Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan (1200–1550 A.D.) c5.s4.t6: (B) Hindu Society
Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan (1200–1550 A.D.) c5.s4.t6
- Language
- English
(B) Hindu Society
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The distinctive feature of Hindu society was the system of castes and sub-castes, as it is even to-day.¹ A reference has already been made to the system of caste as a contributory factor in the establishment of foreign Muslim rule. Let us make a note here of the fact that, as a result of Muslim impact, a number of old social and legal functions had passed outside the operation of caste rules. The position, and the legal and formal powers of the Brahman had undergone a considerable change with the fall of the old-time Kshatriyas or the ruling classes of Hinduism. On the other hand, with the elimination of the moral rivalry of the Kshatriyas, the authority and personal influence of Brahmans increased among the Hindu masses. This led to even more restrictions of caste rules and a wider caste jurisdiction in marriage and diet, and a few other spheres that were left to them.
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¹ Compare I.G.I.; Vol. I, 311 for a definition of caste :—‘A caste may be defined as a collection of families or groups of families, bearing a common name which usually denotes or is associated with a specific occupation; claiming common descent from a mythical ancestor, human or divine; professing to follow the same calling; and regarded by those who are competent to give an opinion as forming a single homogeneous community. A caste is almost invariably endogamous in the sense that a member of the large circle denoted by the common name may not marry outside that circle; but within this circle, there are usually a number of smaller circles, each of which is also endogamous’. Again—(Ibid., Vol II, 307) the writer explains the development :—‘The process by which the tribal divisions were split up may be seen at work in the present day. Under the attraction of the superior Hindu civilization and the teaching of vagrant Brahmans or ascetics, the upper classes separated themselves from the lower, initiated Hindu modes of life, assumed the status of a caste, were supplied with a mythical genealogy by the Brahmans and were recognized as an integral part of some Hindu community. The process was repeated until the lowest alone were left, and they were reduced to the condition of serf.........’
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It is difficult to give the exact number of castes which existed in the early Muslim period. Nicolo Conti puts the number of groups wherein no man of one creed will drink, eat or marry with those of others' at eighty-four.² The orthodox and popular tradition of Hindustan counts thirty-six such castes which include, besides the sub-castes of the Brahmans, the Kshatriyas and the Vaisyas, other separate occupational castes namely, those of brewers, goldsmiths, weavers, betel-leaf sellers, tin-workers, shepherds, milkmen, carpenters, smiths, *bhats*, ahirs, Kayasthas, dyers, flower-sellers, calico-painters, barbers, oilmen, jugglers, mountebanks, musicians and still others.¹ This, however, does not exhaust the enumeration of the castes, for, in some cases, the fact of residing in a certain locality gave the features of a caste to a group of people²; in others the mutual contact of Hindus and Muslims led to the formation of separate and new castes.³ Of the principal castes, numerous subdivisions began to develop the leading features of a distinct caste. As many as twenty sub-castes existed among the Rajputs alone.⁴
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² Compare Major, 16.
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¹ Compare Malik Muhammad Jaisi P., 154, 413.
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² Compare Gupta, 174-175 for the ‘kulins’ of Bengal.
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³ Compare ibid., 171-172 for the sub-castes of the Bengal Brahmans named Sher khani, Pirali, Sreemantkhanis.
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⁴ A.A., II, 56-57.
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Below all these castes which might be classed comparatively as the higher castes of Hinduism, came the millions of ‘Untouchables’, also divided into castes of their own. Though the phenomenon of untouchability was not so acute in the North as it was in the South, its existence, as well as the existence of the exclusive feeling of the upper classes towards Untouchables is indisputable.⁵ This feature of Indian social life has by no means disappeared under the strain of modern conditions.⁶
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⁵ Compare Shah, 70, 114-115 for the stratagem Kabir employed in forcing his initiation into the cult of Ramanand and other references to ‘defilement’ in the Bijak of Kabir. Compare Sircar, 126 for the meeting of Chaitanya with an ‘untouchable’ named Murari who held two blades of grass between his teeth to mark his abject humiliation. When Chaitanya advanced towards him he stepped back shouting, ‘Touch me not Lord, I am a sinner, my body is unworthy of touch’. Compare also the feeling of Malik Muhammad Jaisi, P. 362. For ‘untouchability’ in the Deccan, compare Barbosa, II, 60-70; Varthema, 142; J.R.A.S., 1896, Mahuan’s account, 343.
