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The State in Ancient India: A Study in the Structure and Practical Working of Political Institutions in North India in Ancient Times c17: Chapter XIII [The Seventh Century A.D.]

The State in Ancient India: A Study in the Structure and Practical Working of Political Institutions in North India in Ancient Times c17

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English

Contents

Chapter XIII [The Seventh Century A.D.]

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The Seventh Century A.D.

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The material for reconstructing the administrative outline of the first half of the 7th century A.D. is unexpectedly copious. Besides some coins and inscriptions there is Bâṇa's historical work, Harṣacarita, life of Harṣa, the paramount sovereign of the greater part of North India. Harṣacarita can, for political purposes, be usefully supplemented by Bâṇa's romance Kâdambarī. Additional light is forthcoming from that prince of travellers and scholars, Yuan Chwang,¹ who spent fifteen years in the country and recorded his experiences in an admirable work. Fortunately, the authenticity and chronology of these sources are beyond doubt. They can all be used together.

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¹ For varieties of the spelling and pronunciation of the Chinese pilgrim's name, Rhys Davids in Watters, I, p. XI.

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These records centre round Harṣavardhana who, in consequence, has been endowed by modern writers with a heroism, power and greatness beyond what a closer study of the originals warrants.² The earliest known ancestors of Harṣa were Naravardhana, Râjyavardhana, and Âdityavardhana who are called Mahârâjas and may, therefore, like the ancestors of the imperial Guptas, be presumed to have been feudatories. The dynasty started on an independent career with Prabhākaravardhana, who was the first to assume the title of Mahārājādhirāja.¹ Beginning life as the chief of Sthāṇvīśvara in the land of Śrīkaṇṭha, he brought a number of surrounding chiefs under his control and stood forth as a suzerain.² His death seemed at first sight to be the signal for the break-up of his empire but his son and successor Rājyavardhana stemmed the tide of revolt. On the new king's early tragic death, his brother Harṣavardhana more than held his own against the enemies of the dynasty, united his dominions with those of his widowed sister Rājyaśrī, the heir to her childless husband's patrimony of Kanauj, and after six years of campaigning brought many princes under his supremacy. He stood forth as the suzerain of the greater part of North India and one of the most powerful monarchs in the whole country. He died in 648 A.D.³

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² The chief modern accounts of Harṣa are Ettinghausen's Harṣavardhana, Empereur et Poet (Paris, 1906), K. M. Pannikar's Srī Harṣa of Kanauj (Bombay, 1922), R. K. Mukerji's Harṣa (Milford, 1926), R. C. Majumdar, J. B. O. R. S., 1923, Vol. IX, pp. 311-25, V. A. Smith, Early History of India, 4th edition, pp. 348-72.

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¹ Sonpat Copper Seal Inscription of Harṣavardhana, Fleet, op. cit., No. 52; Madhuban Plates, Ep. Ind., VII, No. 22.

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² Harṣacarita (tr. Cowell and Thomas), p. 133 Prabhākaravardhana defeated a confederacy of princes under Devagupta which resisted him. Ep. Ind., VII, 185.

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³ According to Yuan Chwang's Life, p. 156, Harṣa died in A.D. 655. Takakusu (I-tsing, pp. LVI and 163) accepts the date but Watters, I, 347, clearly implies that the Emperor was dead in 648 A.D. According to V. A. Smith (Early History of India, 4th edition, pp. 348 et seq.), Harṣa's reign lasted from 606 A.D. to 647 A.D.

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It is, however, a mistake to represent Harṣa as the king of the whole of North India or as the ruler of a unitary state. A close scrutiny of the documents shows him to have been only the suzerain of a very large number of chiefs and his relations with some of the rulers appear to be rather ill-defined. The constitution of Harṣa's empire

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The nature of Harṣa's dominion.

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follows the lines which the study of the political conditions of the preceding ages would lead one to expect.

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Yuan Chwang, whose knowledge of the country was close and thorough, says that Yin-tu, as the Chinese called India, was divided into more than seventy kingdoms.¹ Such is likely to have been the number of states which were worth counting. But not all of them were perfectly independent. And besides them there seems to have been a yet larger number of feudatory domains. Putting the evidence of Yuan Chwang, Bāṇa-bhaṭṭa and the Inscriptions together, it appears that there were several circles of suzerainty, each comprising a suzerain and some feudatories, that within each circle there may be smaller circles of sub-infeudation, that Harṣa and Pulakeśin, who represented the two biggest and most important circles, claimed some sort of hegemony over less powerful suzerains and sometimes imposed their will on them. Thus, Kapis, probably modern Kāfiristān, was an independent state with ten dependencies. Its king celebrated the Mokṣapariṣad, the quinquennial Buddhist assembly, in the style of Harṣa.² Kashmir was also independent and had a number of dependencies such as Rājapur, Taxila and Siṃhapur. Yet Harṣa once compelled the king of Kashmir to part with a Buddha relic.³ Another independent state was Cheka with its capital at Sākala and with its circle of dependencies which included Multān. The praśasti of the temple of Lakkhā Maṇḍal at Maḍhā in Jaunsār (Bāwar) shows the royal race of Siṃhapur reigning in the modern district of Jalandhar.

