Theory and Practice of Muslim State in India c9.s6: 5.6. Kings and Nobles
Theory and Practice of Muslim State in India c9.s6
- Language
- English
Contents
- c9.s6.7 — 4 parts
5.6. Kings and Nobles
c9.s6.1
Life of Muslim kings and nobles in India can be termed as fully lived. It was characterised by the absence of any sense of economy. Those who could liberally distribute money among the rich and the poor alike - umara, ulema, saiyyads, sufis, artists, poets and faqirs -, those who sent abroad millions of rupees to their Muslim brothers and religious leaders, could not by themselves live a life of austerity. They did not conquer countries and rule over kingdoms to live parsimoniously. They lived a full-fledged life full of physical comfort. There was no difference between the income of the state and the private purse of the king. Technically, all wealth of the state was spent on and on the command of the emperor. It is significant that the *Ain-i-Akbari* of Abul Fazl covering various items of the state's income and expenditure begins with the chapter on Household, the imperial household and imperial treasuries. For everything in a Muslim state was directed towards the person of the king and the order of his household. His household was his harem. We have already written about the life of the Mughal harem in a full-size monograph.¹⁷¹ Therein one can get details about the expenses incurred on the harems of Muslim royalty and nobility. We shall therefore be very brief here on the subject of the expenditure of the Muslim ruling class in India.
c9.s6.2
The government of the early Turks revolved round the sultan's household establishment. The public revenue could be spent or squandered in the pursuit of his pleasure. Sultan Ruknuddin Firoz, son of Iltutmish, emptied the treasury on the providers of pleasure. Sultan Kaiqubad, the grandson of Balban, is said to have spent all the surplus revenues, so assiduously collected by his minister Nizamuddin, on his dancing girls.¹⁷² Dancing girls were the chief means of diversion. Some selected girls were trained from young age in the art of dancing, music and coquetry for the pleasure of the king.¹⁷³ As time went on, these entertainments became, from private amusement, a conventional court practice. Wine was as indispensable as music. Right through the medieval period the elite drank with enthusiasm. Even the adolescent drank, and all princess drank in secret.¹⁷⁴ The king was imitated by his ministers and nobles who were also his partners through thick and thin. They all combined to make the court life notoriously licentious and corrupt, and men of all ranks gave themselves up to the pursuit of pleasure. This is an old story known to all serious students of medieval history. But the point to note is that much of the revenue of the state was spent on the pleasure-seeking activities of kings and nobles.
c9.s6.3
To have an idea of the wealth spent by the king and his nobles let us give some examples, or rather samples, for the range of the study covers a period of a thousand years, even more. A bejewelled crown of Muhammad Tughlaq cost one lakh *tankahs*, while another 80,000.¹⁷⁵ A shoe of the time of Firoz Tughlaq again cost 80,000 *tankahs*.¹⁷⁶ Muhammad Tughlaq spent so generously during his reign of twenty-seven years that he exhausted the Delhi treasury.¹⁷⁷ And the luxurious life of the nobles in the time of Firoz Tughlaq is thus described by the contemporary chronicler Shams Siraj Afif. "In the store house of every noble there were good carpets. A group of pretty and sonorous-voiced dancing girls and concubines were there to remove all traces of anxiety and sadness. Wherever the Amir halted in the course of a journey all kinds of food and pleasure were made available to him including intimate companionship (*lataif-i-wasl*)."¹⁷⁸ Sultan Firoz gave to some of his nobles eight lakh *tankahs*, to others six lakh and four lakh, each according to his position and status. The Wazir Khan-i-Jahan Maqbul received thirteen lakh tankahs as personal pay. It is reported that he had two thousand women including many of Rum and Chin, in his harem. He had numerous sons and sons-in-law. The Sultan made a provision that every son born to him should from his birth receive an allowance of 11,000 tankahs for his maintenance and every daughter on her marriage 15,000 *tankahs*. His munificence reached to such a pitch, that the Sultan was often heard to say that Khan-i-Jahan was the grand and magnificent king of Delhi.¹⁷⁹
c9.s6.4
This was the position in the Sultanate period. The Mughal emperors lived still more luxuriously. They maintained a magnificent court and a splendid harem. Their personal living was of a very high standard. Their army was large, their nobility prosperous. All this entailed a heavy expenditure. To meet this expenditure the Mughal emperors taxed the people to the limit that could be borne by them. The Mughal king wore jewels all over. Akbar wore gold ornaments, pearls and jewellery. Jahangir wore more precious stones than his father. So did Shahjahan. For these three emperors, it was gold and jewels from head to foot. The crowns were of gold and jewels and pearls. Precious stones served as buttons of garments. Shoes, made of leather or velvet, were embroidered in gold and studded with pearls. They wore costly perfumes. Their personal weapons (*qur*) were also studded with precious stones and stored in the *Qur khana*. Even the orthodox Aurangzeb could not completely discard wearing jewels. Needless to add that they were always soaked in costliest perfumes.