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⁶ Compare the remarks of the representative of Depressed classes at the plenary session of the Indian Round Table Conference, reported in the Times, London, December 1, 1931 :—‘The depressed classes live a completely isolated life from the rest of the Hindus. The Hindu priest will not officiate at the house of an Untouchable, and will not allow him to enter his temple. The Hindu barber will not shave him. The Hindu washerman will not wash his clothes. The Hindu will not eat with him much less inter-marry with him. We can conceive no greater social separation between any two communities than that which exists between the touchable and untouchable Hindus.’
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A number of social and economic factors were operating to modify the rigidity of the caste system and to change the relative position and privileges of the old higher castes of Hinduism. Of these factors, one was the introduction of Islam into Hindustan. The essentially proselytizing nature of the faith of Islam, and the professions of social equality and fraternity among its followers, opened its doors wide to receive the lower castes of Hindu society. Its offer had an additional force because it issued from those who ruled the destinies of India, and possessed unlimited resources. Some conspicuous examples of low class converts had already shown to the mass of Hindus how far a convert to Islam could climb the social ladder. Hinduism was thus faced with the ominous prospect of seeing its numbers being gradually absorbed into the growing fold of Islam. It tried to raise a bulwark against the rising tide by making certain concessions in reclaiming the higher classes back to Hinduism and to their old privileges.¹ For a time, it had nothing to offer the lower classes, who began to develop a new philosophy of life for themselves. A popular liberal and catholic religion began to spread in Hindustan, deriving its inspiration from more democratic creeds of foreign extraction. As against the older creeds of ‘Deeds’ and ‘Knowledge’ this new creed based itself on ‘Bhakti’ or devotion of man to the Divine Being, and demolished, as it were, the whole view of life centring round caste and the Ashrama.² We are not concerned with the history of religious development in this place, but we should make a note of the reactions of this new creed of Bhakti on the system of caste and social behaviour. In this respect, the followers of the new creed were given the name of avadhutas, or ‘emancipated’, by an early teacher of the faith which signified their comparative freedom from the bonds of ancient prejudices.³ In other respects, the alterations in the economic position of the various classes went a long way to modify the social position of the erstwhile higher and privileged classes. Under the new conditions of life, the Brahmans, whose former privileges and occupations did not equip them for any socially useful vocation were in a very unenviable position.¹ Some of them qualified as physicians and astrologers, and managed to earn a living, but on the whole they lived in a miserable plight, unless they migrated to the kingdom of a Hindu chief where the old order existed in some sort of vigour. The lower classes of Hindus, on the other hand, who lived under the Sultanate were no longer hampered by the old restrictions, even when they did not accept the new faith of Islam; in some cases they made notable material progress which reacted on their status in Hindu society.² However, as we have remarked, the introduction of Islam was not a fundamental revolution in the basic conditions of Indian life. It effected a change in classes and in their relative position, but did not uproot the institution. In fact, Islam also succumbed to the spirit of class division, and forgot all about the message of the Qur'an.
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¹ Compare Gupta, Aspects of Bengali society, J.D.L., 170, about the new reformist outlook in Bengal. It was laid down that if a Brahman was forcibly converted to Islam, he may be taken back into the bosom of the Hindu society by performing appropriate expiatory ceremonies, for, as the reformers discovered, ‘the fire of Brahmanical spirit burns in a Brahman up to six generations’.
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² Compare the view of Chaitanya, Sircar, 98.
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³ Compare Carpenter, 428. Compare Sircar, 212 for the instance of a follower of Chaitanya dining with others irrespective of caste rules. Compare ibid., 317 for the story of Subudhi Ray whose caste had been destroyed by the reigning Sultan of Bengal through pouring the water of his own goblet down his throat. The orthodox Brahmans of Benares counselled ‘the ordeal of steaming ghee’. When Subudhi came to Chaitanya, the latter only asked him to chant the name of Krishna ‘as one utterance of the Name would wash away all his sins’.
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¹ Compare Sircar, 317 for the employment of Brahmans as cooks; compare Barbosa, II, 37 for Brahmans employed as couriers. Compare Sircar, 201, how even when they were employed as cooks it was not because of their excellence in cooking but because it was 'fit to be eaten, by the orthodox Hindus.'
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² Compare *ibid.*, 317 how Ramanand Ray, originally a low caste, came to meet Chaitanya on the Godavari in a luxurious litter, attended by music and followed by Vaidic Brahmans in his train.
Linked texts (1)
- Bījak — Kabīr 1550, Hindi