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It is probably identical with the Sang-ho-pu-lo of the Chinese.⁴ The dynasty is said to have conquered many rulers (Kṣitipaḥ dāpitaḥ) and appears to have been practically independent. Yet in some measure it recognised the suzerainty of Harṣa. Here the line between autonomy and complete independence was faintly drawn.¹ Matipura near Harwâr was ruled by a Śûdra king and does not seem to have formed part of Harṣa’s empire. Thus, practically the whole of the north-west lay outside the limits of the Vardhana regime. Yet Harṣa could arrange that Yuan Chwang should be escorted by a military guard to the frontier, and that the north-western princes should see him safe to the borders of China.² Sindh was ruled by a Śûdra king. We know little about its political conditions in the age of Harṣavardhana but the Arab accounts prove that at the dawn of the eighth century A.D., it was dominated by federal-feudalism which is likely to have existed in the seventh century as well. It is remarkable that the tribal oligarchies which the Allâhâbâd Inscription of Samudragupta notices are no longer met with in the seventh century. It seems they had been swept off in the turmoils which followed the decline of the Gupta empire. It may be mentioned that Pâryâtra (Bairât) had a Vaiśya king.³ Towards the east, epigraphic evidence shows Śaśâṅka as a Mahârâjâdhirâja in Bengal in 619-20 A.D.

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He had under him some feudatories, one of whom an hereditary Mahârâja Mahâsâmanta issues a grant and acknowledges Śaśâṅka’s suzerainty.⁴ Yet this Mahârâjâdhirâja had been defeated by Harṣavardhana twelve years before. In Yuan Chwang’s account of Bengal he appears no longer on the throne. It is probable that Harṣa, though victorious, failed at first to impose his suzerainty definitely on Śaśâṅka but that, later, he reduced him or his descendants completely to vassalage or exterminated the dynasty. Perhaps it had been assailed both from the west and the east. Bâṇa has it that the king of Kâmarûpa in Âssâm voluntarily offered his allegiance to Harṣa and sent a priceless white umbrella to him. Probably, he wanted to safeguard his position against the common enemy, Śaśâṅka of Bengal. Kumâra retained his practical independence, but he suffered himself to be anointed by his new liege-lord. He attended Harṣa’s court and Mokṣapariṣad and took precedence of all feudatories. He was expected to obey Harṣa. When the latter asked him to send the Chinese master, Yuan Chwang, to him, he had the hardihood to reply, “I would rather send my head than let your majesty have the master of the law.” But when Harṣa proposed to take him at his word, Kumâra volunteered to bring Yuan himself to Harṣa.¹ Such was one of the forms of the tenure of vassalage which is removed only a step from independence.

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From the fact that Kumâra’s position is definitely regarded as higher than that of other feudatories, it appears that the powers of the latter were more circumscribed. Towards Central India, Mâlwâ appears from Harṣacarita to have acknowledged the overlordship of the Vardhanas. But in the account of Yuan Chwang it is not only independent but counts the rulers of Vadnagar and K’ie-ch’a or K’i-T’a probably Cutch, as its vassals.² It is probable that Mâlwâ was really the centre of a political circle and was practically independent but it acknowledged Vardhana hegemony in a rough and ready manner. The position of Valabhī is difficult to unravel. Its ruler is said to have been the son-in-law of Harṣa though there is nowhere any mention of Harṣa having married. He was certainly defeated by Harṣa; he attends the latter's Mokṣapariṣad. But in the account of Yuan Chwang he is practically independent. His position seems to resemble that of the rulers of Kāmarūpa and Mālwa.¹ The grant of Dhruvasena III from Valabhī of the year 633-34 A.D. speaks of him as having wooed the assembly of kings (Kṣitipasaṃhati), that is, having established his suzerainty over a number of rulers.² A proclamation which, as Bāṇa says, Harṣa caused to be engraved soon after his accession, is interesting for the whole subject. It seems to refer both to feudatories and independent princes. "Let all 'kings' prepare their hands to give tribute, or grasp swords; to sieze the realms of pace or chowries;

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let them bend their heads or their bows, grace their ears with my commands or their bowstrings; crown their heads with the dust of my feet or with helmets."³ Such was the formula of the Digvijaya or conquest of all the quarters, which was a time-honoured institution. Harṣa performed his Digvijaya with 5,000 elephants, 20,000 cavalry and 50,000 infantry. There is no mention of any Aśvamedha sacrifice anywhere. The Digvijaya might well have resulted in some annexations but it left numerous rulers semi-independent within the region which generally acknowledged the suzerainty of Harṣa. Their existence, indeed, is regarded as part of the order of the day. The size of their domains and their prestige varied enormously. Numbers of them appear on many occasions in Harṣacarita.

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In their very childhood the Princes Rājyavardhana and Harṣavardhana are given the sonsof the ‘king’ of Mâlwâ as their companions.¹ A little later, we are told that the eyes of “all kings” fell on the Imperial princess Râjyaśrî and that they sent envoys to request her hand.² Here independent sovereigns are certainly meant but by implication the great feudatories are also included in the expression ‘all kings.’ The marriage of the princess was attended by many “kings” and “queens.”³ There is a clearer reference to feudatories when we are told that ‘kings’ decorated the palace, polished mosaic flowers, erected posts, etc., and that their “queens” enlivened the occasion by their songs.⁴ On his death-bed Prabhâkaravardhana charged Harṣa, *inter alia*, to “make prize of feudatory kings.”⁵ When preparing for his campaigns, Harṣa receives exhortations from princes who already acknowledged the suzerainty of his dynasty and were faithful to it. When actually starting on his campaigns, he was accompanied by a number of Sâmantas.⁶ In the encounter between Harṣa and Pulakeśin, in which the former probably suffered a defeat, both the sovereigns were accompanied by a number of feudatories.⁷ In Harṣacarita a number of feudatories are seen waiting for an audience of the suzerain.⁸ Among others there was a forest chief who had earlier assisted Harṣa in the search for his sister.