c9.s6.5
We have referred to weighments of Akbar, his successors and many of the royal princes on their lunar and solar birthdays. Sir Thomas Roe describes one such weighment of emperor Jahangir thus: "The king's birthday and the solemnity of his weighing to which I went... was carried into a very large and beautiful garden... where was prepared the scale, being hung in large trestles, and a cross-beam... the seals of massy gold, the borders set with small stones... the chains of gold large and massy... Here attended the nobility, all sitting about on carpets (and the ladies watched from behind the curtains). The king... appeared clothed, or rather laden with diamonds, rubies, pearls and other precious vanities, so great, so glorious; he was weighed with gold and jewels... Then against cloth of gold, silk, stuffs, linen, spices... Lastly, against meal, butter, corn... and all the rest of the stuff..."¹⁸⁰ The ladies celebrated the occasion with great enthusiasm and often received gifts from the king.
c9.s6.6
When kings dressed like this and wore so much jewellery, the queens and nobles' ladies could only excel them. This has been mentioned before. Some instances of such happy occasions and the exchange of gifts may be mentioned. Emperor Jahangir writes that when "Prince Khurram had hastened to the capture of the Deccan he had obtained the title of Shah, and now, in reward for his distinguished service, I gave him a mansab of 30,000 personal and 20,000 horse and bestowed on him the title of Shah Jahan... A special dress of honour with a gold-embroidered *charqab*, with collar, the end of the sleeves and the skirt decorated with pearls, worth 50,000 rupees, a jewelled sword with a jewelled *pardala* (belt), and a jewelled dagger were bestowed upon him. I myself... poured over his head a small tray of jewels and a tray of gold (coins)."¹⁸¹ What Shahjahan presented to emperor Jahangir is noted by the royal parent thus: "If the private offerings of my son and those of the rulers of the Deccan were to be written down in detail, it would be too long a business. What I accepted of his presents was worth 2,000,000 rupees. In addition to this he gave his (step-)mother, Nur Jahan Begum, offerings worth 200,000 rupees, or 75,000 tumans of the currency of Iran or 6,780,000 current Turan-khanis. Such offerings had never been made during this dynasty."¹⁸² And "Nur Jahan Begum prepared a feast of victory for my son Shah Jahan and conferred on him dresses of honour of great price, with a *nadiri* with embroidered flowers, adorned with rare pearls, a *sarpech* (turban ornament) decorated with rare gems, a turban with a fringe of pearls, a waistbelt studded with pearls, a sword with jewelled *pardala* (belt), a *phul katara* (dagger) a *sada* (?) of pearls, with two horses one of which had a jewelled saddle, and a special elephant with two females. In the same way she gave his children and his ladies dresses of honour, *tuquz* (nine pieces) of cloth with all sorts of gold ornaments, and to his chief servants as presents a horse, a dress of honour, and jewelled dagger. The cost of this entertainment was about 300,000 rupees."183 On another occasion "I held a meeting in one of the houses of the palace of Nur Jahan Begum, which was situated in the midst of large tanks, and summoning the Amirs and courtiers to the feast which had been prepared by the Begum, I ordered them to give the people cups and all kinds of intoxicating drinks... All sorts of roast meats, and fruits by way of relish, were ordered to be placed before everyone. It was a wonderful assembly... they lighted lanterns and lamps all round the tanks and buildings. A grand entertainment took place, and the drinkers of cups took more cups than they could carry."184
c9.s6.7.1
