The Mauryan Polity c8.s2: Sec. ii. The Paura-Jānapada
The Mauryan Polity c8.s2
- Language
- English
Contents
- c8.s2.t1 The Jānapada located in the capital — 2 parts
- c8.s2.t2 Procedure — 3 parts
- c8.s2.t3 The Paura-Jānapada in Pāṭaliputra — 10 parts
- c8.s2.t4 Jānapada in Aśoka's Inscriptions — 9 parts
Sec. ii. The Paura-Jānapada
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That the state policy of the Mauryan empire was much influenced by the conduct and mode of the assemblies of the Paura and the Jānapada is evident from the *Arthaśāstra*. The *Arthaśāstra* distinguishes Jānapada and Durga² while the *Rāmāyaṇa* (roughly 500 B.C. to 200 B.C.) refers to the Jānapada and Nagara.³ The terms Nigama, Durga and Nagara denote one and the same territorial unit, and mean either the provincial Capital or the Headquarters of the empire. It transpires that these assemblies were a feature of both the provincial and the imperial Headquarters. Hence the commentator of the *Kāmasūtra* interprets *nāgarikāḥ*⁴ as *Pāṭaliputrikāḥ*. The term *Janapada* in the *Arthaśāstra*⁵ refers to the area covered by villages and towns of the whole kingdom, except perhaps the capital, as a distinction is made between the *Janapada* and the *Durga*.
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² Bk. I, ch. 1.
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³ ayodhyā, ch. 79, 12.
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⁴ Bk. II, ch. 5.
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⁵ Bk. II, ch. 1.
The Jānapada located in the capital
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That the *Jānapada* assembly hall was located at the capital is testified to us by the *Mṛcchakaṭikā*. The news of the deposition of the reigning king and the election of his brother to the throne were brought by a messenger to the *Jānapāda-Samavāya* or the assembly hall of the *Jānapada* institution.¹ Thus the term *Jānapāda-Samavāya* is significant as it shows in unmistakable terms an assembly of the whole of the *Janapada* having its headquarters at the Capital city and not a miscellaneous assemblage as some scholars would have it. True the materials are lacking in regard to a number of particulars as to the working of that body, viz., the method of election, system of voting, writ to the members, spokesman of the assembly, etc., which are all features of modern democracies. But it is misreading history to import modern ideas into ancient systems of democratic government. Nevertheless the *Kauṭalīya* throws helpful light even in these respects.
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¹ Act X.
Procedure
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The terms *buddhivṛddhāḥ*, *bhūyiṣṭāḥ*, *śrotriyaḥ* indicate that the best and wise men were always chosen to these representative bodies. These were returned unanimously. There was no system of voting, though some scholars would even extend the principle of voting. It may be granted, however, that there was a kind of voting in the meetings of the assembly, the voting even here ultimately reducing itself to unanimous resolutions. The term *patrasampreṣaṇa*,¹ used in connection with the absentee members of the *pariṣad* may well permit us to infer that some kind of writ was in use. Again whenever there was occasion for the mention of a spokesman (*mukhya*, *śreṣṭin*) it was mentioned.² Under these circumstances to characterise these assemblies as mere crowds of the inhabitants of the city and from the village parts is positively meaningless.
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¹ Bk. I, ch. 15.
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² See Mhb., XV, ch. 8-10, (Trans. by Dutt).
The Paura-Jānapada in Pāṭaliputra
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It is obvious that there were two assemblies in the capital with the designation the *Paura* and the *Jānapada*. Pāṭaliputra had a *Paura* association, and the members of the *Paura* can be identified with the city magistrates of Strabo.³ It is said that these city magistrates exercised municipal administration in addition to their other functions by resolving themselves into six committees of five members each. The *Pañcika* *Saṃghas* of Patañjali may be the equivalent for these committees of the Greek writers. The *Paura* attended among others to the industrial and commercial concerns of the capital, watched the interests of foreigners resident in the city, and were in charge of the census. They also looked after the health and sanitation, besides police and magisterial functions. In addition they were in charge of the buildings like the assembly halls, temples, resthouses and public parks.⁴
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³ Bk. XV, 50, 4-10, Meg.
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⁴ Ar. Śā., Bk. II, ch. 36.
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These were not all. The Negama coins¹ and the coins bearing the name of towns, for example, *Ujeniya*,² which were taken to be coins issued by the merchant guilds are possibly coins which the *Paura* got minted at the capital on behalf of the city. For the *Śreṇi* or the merchant guild was a sub-committee of the *Naigama* which is a synonym for the *Paura*.³ The *Arthaśāstra* shows that the *Jānapada* too had the coins struck at the royal mint.⁴ It is said that a king of small treasure would be a nuisance to the *Paura-Jānapada*.⁵ From the fact that these assemblies are frequently referred to in connection with taxation, it is reasonable to assume that these assemblies exercised some control over taxation. Any additional tax was to be sanctioned by them. Kauṭalya says that the king had to beg of the *Paura* and the *Jānapada* towards this end.⁶
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¹ Cunningham, *Coins of Ancient India*, pp. 63-65, Pl. III.
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² *A.S.R.*, Vol. XIV, p. 148.