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Bâṇa brings numerous tributary hill-chiefs on the scene.⁹ Relating his own experiences, he describes the camps of ‘subject kings.’ When called for an interview, he has to pass through three courts, crowded with “ subject kings,” before he meets Harṣa in the fourth.¹ The ranks of feudatories seem to have merged insensibly into those of aristocrats who were only large landowners. Thus, in his bereavement Harṣa is attended closely by many young nobles whose families had long enjoyed the favour of the Vardhana court.² The body of the dead king Prabhâkaravardhana was taken by nobles and townsmen headed by the family priest to the Saraswatt.³

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¹ Watters, I, pp. 140-41.

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² Ibid., I, 123.

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³ Yuan Chwang, Life, p. 181.

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⁴ Beal, Si-yu-ki, I, 143-47.

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¹ Ep. Ind., I, No. 2.

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² Yuan Chwang, Life, p. 190. Watters, I, 297.

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³ Harṣa’s dominion did not extend over Nepâl which, as Sylvain Lévi has shown, was a Tibetan dependency.

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⁴ Ep. Ind., VI, 148.

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¹ Yuan Chwang, Life, p. 186, Watters, I, pp. 349-50, Bâṇa, Harṣacarita, p. 139. For Kumâra, also Watters, II, p. 186, Harṣacarita, p. 294. For a Seal of Kumâra found at Nâlanda, J. B. O. R. S., VI, Part I, pp. 151 et seq.

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² Beal, II, 266, 268, Watters, II, 245, 247.

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¹ Yuan Chwang, Life, p. 185. Also Ind. Ant., XIII, pp. 70 ff.

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² Ep. Ind., I, No. 13.

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³ Harṣacarita, 218.

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¹ Ibid., p. 154.

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² Ibid., p. 155.

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³ Ibid., p. 156.

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⁴ Ibid., 157—58.

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⁵ Ibid., 188.

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⁶ Ibid., 231, 240.

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⁷ Ep. Ind., V, 202; VIII, 230; Ind Ant. VI, 87; VIII, 244; IX, 125; XI, 68; XIII, 74. Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese District, 350, Yuan Chwang, Watters, II, 239, Life, 147.

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⁸ Harṣacarita, 170.

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⁹ Ibid., 259.

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¹ Ibid., 68, 78.

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² Ibid., 193.

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³ Ibid., 190-91.

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Some of the incidents noticed above serve to illustrate the tenure of the relations of the suzerain with the feudatories. The inscriptions and the writings of Yuan Chwang and Bâṇa throw some further light on the question. The vassals adorn the court of the suzerain and send their sons to act as pages at his court and palace. They are sometimes anointed by the suzerain. They assist him with their forces in war. Râjyavardhana, starting on his campaign against the Huns, was attended by feudatories with their forces.⁴ Sometimes the suzerain entrusted them with important missions. Thus, the ruler of Jalandhar was placed by Harṣa in charge of matters relating to Buddhism to which he had been converted. “In this capacity (as Protector of the Faith),” continues Yuan Chwang, “the king of Jalandhar rewarded and punished the monks without distinction of persons and without private feeling. He also travelled through all India and erected topes or monasteries at all sacred places.”⁵ It falls chiefly to him to see Yuan Chwang safe to the frontier.⁶ It appears from the account of Yuan Chwang that Harṣavardhana, without interfering unduly in the internal affairs of feudatory states, tried to encourage good government therein. We are told that "the 'neighbouring' princes, and the statesmen, who were zealous in good works, and unwearied in their search for moral excellence he led to his own seat, and called 'good friends,' and he would not converse with those who were of a different character."¹ It may be presumed that neighbouring princes who consented to be treated in this fashion were not independent sovereigns but feudatories. With their ministers also the suzerain came into some touch. We hear of the presence of 200 such ministers from different kingdoms at the great religious assembly of Kanauj.² The occasional meetings of the suzerain and feudatories are likely to have reacted on politics and administration. Of the crowd of feudatories, eighteen or twenty seem to have been the most powerful and important. Yuan Chwang has described how, according to previous arrangement, they marched in Harṣa's train from Kanauj to Prayâga for the sixth quinquennial Mokṣapariṣad.³ It is clear from the Rohtâsgaḍh Stone Seal-matrix of the Mahâsâmanta Śasâṅkadeva⁴ and the Nirmand Copper Plate Inscription of the Mahâsâmanta Mahârâja Samudrasena⁵ that the titles of feudatories were the same as those in the Gupta period. Their consorts could be called Paramadevî and Bhaṭṭârikâ.

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⁴ Ibid., 166.

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⁵ Watters, I, 296.

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⁶ Life, 189-90.

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¹ Watters, I, 344. Beal, I, 214. ² Beal, I, 218-19. ³ Ibid., Life, 177, 186. ⁴ Fleet, No. 78. ⁵ Ibid., No.

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Diplomacy. Beyond the circle of satellites and spheres of influence, the emperor stood in diplomatic relations with many powers. Bâṇa records the presence of ambassadors from Ândhra and Drâviḍa lands at Harṣa's court.¹ From Chinese sources we learn that he exchanged diplomatic missions with China ²

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⁸⁰ Also Ep. Ind., XV, No. 19 (650 A.D.).

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¹ Harṣacarita, 170.

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² Sylvain Lévi, Journal Asiatique, 1900, tr. Ind. Ant., 1911, pp. 111 et seq.

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The hypothesis of the relationships of suzerainty and vassalage in the Vardhana Empire is supported by the evidence of Kâdambarî, a prose romance which was composed by Bâṇabhaṭṭa ³ under the patronage of Harṣa and which, details apart, may be held to reflect the dominant political conditions of the times. Feudatories abound in its pages. At the very commencement of the story, Śûdraka is painted as a second Indra, whose commands were honoured by the bent heads of all "kings," . . . who "had an army of neighbouring chiefs bowed down in loyalty to his Majesty." We are assured that he had the signs of a universal emperor.⁴ When the Caṇḍâla maiden is ushered in, she beholds the king in the midst of 1,000 chiefs.⁵ When the sun reaches its zenith and the hour of bath is at hand, the chiefs are dismissed from the audience-hall but they throng together to pay their respects to the king as he moves.⁶ When the time comes for Candrâpîḍa's consecration, he is anointed by the king surrounded by a thousand chiefs.⁷

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³ After the death of Bâṇabhaṭṭa the romance was continued by his son.