In a sultan's dinner wine was not an essential part, as for example, in the banquets of Muhammed bin Tughlaq as described by Ibn Battutah. But the rich fare speaks for the cost. Al-Umari was informed that in the royal kitchen of the Sultan thousands of oxen and sheep, fatted horses and birds of all kinds were slaughtered daily to prepare the meals. The imperial kitchen, both during the Sultanate and Mughal times, was a full-fledged. state department with branches like *matbakhi* (kitchen), *abdar khana* which catered for drinking water and wine, and *mewa khana* for fruits. Each branch was manned by a hierarchy of officials. Ganga water was brought for the emperor from long distances. It was carried to as far away as Daulatabad when Sultan Muhammad Tughlaq encamped there. Akbar drank only Ganga water. Provision of this water in the palace would have cost a lot. In matters of food only Akbar was abstemious. Most other rulers ate to satiation as did members of the royal household and the nobles. There were two types of dinner. One was khasa or the special dinner which was attended by the Sultan, and the other was general. There was an elaborate ritual observed while taking the meal. At the *khasa* dinner about twenty guests were present, at others many more. In the middle of the *dastarkhwan* there sat the qazi, khatib, faqih, sharif (saiyyad) and shaikh (sufi), and then the relatives of the Sultan and the chief An-ors. The meal started with sherbet of rose and sugar candy.
c9.s6.7.2
It was served in bowls of silver, gold and glass. The meal served consisted of chapatis, roasted meat, sweet *samosas*, salt *samosas* and rice and chicken. Before everyone present were placed *roomali* rotis, one-fourth or one-sixth piece of a whole roasted sheep. Then *puries* were served with *halwa sabuni* stuffed inside it (it is still sold in large quantities in Aligarh). Next was served in China plates meat cooked in ghee, onion, and green ginger. Four or five *samosas*, stuffed with mince meat, almonds, walnuts, pistachios and various other condiments and fried in ghee were served before each. Rice cooked in ghee garnished with a roasted fowl placed over it was the next dish. All this was rounded off with two items of sweet dish, called *hashimi* and *qahiria*. At the end there was a drink of barley water to push so much stuff down the system. The dinner was over after powdered *pan-masala* and fifteen rolled packets of pan tied with red silken thread were presented to each guest. The royal dinner was held twice in the day.185 it appears that all items could not be eaten to the full even by a glutton, but these were served because a royal dinner was a royal dinner. Still, a variety of pickles (achars) were added to the menu to whip up the action of the stomach. *Aijaz-i-Khusravi* of Amir Khusrau and *Kitab-ur-Rehla* of Ibn Battutah are full of references to these delicacies without which medieval Indian royal meals were not complete.
c9.s6.7.3
Details of a banquet during the Mughal period may also be given. It was arranged by Asaf Khan, Jahangir's brother-in-law in honour of Sir Thomas Roe, the ambassador of James I to the court of emperor Jahangir (1615-18), and has been described by his chaplain Edward Terry. "The Asaph Chan (Asaf Khan) entertained my Lord Ambassador in a very spacious and very beautiful tent... That tent was kept full of very pleasant perfume; in which scents the King and grandees there take very much delight. The floor of the tent was first covered all over with very rich and large carpets, which were covered again in the places where our dinner stood with other good carpets made of stitched leather... and these were covered again with pure white and fine calico cloths; and all those covered with very many dishes of silver... The Ambassador had more dishes by ten, and I less by ten, than our entertainer had; yet for my part I had fifty dishes. They were all set before us at once... I tasted of all set before me... Now of the provision itself... our larger dishes were filled with rice... some of it white... some of it made yellow with saffron, some of it was made green, and some of it put into a purple colour... several of our dishes were furnished with flesh of several kinds, and with hens and other sorts of fowl cut in pieces... To these we had jellies and culices (meat jellies), rice ground to flour, then boiled, and sweetened with sugar-candy and rose-water, to be eaten cold...
