beginning of the present century. This was but natural, for women were for a long time unable to get the benefit of western education, which was mainly responsible for creating a new social and political consciousness. Mrs. Anandibia Joshi, Pandita Ramabai, Mrs. Ramabai Ranade and a few coworkers of theirs braved the public opinion and courageously proceeded with the work of female emancipation. Things however changed when female education began to become more widely diffused since the beginning of the present century. Lady workers in the public life began to become more numerous. In the beginning they were naturally engaged in tackling the problems mainly concerned with their own sex, like female education, maternity welfare, widow remarriage, the abolition of the Purda custom, etc. From about the time of the Non-co-operation movement of 1920 they have begun to figure in the political movements as well. Several of them have distinguished themselves as platform speakers and hundreds of them have gone to jail to win freedom for their motherland. One Hindu lady, Mrs. Sarojini Naidu, has adorned the chair of the Indian National Congress, which is the highest honour in the gift of the Indian people. Some ladies have creditably discharged the onerous duties of the Deputy Speakership of legislatures, while others have adorned the benches of Honorary Magistrates. With the introduction of Provincial Autonomy, we find now two ladies serving as Parliamentary Secretaries in the Punjab and Bombay, and the United Provinces enjoy the unique distinction of having the first lady minister in the able person of Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit.

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In order to co-ordinate and direct the different movements connected with their welfare, women have organised Indian Women's Congress, which is regularly meeting every year since 1926. In order to afford a forum to women in all stations of life, this conference eschews all political questions from its deliberations and discussions.

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In the matter of franchise, Indian women have been very fortunate. They have got it almost without asking. The angle of vision of looking at the question changed profoundly subsequent to the Great War, and the British Parliament granted franchise to British women in 1918. The Parliament took up the question of Indian Reforms soon thereafter, and decided to leave the question of the enfranchisement of Indian women to provincial legislatures. The latter bodies showed a liberal spirit and Indian women thus got their franchise without having recourse to breaking of windows and courting of imprisonment. The Government of India Act of 1935 has introduced a differential lower franchise for women in order to enfranchise a large number of them. It has also reserved a few seats for them in every provincial legislature.

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As far as professions are concerned, women have made good progress in the medical and teaching lines. There are also a few lady advocates, but they have not yet begun to shine at the bar. There is extensive unemployment among educated men at present, but educated women are yet better off in this respect. Of course things may change when the supply becomes greater than the demand.

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The number of women engaged in professions is still very small. Whether it will ever rise to anything like the proportion that we see in England or America is doubtful. In the first place the scope of employment even for educated men is very limited in India.

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Then we have to note that family life still appeals to the average Hindu woman as the proper sphere of her activity. It is true that modern education may gradually change the traditional viewpoint in this respect, and educated wives may not like to confine their activities only to their hearths and homes. Wholesale desertion of the home by the wife in pursuit of a career is, however, not desirable from several points of view. The development of the practice of part-time employment would afford a good solution of the problem; it would not much interfere with the home life of the educated wife and would afford sufficient facilities to her to usefully employ her spare time and make her own contribution to the family budget.

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