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⁴ Kâdambarî, tr. C. M. Ridding, p. 3.

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⁵ Ibid., 6.

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⁶ Ibid., 12.

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⁷ Ibid., 84.

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When he leaves the hall of assembly, he is followed by a thousand chiefs and is soon met by "hosts of kings" who do him homage. Bâṇa's account of the Digvijaya which began on the morrow of Candrâpîḍa's consecration is interesting. "By degrees, as he wandered at will, he bowed the haughty, exalted the humble, encouraged the fearful, protected the suppliant, rooted out the vicious, and drove out the hostile. He anointed princes in different places, gathered treasures, accepted gifts, took tribute, taught local regulations, established monuments of his visit, made hymns of worship and inscribed edicts . . .” So there were conquests in all quarters.¹ True, Candrâpîḍa is accompanied by an army but there is hardly any fighting. The prince seems to be dealing merely with his own feudatories. Here it must be noted that the suzerain anointed his vassals, took tribute from them and exacted obedience and submission from them. It is a striking proof of Bâṇa’s fidelity to his age that the conclusions based on historical evidence are generally supported by his romance.

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¹ Ibid., 89-90.

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A few incidental notices in Yuan Chwang show that the status of feudatories sometimes altered and might considerably go down. There were cases of ruling families being replaced altogether by viceroys of the suzerain. By the time of the Chinese pilgrim’s visit, the royal family of Gandhâra was extinct and the “kingdom” was governed by deputies from Kapiśa.² Nagarahâra (the old capital of Jalâlâbâd territory) had no chief of its own at the time but was governed by a commandant and his subordinates from Kapiśa.³ In a similar manner Siṃhapur was now a dependency of Kashmir.⁴

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² Beal, I, 98.

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³ Ibid., 91.

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⁴ Ibid., 143. For a curious tradition about Indian kingship, Ibid., 11.

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Not all the ruling families during this period belonged to the Kṣatriya caste. According to Yuan Chwang, Harṣa belonged to the Vaiśya caste.⁵ Yuan Chwang records a tradition that the kings of Kâmarûpa had been Brâhmaṇas for a thousand generations.¹ As already noted, some other ruling families came from the Brāhmaṇa, Vaiśya or Śūdra caste. Historical testimony thus confirms the impression, which the imprecations and prophecies of the Brāhmaṇas tend to produce, *viz.*, that the orthodox rule of Kṣatriya kingship was not infrequently violated.

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⁵ Beal, I, 209.

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¹ Beal, II, 196. Watters, II, 186. See also Beal, II, 270-71; Watters, II, 250-51.

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¹ For instances of Kṣatriya kingship, see Beal, I, 54, 82; II, 209.

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The titles of the suzerain were the same in the seventh century as in the Gupta age. In the inscriptions, Harṣavardhana is, like his brother and father, called Paramabhaṭṭāraka, Mahārājādhirāja.² Bāṇa calls the Vardhana suzerain Parameśvara, Cakravartin, lord of the fields bounded by the five oceans, sovereign of all continents.³ In the inscriptions Harṣavardhana’s mother Yaśomatī is called Mahādevī. According to Yuan Chwang, Harṣavardhana was warned by Avalokiteśvara not to assume the title Mahārāja. Thereupon, he “became king of Kanauj with the title Rājaputra and the style Śīlāditya.”⁴ The former assertion is contradicted by the inscriptions but it is probable that Harṣa was during his lifetime known by the titles Rājaputra and Śīlāditya. A passage in Harṣacarita indicates that besides the umbrella, there were three other royal emblems—the Siṃhāsana or Lion-throne, a peculiar Śayana or couch and Āsandī or chair.⁵

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² Sonpat Copper Seal Inscription of Harṣavardhana, Fleet, No. 52.

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³ Harṣacarita, 85, 100.

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⁴ Watters, I, 343.

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⁵ Harṣacarita, 103.

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Harṣa ruled in conjunction with his sister Rājyaśrī because the dominions of the two had been practically united. The capital of the empire was Kanauj, which seems to have been a magnificent city for several centuries. But in Yuan Chwang’s account the emperor is seen constantly on the move, except during the rains. Incessant travelling, whether on military expeditions, administrative tours, or from religious motives, was part of the personal conduct of the administration. The emperor never halted long at any place. Temporary buildings were erected at each station for his residence. These pavilions of travel, as they were called, were made of cut grass like huts or built of branches and boughs. They were burnt on the emperor’s departure. But while they stood they were furnished with all the paraphernalia of a court. It was at such a temporary court at Kajughira in Bengal that Yuan Chwang first met the emperor. On extraordinary occasions which drew together large numbers of feudatories, such temporary structures could be seen even at Kanauj. The emperor divided the day into three periods, devoting one to affairs of government and two to religious works—a rather disproportionate distribution of time. We are assured that Harṣa found the day too short for him. “He forgot sleep and food in his devotion to good works.”¹

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¹ Yuan Chwang, Watters, I, 344 ; II, 183. Beal, I, 215 ; II, 193. Life, 173, 177.