c9.s6.7.4
The flour of rice mingled with sweet almonds... Many other dishes we had, (were) made up of cakes of several forms, of the finest of the wheat flour, mingled with almonds and sugar-candy... To these potatoes excellently well dressed; and to them diverse salads of the curious fruits of that country... and for our drink, some of it was brew'd... At this entertainment we sat long... our feast in that place was better than Apicius, that famous Epicure of Rome, with all his witty gluttony..."¹⁸⁶ Manrique describes an equally elaborate banquet given by Asaf Khan to his imperial son-in-law Shahjahan. It lasted for four hours."¹⁸⁷ Royal dinners and the dinners of the elites were of course costly, but how much money was spent on them is difficult to say because food grains were very cheap and other items of food not very dear throughout the medieval period. Still, with meals taken many times during the course of the day, and with the garnishing of endless dishes, the dinners of royalty and nobility must have been a major item of expenditure of the Mughal society.
c9.s6.8
Dinners were accompanied by and ended with 'brew'd' drinks. Most sultans, Mughal badshahs and their nobles were heavy drinkers. Emperors from Babur to Jahangir drank freely. When Muslims were promised liberal allowances of wine in Paradise,¹⁸⁸ they could not be debarred from drinking in this world. With wine the Mughals took opium and other drugs. Strong constitution saved some princes from the debilitating effects of *araq*. However all princes and some princesses also drank. Detailed description of this activity is provided by Muslim chroniclers and European visitors. There were regular breweries in palaces of kings and mansions of nobles.
c9.s6.9
The remains of their palaces show the grandeur of their times and the wealth spent on their decoration and illumination. Their gardens and reservoirs consumed a lot of money and labour. Money on their tents in camp was as freely spent as on building permanent edifices. Even some carpets cost 60,000 rupees and more. Mahals of ladies swarmed with servants. Mistresses and servants consumed lot of wealth on decor, dresses and ornaments. Feasts and festivals, Khushroz and Mina Bazar were celebrated with great éclat. All the resources available in India were fully exploited to provide comforts and luxuries to the Muslim ruling and religious classes. Muslim chronicles vouch for this fact. They also vouch for the fact that the enjoyment of the Muslim elite was provided mainly by the poorest peasants through a crushing tax system.
c9.s6.10
¹ Gordon Sanderson, 'Archaeology at the Qutb', Archaeological Survey of India Report, 1912-13, pp. 120, 131.
c9.s6.11
² It is reproduced in Thomas, *Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi*, pp. 22-23.
c9.s6.12
³ Sir John Marshall in C.H.I.III, p. 578 n. 1.
c9.s6.13
⁴ Ibn Battutah, p. 27; Rizvi *Tughlaq Kalin Bharat*, vol. I, p. 175.
c9.s6.14
⁵ Barani, p. 341.
c9.s6.15
⁶ *Taj-ut-Maasir*, E.D. vol. II, p. 222.
c9.s6.16
⁷ Barani, p. 341.
c9.s6.17
⁸ Ibn Battutah, p. 77.
c9.s6.18
⁹ Lal, *Khaljis*, pp. 325-333.
c9.s6.19
¹⁰ Afif, p. 135.
c9.s6.20
¹¹ *Ibid.*, pp. 330-333.
c9.s6.21
¹² NizNizam-ud-din Ahmad, vol. I, p. 336; Niamatullah, fol. 67(a).
c9.s6.22
¹³ *List of Muhammadan and Hindu Monuments*, vol. III, p. 189.
c9.s6.23
¹⁴ Abbas Sarwani, *Tarikh-i-Shar Shahi*, pp. 417-18 and Rizquilah *Waqiat-i-Mushtaqi*, p. 550, trs. in E.D. vol. IV.
c9.s6.24
15 Tuzuk, vol. I, p. 96 and footnotes 1 and 2.
c9.s6.25
16 *Babur Nama*, vol. II, pp. 520, 634.
c9.s6.26
17 *Tuzuk*, vol. I, p. 3; Wolseley Haig, C.H.I.IV, p. 89.
c9.s6.27
18 *Ibid.*, p. 105.