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³ See Caṇḍeśvara *V. R.*, pp. 177, 180, Naigamāḥ Paurāḥ naigamaḥ-paurasamūha, quoted by Jayaswal, *Hindu Polity*, Pt. II, p. 77n. Cf. Nasik Cave Inscriptions *Ep. Ind.*, VIII, 82.
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⁴ suvarṇikaḥ paurajānapadānām rūpyasuvarṇamāveśanibhiḥ kārayet—Bk. II, ch. 14.
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⁵ *Ar. Śās.*, Bk. II, ch. 1.
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⁶ etena pradeśena rājā paurajānapadān bhikṣeta—Bk. V, ch. 2. Cp. Bk. XIII, ch. 5
Jānapada in Aśoka's Inscriptions
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A similar circumstance perhaps actuated *Aśoka* to employ *Rājukas* in such a manner as would win the affection and goodwill of the *Jānapada* assembly. In the Pillar Proclamations IV,⁷ the term *Jānapada* occurs in three places where it is said that the *Rājukas* were to discharge their duties so as to secure the goodwill and affection of the members of the *Jānapada* and grant them *anugrahas*.¹ The discontented among them were to be brought round. The officers were to conduct themselves in such a manner as the *Jānapada* would not get offended. Aśoka attached so much importance to the *Jānapada* that he discussed with them the ways and means of propagating *dharma* in the land.² It appears from the fact that the phrase *Paura-Jānapada* occurs together whenever there is occasion for its mention, that these two bodies severally and conjointly carried out the political functions devolved on them. That they had to attend to such functions daily is evident from the kings' time-table where the second portion of the day is devoted to attending to the business of the *Paura-Jānapada*.³
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⁷ *Corpus*, pp. 147-8, pp. 122-123.
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¹ kammāni pavatayevū janasa jānapadasā hitasukhaṃ upadahevū anugahinevu chā sukhīyana-dukhiyanaṃ jānisamti dhamma-yutena cha viyovadisanti janam jānapadam kimti hidatam cha pālatam cha... hevaṃ mamā lajūkā kaṭā jānapadasa hitasukhāye yena ete abhitā asvatha samtaṃ avimanā kammāni pavatayevūti|| Corpus, pp. 122-23.
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² R. E. VIII (Girnār): bāmhaṇasamaṇānaṃ dasaṇe cha dāne cha thairānaṃ dasaṇe cha hiraṃṇapaṭividhāno cha jānapadasa cha janasa daspanaṃ dhammānusastī cha dhamaparipucchā cha . . . . —Corpus, p. 14.
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³ dvitīye paurajānapadānāṃ kāryāṇi paśyet| —Ar. Śās. Bk. I, ch. 19. Cp. Mhb., Śānti, 40, 19.
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As in the Capital so also in the provincial Headquarters, the *Paura* and the *Jānapada* assemblies had important functions to perform. The tenure of the local ministry depended on its harmonious relations with these organisations. If the ministers abused their powers, the citizens who had apparently the moral sanction of these assemblies, rose in rebellion and continued the struggle until their grievances were redressed. In Takṣaśila this was the case both during the reigns of Bindusāra and Aśoka. Kumāras or princes were sent to rectify the wrongs perpetrated by the ministry. This so highly pleased the citizens who demonstrated that their loyalty to the emperor was unflinching.
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*The story of Tiṣyarakṣitā*
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These assemblies again were entrusted with responsible executive work. A story¹ goes that once Tiṣyarakṣitā, the queen of Aśoka, made overtures of love to Kunāla, the son of Aśoka by another wife. Kunāla’s righteous nature rebelled at the very idea. This drove Tiṣyarakṣitā to severe wrath and she resolved to punish him at the next available opportunity. Aśoka fell ill and Tiṣyarakṣitā attended on him carefully that the king promised to do her anything she wanted. Her request was that she should be at the helm of the empire for a week. It was agreed upon. The queen sent an order sealed, as if from the king, to the Paura-Jānapada at Takṣaśila to get Kunāla, the provincial governor of that city, blinded. The members of the assembly met and discussed the unpleasant duty which had fallen on their shoulders. They informed the prince of the royal orders, to which he readily consented. The assembly got him blinded. The rest of the story is not relevant to our purpose. The story may or may not be true. What we are concerned with here is the administrative detail thrown out by the story. The Paura-Jānapada enjoyed executive powers amounting to punishing even the provincial heads of the empire. It would be idle to deny the existence of such institutions or to underrate the nature of the onerous work which fell to their lot.
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¹ See author's article in the *Ind. His. Quarterly*, Vol. VI (1930), pp. 181-4, with N. N. Law's reply thereon.
Linked texts (8)
- Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra — Kauṭilya, Sanskrit
- Mahābhārata — Vyāsa, Sanskrit
- Kāmasūtra — Vātsyāyana Mallanāga, Sanskrit
- Mṛcchakaṭika — Śūdraka, Sanskrit
- Pillar Edict IV — Prakrit
- Vālmīkirāmāyaṇa — Vālmīki, Sanskrit
- Takṣaśilā
- Nasik cave inscription (No. 16, N. 5) (ed. Hultzsch 1906) — Prakrit