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In spite of his devotion to duty and religion, Harṣa maintained the traditional pomp and glory of sovereignty. Even while he was on tour, his porters carried his golden foot-stools, water-pots, cups, spittoons and baths. There were bearers of kitchen appurtenances with goats attached to thongs of pig-skin, etc.² The royal dress comprised a snow-white lower garment with short silk-threads, a bejewelled girdle, and a thin upper garment spangled with worked stars.² There was a certain manner of beating the drums which was a royal monopoly and could be used by no one else.¹ The tradition of keeping women attendants was maintained. There were female chowrie-bearers and shampooers.² Eunuchs were also employed at the court and palace.³ Royal ladies had their own attendants.⁴ Court festivities sometimes exceeded all bounds of decorum. Bāṇa's description of celebrations on the birth of Harṣa does not make very pleasant reading.⁵

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² Harṣacarita, 227, 237.

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³ Ibid., 80.

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¹ Yuan Chwang, Life, p. 173.

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² Harṣacarita, 83, 177.

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³ Ibid., 78.

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⁴ Ibid., 142, 181.

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⁵ Ibid., 144 et seq. For marriage festivities, 157 et seq.

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The king's court, consisting of feudatories, ministers, chief personages, poets,⁶ and favourites, presented a glittering spectacle. Bāṇa has given an account of Harṣa's camp at Maṇitāra on the Ajirāvatī, surrounded by the camps of renowned "subject kings" with all their separate retinues. There were numbers of elephants, horses and camels. Over the whole scene waved umbrellas with thousands of stirring chowries. It comprised four different sets of apartments, three of which, the outer ones, were filled by feudatory chiefs. In the fourth, under a pavilion, on a throne of pearl-like stone, sat the emperor with his feet resting on a foot-stool of sapphire and ruby. Yuan Chwang has described how the emperor marched to Kanauj followed by several hundreds of thousand people, along the southern bank of the Ganges, while Kumāra Rāja, attended by tens of thousands, took his place on the northern bank. The two kings led the way with their gorgeous staff of soldiers, "some also were in boats, some were on elephants, sounding drums and blowing horns, playing on flutes and harps."⁷ As in Persia, in the later Roman Empire and, under the medieval Mughals, the etiquette of the court smacked of servility. Yuan Chwang relates how on one occasion princes were prostrate at the feet of the suzerain.¹ Yet the fact of being a courtier carried some prestige. When after his reception by Harṣa, the poet Bāṇa returned home, he received an affectionate welcome and congratulations from all and was lionised in the neighbourhood.²

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⁶ For poets at the court, Ep. Ind., I, 180.

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⁷ Yuan Chwang, Beal, Si-yu-ki, I, 218.

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¹ Ibid., I, 220.

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² Harṣacarita, 93. A passage in Harṣacarita, 88-89, shows that the court was dismissed about sunset.

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The permanent seat of the empire, as usual, presented a glorious spectacle. Bāṇa testifies that Sthāṇvīśvara, when capital of the kingdom, resounded with sounds of triumph, beating of drums, songs of troubadours and minstrels. The palace was magnificent and had a white-washed street wall.³ Of Kanauj Yuan Chwang writes that "it was very strongly defended and had lofty structures everywhere; there were beautiful gardens and tanks of clear water, and in it rarities from strange lands were collected . . ."⁴

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³ Harṣacarita, 158, 170, 171, 179. Cf. the idealised picture of Ujjayinī in Kādambarī, tr. Ridding, 47. The towns and villages of the North-west made a poor impression on Yuan Chwang. (Beal, I, 73).

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⁴ Ibid., 70, 68, 171, 178.

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The household establishment of the king was a large one. There were the bodyguard, chowrie-bearers, chamberlains, door-keepers, ushers, porters, cooks, a chef, etc., etc. There were hereditary royal physicians. Purohitas and Paṇḍitas were there.⁵

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⁵ Harṣacarita, 70, 68, 98, 161, 171, 178.

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Some passages in Kādambarī bring out the royal luxury of the 7th century A.D. in extraordinarily vivid colours. When the roar of the drum, followed by the blast of the conch, announced mid-day, the king dismissed the court, rose from the hall of audience and took exercise in the hall of exercise with princes of his own age. He then entered the bathing place, which was covered with a white canopy, and had numerous inscriptions of bardic verses. “ . . . . It had a gold bath, filled with scented water in its midst, with a crystal bathing seat placed by it, and was adorned with pitchers placed on one side, full of most fragrant waters, . . . . . . . The handmaidens . . . . . duly besprinkled the king. Straightway there arose a blare of the trumpets sounded for bathing, penetrating all the hollows of the universe, accompanied by the din of song, lute, flute, drum, cymbal, and tabor . . . . . mingled with the uproar of a multitude of bards . . . . .” After bath and worship, his limbs were “anointed in the perfuming-room with sandal-wood, sweetened with the fragrance of saffron, camphor and musk . . . . .” After his meal and chewing of betel, he rose from his dais “with its bright mosaic pavement.” A portress, standing close by, hastened to him and “leaning on her arm, he went to the hall of audience, followed by attendants worthy to enter the inner apartments.” A long description is given of the hall, which showed as “though walled with crystal by reason of the white silk that draped its ends.” Reclining on his couch, “while a maiden seated on the ground, having placed in her bosom the dagger she was wont to bear, gently rubbed his feet . . . . . the king rested for a short time, and held converse on many a theme, with the ‘king’s’ ministers and friends whose presence was meet for the hour.”¹

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¹ Kādambarī, tr. Ridding, pp. 11—14.

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While the royal pomp subdued the imagination of the multitude, the unstinted royal generosity won their affection and gratitude. Yuan Chwang has recorded that even while travelling, Harṣa provided food and drink everyday for 1,000 Buddhist monks and 500 Brâhmaṇas.¹ Every year he gathered Buddhist Śramaṇs from all ‘countries’ and on the 3rd and 7th days bestowed on them the four kinds of alms—food, drink, medicine and clothing. Yuan Chwang was offered, though he declined, 10,000 pieces of gold, 30,000 pieces of silver, 100 garments of superior cotton, while the eighteen feudatory chiefs wanted to present him rare jewels.