c9.s6.28
19 De Laet, *The Empire of the Great Mogal*, p. 44. Also Finch in Foster, *Early Travels in India (1583-1610)*, p. 149.
c9.s6.29
20 Tuzuk, vol. I, pp. 7-8; *Tarikhi-Salim Shahi*, pp. 8-9.
c9.s6.30
21 *Ibid.*, vol. I, p. 118.
c9.s6.31
22 *Ibid.*, I, p. 152.
c9.s6.32
23 *Ibid.*, p. 258.
c9.s6.33
24 *Ibid.*, p. 12.
c9.s6.34
25 Moreland, India from *Akbar to Aurangzeb*, pp. 196-97.
c9.s6.35
26 *Badshah Nama*, vol. I, p. 221. Also C.H.I.IV, p. 554.
c9.s6.36
27 For mansions of nobles see my *The Mughal Harem*, pp. 45-47.
c9.s6.37
28 W.H. Moreland is the translator of Pelsaert's Jahangir's India and the author of *India from Akbar to Aurangzeb*. He says that this paragraph of Pelsaert has some problems of translation, Pelsaert, 56n., and hundreds of thousands may be taken as referring to either money or labourers.
c9.s6.38
²⁹ 'Adorned' in Pelsaert, p. 56, 'covered' in *Akbar to Aurangzeb*, p.
c9.s6.39
¹⁹⁷ The two words convey very different impressions.
c9.s6.40
³⁰ Pelsaert, pp. 55-56; Moreland, *Akbar to Aurangzeb*, 197.
c9.s6.41
³¹ Barani, p. 102; *Fatawa-i-Jahandari*, p. 22; Afif, p. 283.
c9.s6.42
33 Minhaj, Text, p. 315.
c9.s6.43
34 Barani, pp. 57-58.
c9.s6.44
35 Fakhr-i-Mudabbir, *Adab-ul-Harb wa Shujaat*, Hindi trs. by S.A.A. Rizvi in *Adi Turk Kalin Bharat* from B.M. Ms fol. 109b; Minhaj, text, p. 317; Barani, p. 80; Afif, p. 289.
c9.s6.45
36 Minhaj, text, pp. 195, 310.
c9.s6.46
37 Habibullah, op. cit., p. 265.
c9.s6.47
38 Barani, p., 508.
c9.s6.48
39 *Ibid.*, P. 326.
c9.s6.49
Lal, *Khaljis*, pp. 193-96.
c9.s6.50
40 Barani, pp. 438-39.
c9.s6.51
41 Al-Umri, *Masalik-ul-Absar*, E.D. vol. III, p. 576.
c9.s6.52
Al-Qalqashindi, *Subh-ul-Asha*, p. 66.
c9.s6.53
⁴² Afif, pp. 221-222.
c9.s6.54
⁴³ Ain., I, pp. 123, 259-61.
c9.s6.55
⁴⁴ *Tuzuk*, vol. I, p. 66, 82, also p. 71.
c9.s6.56
⁴⁵ *Ibid.*, p. 111.
c9.s6.57
⁴⁶ *Masalik*, E.D. vol. III, p. 577; Afif, pp. 296-97 and 437-38; Alqalqashindi, p. 71; Ibn Battutah, p. 129.
c9.s6.58
48 Al-Umri, Masalik, E.D. vol. III, p. 577. Also Hajiuddabir, *Zafar-ul-Walih*, p. 782.
c9.s6.59
49 Moreland, *India at the Death of Akbar*, pp. 68-69.
c9.s6.60
50 Jadunath Sarkar, *A Short History of Aurangzib*, p. 477.
c9.s6.61
51 Smith, *Akbar the Great Mogul*, pp. 261-62.
c9.s6.62
52 Irvine, *The Army of the Indian Moghuls*, pp. 58, 61-62.
c9.s6.63
53 *Ain.*, vol. I, p. 241, also Tables in Ain., Vol. III.
c9.s6.64
54 *Tuzuk*, vol. I, p. 341 and n. *Ain.*, Jarret, II, p. 277.
c9.s6.65
55 *Tuzuk*, vol. I, p. 349. Jarret, *Ain.*, vol. II, p. 198 has 29, 668, which appears to be correct.
c9.s6.66
56 Athar Ali, *The Apparatus of Empire*, Introduction and also pp. 36, 90, 345.
c9.s6.67
57 *Ibid.*, p. 478.