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¹ Yuan Chwang, Watters, II, 344.

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Royal generosity reached its zenith at the quinquennial Mokṣapariṣad. Yuan Chwang has it that Prayâga, as modern Allâhâbâd was called in ancient times, had from of old been the scene of charity on the part of kings and noble families. An extensive area on the bank of the Ganges was called ‘the great charity-enclosure.’ “At the present time,” continues the Chinese pilgrim, “Śilâditya-râja, after the example of his ancestors, distributes here in one day the accumulated wealth of five years. Immense piles of wealth and jewels were collected in the charity enclosure; the most costly jewels were offered a statue of Buddha. Afterwards, charity to the residentiary priests, then to priests (from a distance) who are present; then to men of distinguished talent; then to resident heretics following the ways of the world; lastly, to the widows and bereaved, orphans and desolate, poor and mendicants. Having exhausted his treasures and given food in charity, he gives away his diadem and his jewelled necklaces . . . ”² Such seems to have been the fashion of the age. Yuan Chwang records that the king of Kapiśa held a similar Mokṣapariṣad and gave liberally to the needy, to widows and to widowers.³ Elsewhere, too, the Chinese pilgrim bears testimony to the generosity of Indian rulers.⁴

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² Beal, Si-yu-ki, I, 214, 221, 233. For Prayâga, p. 230.

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³ Yuan Chwang, Watters I, 122-123. Cf. Beal, I, 49.

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⁴ Ibid., 176.

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The succession to the throne was, as usual, hereditary and went by the rule of primogeniture. When on the death of Prabhâkaravardhana, Prince Râjyavardhana offers to resign the throne in favour of his younger brother, the latter violently protests.¹ But the incidents connected with the accession of Harṣa throw light on the manner in which emergencies were got over. When the news of Râjyavardhana’s murder was received, the chief minister Bhaṇḍi, who was a near relation of the royal dynasty and whose power and reputation were high and of much weight, addressed the assembled ministers, “The destiny of the nation is to be fixed to-day. The old king’s son is dead: the brother of the prince, however, is humane and affectionate, and his disposition, heaven-conferred, is dutiful and obedient. Because he is strongly attached, to his family, the people will trust in him. I propose that he assume the royal authority, let each one give his opinion on this matter, whatever he thinks.” All agreed. The chief ministers and officers all exhorted Harṣa to assume the royal authority. “.... The opinion of the people, as shown in their songs, proves their real submission to your eminent qualities. Reign, then, with glory over the land; conquer the enemies of your family; wash out the insult laid on your kingdom and the deeds of your illustrious father. Great will your merit be in such a case. We pray you not reject our prayer.” According to the account of Bâṇabhaṭṭa it was the Senâpati Siṃhanâda who proposed the installation of Harṣa. In either case the duty is performed by a high officer of state. Yuan Chwang continues that the young prince replied, “The government of a country is a responsible office and ever attended with difficulties. The duties of a prince require previous consideration. As for myself, I am indeed of small eminence; but as my father and brother are no more, to reject the heritage of the crown, that can bring no benefit to the people. I must attend to the opinion of the world and forget my own insufficiency. . . .” Yuan Chwang adds that in his affliction and crisis, the young man betook himself to a statue of Avalokiteśvara and was warned not to use the lion-throne and “call not yourself Mahārāja.” Harṣa duly assumed the royal office and began to issue commands to the ministers.¹ Making all allowance for picturesque effect in the Chinese narrative, the outline may be accepted as true. From the last incident it will appear that several varieties of thrones were known in ancient India, that the lion-throne signified some extravagance or vanity. That the Siṃhāsana or lion-throne was well-known in the 7th century is clear from Yuan Chwang himself. He records of a North-Western state that the large and high lion-throne of the reigning sovereign was much adorned with precious gems, that it was covered with extremely fine drapery, and that its footstool was adorned with gems.² Perhaps the high-sounding titles too were not universally liked.

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¹ Harṣacarita, 200 et seq.

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¹ Yuan Chwang in Beal, Si-yu-ki, I, 210—213. In the Banskhera Plate of the year 628-29 A.D., Harṣa probably with his own hand subscribes himself as Mahārājādhirāja (svahasto mama Mahārājaśrī Harṣasya). Ep. Ind., IV, No. 29.

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² Beal, I, 75.

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The details of a consecration in the 7th century A.D. may be inferred from some passages in Kādambarī where Prince Candrāpīḍa is anointed king. True, here the ceremony is led by his own father but for the rest, the description may be as applicable to the consecration of a king as of a Yuvarāja. “. . . On an auspicious day,” says the romance, “the king, surrounded by a thousand chiefs, raised aloft, with Śukanāsa’s help, the vessel of consecration, and himself anointed his son, while the rest of the rites were performed by the family priest. The water of consecration was brought from every sacred pool, river and ocean encircled by every plant, fruit, earth and gem . . . and purified by mantras . . . straightway he was anointed from head to foot by Vilâsavatî (his mother) attended by all ladies . . . with sweet sandal white as moonbeams. He was garlanded with fresh white flowers; decked with lines of gorocana; adorned with an earring of dûrvâ grass; clad in two silken robes with long fringes, white as the moon; bound with an amulet round his hand, tied by the family priest; and had his breast encircled by a pearl necklace. . . .” He was completely covered over with wreaths of white flowers. “Then his father himself for that time took the chamberlain’s wand to make way for him and he went to the hall of assembly . . . Then, when he had received due homage from the kings (chiefs ?), after a short pause the great drum that heralded his setting out on his triumphal course resounded deeply, under the stroke of golden sticks . . . Then, at the roar of the drum, followed by an outcry of ‘All hail!’ from all sides, Candrâpîḍa came down from the throne, . . . He left the hall of assembly, followed by a thousand chiefs who rose hastily round him . . .” Seated on an elephant, under an umbrella “with a hundred wires enmeshed with pearls . . .” he made his progress and received the homage of hosts of “kings,” who bowed low before him “as a trusted general recited their names . . .” Turning slowly towards the eastern quarter, Candrâpîḍa at last reached his palace. It was adorned with many triumphal arches; dotted with a thousand pavilions enclosed in grassy ramparts, and bright with many a tent of shining white cloth. Like a king, he performed all due rites. Next morning he started on his Digvijaya and made “conquests in all quarters.” The