c9.s6.68
58 Afif, pp. 339-340.
c9.s6.69
59 *Waqiat-i-Mushtaqi*, E.D. vol. IV, p. 551; P. Saran, *Studies in Medieval Indian History*, p. 101.
c9.s6.70
60 *Ain.*, vol. I, Blochmann, pp. 140-150.
c9.s6.71
61 *Ibid.*, pp. 131-139.
c9.s6.72
62 *Ibid.*
c9.s6.73
63 *Ain.*, vol. I, pp. 129-30, 223; Smith, p. 38; *Tuzuk*, vol. I, pp. 237, 261, 287-89, 323, 400, 418, 432.
c9.s6.74
66 Barani, pp. 145, 319; Ibn Battutah, p. 14.
c9.s6.75
67 *Ain*., Blochmann, vol. I, pp. 147-49 169-70.
c9.s6.76
68 *Tuzuk*, I, pp. 374-75.
c9.s6.77
69 *Ibid*., pp. 394-95.
c9.s6.78
70 Badaoni, II, p. 190 as cited in Ain., I, p. 252.
c9.s6.79
71 *Ain*., Blochmann, p. 253.
c9.s6.80
72 Pelsaert, p. 54.
c9.s6.81
73 Habibullah, p. 238.
c9.s6.82
74 Manucci, vol. IV, pp. 409ff.
c9.s6.83
75 *Ain*., vol. I, p. 119.
c9.s6.84
76 *Ibid*., pp. 115-123.
c9.s6.85
77 Barani, pp. 60, 141.
c9.s6.86
78 Afif, pp. 222-223.
c9.s6.87
79 Ibn Battutah, pp. 150-51. Also listed in Ishwari Prasad, *Qaraunah Turks*, pp. 138-39.
c9.s6.88
80 Afif, p. 339.
c9.s6.89
81 *Ibid*., pp. 337-38, 370.
c9.s6.90
82 Bernier, pp. 255-56.
c9.s6.91
83 Ain., vol. I, pp. 93-94.
c9.s6.92
85 Jadunath Sarkar, *Mughal Administration*, Calcutta, 1952, p. 9.
c9.s6.93
86 *Ain.*, vol. I, p. 94.
c9.s6.94
87 Bernier, p. 258-59.
c9.s6.95
88 *Ain.*, vol. I, pp. 93-94, 95-102.
c9.s6.96
89 Manucci, vol. II, P. 341. Also Bernier, p. 258.
c9.s6.97
90 Abdul Aziz, *Arms and Jewellery of the Indian Mughals*, pp. 212-13.
c9.s6.98
91 *Ain.*, I vol. I, pp. 93-102.
c9.s6.99
92 *Ain.*, vol. I, pp. 98-100; Lahori, vol. II, Pt 1, pp. 363-64; Manucci, vol. II, p. 340.
c9.s6.100
93 *Ain.*, I, pp. 83-93; *Tuzuk*, vol. I, p. 271.
c9.s6.101
94 R.K. Mukerjee, *Economic History of India*, pp. 117-19.
c9.s6.102
95 Terry in Foster's, *Early Travels*, p. 302.
c9.s6.103
96 Manrique, vol. I, p. 56, vol. II pp. 147, 180, 424.
c9.s6.104
97 Manucci, vol. II, p. 430.
c9.s6.105
98 Bernier, pp. 128, 292, 258-59, 402-403.
c9.s6.106
99 *Tuzuk*, vol. II, pp. 80-82; Manucci, vol. II, p. 339.
c9.s6.107
100 Minhaj, pp. 157-60.
c9.s6.108
101 Ferishtah, vol. I, p. 66, 67.
c9.s6.109
102 Barani, p. 145.
c9.s6.110
103 Ferishtah, vol. I, pp. 73, 75.
c9.s6.111
104 *Masalik*, cited by Qureshi, *Administration*, pp. 160-61.
c9.s6.112
106 *Ibid.*, p. 400.
c9.s6.113
107 *Ibid.*, p. 94.
c9.s6.114
109 *Ibid.*, pp. 67-72.