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¹ Kâdambarî, tr. Ridding, 84–89.

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consort was anointed along with the king. "Upon this head," says the widow of Prabhâkaravardhana, "have the subservient wives of countless feudatories poured coronation water from golden ewers."¹ It was in great "conquests" that a Hindu consecration was expected to culminate. It is a striking coincidence that Harṣa's accession to the throne was actually followed by six years of Digvijaya. As usual, the reigns of extraordinarily powerful sovereigns were associated with new eras. The era of Harṣa dates from his accession in October, 606.²

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¹ Harṣacarita, 186.

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² Kielhorn, Ind. Ant., XXVI, 32.

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On the education of the princes a great deal of care was bestowed by the sovereign. The young princes Râjyavardhana and Harṣavardhana were placed in charge of their maternal uncle Bhaṇḍi who occupied an important position in the state. Sons of a great feudatory ruler were appointed their companions. They were given an excellent military training. Harṣa is reputed to have been a poet and dramatist but even if the plays attributed to him be adjudged the handiwork of a court poet, there is no reason to doubt the tradition of the emperor's literary accomplishments. Bâṇa, in fact, positively asserts that Harṣa was a great poet. Princes were often given high command or provincial governorships. Thus Râjyavardhana was sent by his father Prabhâkaravardhana against the Huns while Harṣa followed with a cavalry force.³

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³ Harṣacarita, 151, 154, 166.

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Bâṇa's Kâdambarî throws some additional light on the practice of the age. Its account of an Ujjain prince's education is obviously romantic but is not without some bearing on actual facts. For his son Candrâpîḍa, six years old, King Târâpîḍa built "a palace of learning outside the city, stretching half a league along the Siprâ river . . . with stables for horses and palanquins close by and a gymnasium constructed beneath. He took infinite pains in gathering there teachers of every science, and having placed the boy there, like a young lion in a cage, forbidding all egress surrounding him with a suite composed mainly of the sons of his teachers, removing every allurement to the sports of boyhood, and on an auspicious day he entrusted him, together with Vaiśampâyana (the minister’s son), to masters that they might acquire all knowledge.” Every day the king visited the prince. In an eloquent, high-flown passage, the novelist relates that the prince mastered the sciences, arts, crafts, music, the Epics, the Purâṇas, foreign languages, all kinds of writing, prosody, etc., etc.¹ On the completion of his education in ten years the prince was asked ceremoniously to return home.² Escorted by “three thousand princes, all sons of anointed kings,” the prince passed in a procession through the city,³ and then entered the court to be received affectionately by his parents and all present.⁴ Thenceforward, the prince lives a life of comfort, even luxury. He goes out to hunt. He has numerous attendants. Among others, Patralekhâ, daughter of the “king” of Kulûta, captured in war in her childhood, was appointed his betel-bearer by his mother and became his companion and confidential advisor.⁵ The king makes over the throne to him and has him regularly anointed with the help of feudatories. Before his consecration, the minister Śukanâsa gives him a lengthy discourse on his position and duties.⁶

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¹ Kâdambarî, tr. Ridding, pp. 59–61.

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² Ibid., pp. 61–63.

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³ Ibid., 63–65.

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⁴ Ibid., 70–71.

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⁵ Ibid., 73–75.

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⁶ Ibid., 76–86.

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Besides the sons of a king, his other relations might occupy important positions in the state. There is a Chinese notice that in the north-west a king, when starting on a pilgrimage, entrusted the kingdom to his brother.¹

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¹ Beal, I, 22-23.

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The administrative system of the seventh century A.D. is practically the same as that of the Gupta age. A few additional details are forthcoming from Bāṇabhaṭṭa, Yuan Chwang and from the inscriptions. A chief minister stands out more clearly than in the data of the Gupta period. Bhaṇḍi, closely related to the royal family, is admittedly superior to all.² The incidents connected with the accession of Harṣa make it clear that all the chief ministers met together to discuss important questions. For the north-west outside the dominions of Harṣa there is an interesting Chinese notice that the king and ministers met together for consultation on affairs of state on the 15th and last day of the month, and then took counsel of the chief priest and finally published their decrees.³ Harṣacarita indicates that ministers were also consulted individually by the king. For instance, Skandagupta, the commandant of the elephant force, is seen urging Harṣa to universal conquest.⁴ In Harṣacarita, the chief military officer—'foremost in every fight'—is called Senāpati.⁵ The war-elephant on which he rode is covered with coat-of-mail, and his tusks are provided with sharp barbs. There was “ a soldier on each side to manage the elephant.”¹ The commander of the cavalry was another high military officer.² As before, the Mahāsandhivigrahika is the foreign minister.³ The Pramātṛi is a counsellor and high officer of state. In the Madhuban Plate Inscription, the office is occupied by the Mahāsāmanta Mahārāja Skandagupta who also acts as the Dūtaka.⁴ Incidentally it appears that feudatories were employed in high offices directly under the suzerain. The supposition is strengthened by the mention of Mahāsāmantas and Mahārājas in the same breath with regular officers in the Madhuban Plates. Among other officers one of the most notable is the Dauḥsādhanika, one who is entrusted with difficult undertakings, a high police officer.⁵ Kumārāmātyas, Rājasthānīyas (viceroys), Viṣayapatis (district officers), and Uparikas (revenue officers) are common to the Vardhana and Gupta inscriptions. The Mahākṣapaṭalika was the great keeper of records. Yuan Chwang states that an accurate record of all happenings was kept.⁶ The mention of Āyuktakas, subordinate officers,⁷ and Cāṭas or police, in Harṣacarita supplies another link with the Gupta times. Again, Cāṭas are debarred from entering agrahāras, probably because their visitations meant some financial