c9.s6.115
110 *Ibid.*, p. 105-107.
c9.s6.116
111 Minhaj, p. 315; Niamatullah, N.B. Roy trs., pp. 12, 13; Yahiya, p. 183; Farishtah, vol. I, p. 163; Nizamuddin, vol. I, p. 266.
c9.s6.117
112 Farishtah, vol. II, pp. 305-306.
c9.s6.118
116 *Babur Nama*, p. 522, 527.
c9.s6.119
117 *Ibid.*, pp. 578-79.
c9.s6.120
118 Gulbadan Begum, *Humayun Nama*, pp. 94-97; *Babur Nama*, p. 522. Erskine puts the Shahrukhi at about one shilling; Steingass the *ashrafi* equal to 16 rupias. p. 95 n. 3.
c9.s6.121
¹²⁰ To be distinguished from Sikandara, the place where Akbar's tomb stands and which lies some distance west of the river, Pelsaert, p. 4n.
c9.s6.122
¹²¹ De Laet, p. 41; Pelsaert, pp. 4-5.
c9.s6.123
¹²² D. Pant, *Commercial Policy of the Mughal Emperors*, pp. 106-079, 164.
c9.s6.124
¹²³ *English Factory Records* (1642-45), p. 148.
c9.s6.125
¹²⁴ Thomas Roe and John Fryer, *Travels in India in the Seventeenth Century*, p. 144.
c9.s6.126
¹²⁵ Lal, *Mughal Harem*, p. 74.
c9.s6.127
¹²⁶ Saksena, *Shahjahan* pp. 63-64.
c9.s6.128
¹²⁷ Lahori, vol. I, Pt. II, p. 51; also vol. II, Pt. 1, p. 207.
c9.s6.129
¹²⁸ Manucci, vol. I, pp. 67, 216.
c9.s6.130
¹²⁹ *Ibid.*, p. 216. For further references see my Mughal Harem, pp. 94-95, 107.
c9.s6.131
¹³⁰ *Tuzuk*, vol. I, p. 10, 79; *Alamgir Nama* I, p. 368.
c9.s6.132
¹³¹ For repeated references to this fact in one book alone see Barani, pp. 103, 117, 433-35, 440-42, 538-44.
c9.s6.133
¹³² Afif, pp. 80, 132-33, 349ff. Also Barani, pp. 145, 203, 291, 360, 426, 558-61, 597.
c9.s6.134
¹³³ Afif, pp. 179ff., 196.
c9.s6.135
¹³⁴ *Tarikh-i-Salim Shahi*, p. 16.
c9.s6.136
¹³⁵ *Tuzuk*, vol. I, p. 10.
c9.s6.137
136 Barani, p. 243; *Tuzuk*, vol. I, p. 105.
c9.s6.138
141 *Tarikh-i-Salim Shahi*, p. 13.
c9.s6.139
142 Niamatullah, *Makhzan-i-Afghani*, fols. 66(b), 68(a); Dorn, vol. I, p. 66; Rizqullah, *Waqiat-i-Mushtaqi*, fols. 7 a, b.
c9.s6.140
143 Nizamuddhin Ahmad, *Tabqat-i-Akbari*, vol. I, p. 336.
c9.s6.141
146 Waqiat-i-Mushtaqi, E.D. vol. IV, p. 549.
c9.s6.142
147 P. Saran, op. cit., p. 101.
c9.s6.143
149 Sharma, *Religious Policy of the Mughal Emperor*, p. 107.
c9.s6.144
150 *Tuzuk*, vol. I, pp. 81, 107, 111, 115, pp. 127-28.
c9.s6.145
151 Mu'awiyah founded the line of Umayyad Caliphs at Damascus (CE 661), the Abbasids became Caliphs at Baghdad (CE 750) and Samarra (CE 836), and another line of Ummayad Caliphs ruled at Cordova or Qurtuba (CE 756). The Fatimid Caliphs were rulers in Cairo up to CE 1751 and the Ayyubids up to 1836.
c9.s6.146
Ruben Levy, *The Baghdad Chronicle*, p. 13.
c9.s6.147
J.H. Kramer in Sir Thomas Arnold, *The Legacy of Islam*, pp. 79-80.
c9.s6.148
Ruben Levy, *The Social Structure of Islam* p. 282.
c9.s6.149
152 Murray Titus, *Islam in India and Pakistan*, p. 55; Al-Biladuri, E.D. vol. I, p. 201. Also E.D. vol. I, Appendix, p. 462.
c9.s6.150
Khuda Baksh, *Orient Under the Caliphs*, p. 218.
c9.s6.151
Istakhri, E.D. vol. I, p. 28.
c9.s6.152
155 C.E. Bosworth, *The Ghaznavids*, p. 53-54.
c9.s6.153
Aziz Ahmad, *Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment*, p. 5.
c9.s6.154
Hodivala, *Studies in Indo-Muslim History*, p. 176.
c9.s6.155
¹⁵⁶ Baihaqi as cited in R.P. Tripathi, op. cit., pp. 10-11.
c9.s6.156
¹⁵⁷ Minhaj Siraj, *Tabqat-i-Nasiri*, Raverty, I, p. 61 and n. 4.
c9.s6.157
¹⁵⁸ C.H.I. III, p.
c9.s6.158
¹⁵⁹ Also Ibn Battutah, p. 73.
c9.s6.159
¹⁵⁹ Barani, p. 493.
c9.s6.160
¹⁶⁰ Thomas, *Chronicles*, pp. 207-16, 249-53, 259-60.
c9.s6.161
¹⁶¹ Yahiya, *Tarikh-i-Mubarak Shahi*, Persian text, p. 218; Lal, *Twilight*, p. 93 n. 50.
c9.s6.162
162 Muhammad Bihamad Khani, *Tarikh-i-Muhammadi*, trs. M. Zaki, p. 95.
c9.s6.163
163 Thomas, *Chronicles*, pp. 194, 197, 321-22.
c9.s6.164
166 Z.A. Desai, "*Arabic Inscriptions of the Rajput period from Gujarat*", *Epigraphia Indica - Arabic and Persian Supplement*, 1961, pp. 1-24. Also S.C. Misra, *Muslim Communities in Gujarat*, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1964, pp. 5-7.
c9.s6.165
167 *Babur Nama*, pp. 522-23.
c9.s6.166
168 Gulbadan Begum,. *Humayun Nama*, p. 69.
c9.s6.167
169 *Tarikh-i-Salim Shahi*, pp. 16-17.
c9.s6.168
170 Mukerjee, *Economic History of India*, p. 92.
c9.s6.169
171 K.S. Lal, *The Mughal Harem*, Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi, 1988.
c9.s6.170
¹⁷² Barani, p. 164.
c9.s6.171
¹⁷³ *Ibid*, p. 157.
c9.s6.172
¹⁷⁴ Manucci, vol. II, p. 397.
c9.s6.173
¹⁷⁶ *Ibid.*, p. 401.
c9.s6.174
180 *The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe*, pp. 411-13.
c9.s6.175
181 *Tuzuk*, vol. I, p. 395.
c9.s6.176
182 *Ibid.*, p. 401.
c9.s6.177
183 *Ibid.*, p. 397.
c9.s6.178
184 *Ibid.*, p. 385.
c9.s6.179
185 Ibn Battutah, pp. 15-16, 65-66, trs. Rizvi, *Tughlaq Kalin Bharat*, vol. I, pp. 166-67,190-91; Al-Umari, *Masalik*, p. 579; Alqalqashinidi, *Subh-ul-Asha*, p. 50; Ashraf, *Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan*, pp. 282-83; Lat, *Twilight*, pp. 274-75.
c9.s6.180
186 Edward Terry, *A Voyage to Fast India*, pp. 195-98 cited in Smith, *Akbar the Great Mogul*, pp. 293-94.
c9.s6.181
187 Manrique, *Travels*, vol. II, pp. 113, 120.
Cites (4)
- Humāyūnnāma — Gulbadan Bēgam 1587, Persian
- Tāj al-maʾāthir — Ḥasan Niẓāmī, Persian
- Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī — Minhāj al-Dīn Jūzjānī, Persian
- Tārīkh-i Mubārakshāhī — Yaḥyā b. Aḥmad Sirhindī