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² Harṣacarita, 223; Beal, I, 211; Watters, I, 343. Cf. Kādambarī (49-51, 76-84) where the Brāhmaṇa Śukanāsa, deeply versed in the arts and sciences and in politics, presides over the administration and gives advice to Prince Candrāpīḍa.

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³ Beal, I, 22.

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⁴ Harṣacarita, 222, 225, 240.

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⁵ Ibid., 212.

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¹ Watters, I, 171; Beal I, 83. ² Harṣacarita, 209, see also 220. ³ Ibid., 218. ⁴ Ep. Ind., I, No.

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¹¹ See also the Valabhī grant of Dhruvasena III, Ep. Ind., I, No. 13. ⁵ Ind. Ant., XIV, p.

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¹⁶⁷ The Tipperah Copper Plate grant of Lokanātha (from East Bengal) of the year 650 A.D., shortly after the death of Harṣa, shows hereditary Mahāsāmantas and Sāmantas occupying the post of Kumārāmātya (Ep. Ind., XV, No. 19). Two grants of Dhruvasena II, of the year 639-40 A.D., from Central India show the same system of Bhuktis and Viṣayas (Ep. Ind., VIII, No. 20.) ⁶ Ep. Ind., IV, 211. Watters, I, 154. ⁷ Harṣacarita, 237, 286.

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exactions. There are numerous policemen and tax-collectors in Harṣacarita. There is an interesting notice that in the course of the emperor's march through a village, the Akṣapaṭalika or keeper of records, came out with a number of karaṇis or clerks to meet the emperor, to ask for his commands and to receive a golden seal and another emblem from him.¹ Elsewhere, too, there is mention of sakalakaraniparikara which shows that many persons were associated in the administration of the village or the next higher unit of rural administration.² Drâṅgika, as before, is the town-officer who, from his designation, seems also to have performed some revenue functions. The mention of Mahattaras with him shows that the chief personages of a place were informally associated with the administration or were at least consulted by the officers. There are numerous couriers who carry messages to and fro.³ The Life of Yuan Chwang supplies an interesting touch that the emperor's letters were written on fine, white cotton stuff and sealed with red wax.⁴

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¹ Ibid., 227.

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² Ibid., 274.

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³ Harṣacarita, 59, 160, 168, 179. Beal, I, 215 ; Life, 169.

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⁴ Life, p. 190. For officials, compare the Tipperah Copper Plate Grant of Lokanâtha (from East Bengal) of the year 650 A.D., which mentions the same official designations and feudatory titles. (Ep. Ind., XV, No. 19.)

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The remuneration of officers seems to have taken the form of grants of land, made according to the importance of the various positions. Yuan Chwang states that the king set apart 1/4th of the crown lands for the endowment of great public servants and another 1/4 for the expenses of government and state-worship. The two heads partly overlap and it appears that official remuneration consumed more than one-fourth of the revenue. "The governors, magistrates and officials have each a portion of land consigned to them for their personal support.” Yuan Chwang goes on to state that forced labour was “sparingly used.” The assertion may be accepted as true for Harṣa’s reign.¹ Bāṇa has recorded that on Harṣa’s rush from the north-west to the capital at the news of his father’s illness, footmen were sent ahead to secure a relay of villagers to show the way.² We are not told that the villagers were paid anything. Perhaps, it was on such occasions that the little forced labour, implied in Yuan’s statement, was exacted.

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¹ Watters, I, p. 176. Beal, I, 87-88.

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² Harṣacarita, p. 170.

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In the latter half of the seventh century I-tsing made an incidental remark on the recruitment of state-officials which may be equally applicable to the first half of the century. Scholars who defeated their opponents in scholastic controversies were not only gratified with grants of land and the proclamation of their names and achievements in schools but also received high posts in the service of the state.³ There is nothing improbable in the fact that government recruited men of recognised talents for certain offices which demanded an intellectual background.

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³ I-tsing, Buddhist Practices, etc., tr. Takakusu, p. 178.

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The sources of revenue in the 7th century A.D. were the same as in the preceding ages. Yuan Chwang’s verdict that the taxes were light may be accepted. Agriculture was, of course, the dominant occupation of the people. “All till the ground for their subsistence.” We are told that those who cultivated the royal estates paid ⅙th of the produce as rent. Yuan Chwang perhaps seems to regard the whole territory directly governed by the king as his estates. Royal estates are opposed to feudatory domains where revenue would naturally be paid to feudal chiefs. The Madhuban Plate Inscription mentions the Gupta imposts—Udraṅga, Uparikara, Hiraṇya, etc. Next to the land revenue, customs formed the most important head of receipt. In the Madhuban Plates there is a tax on things sold. It seems that merchants were required to pay some additional tolls at the ferries and fords on the rivers and at many points on the highways. From some passages in Bāṇa it is clear that some of the feudatories, for instance, hill chieftains, paid tribute. Presents came from all who had any occasion to see the king. Bāṇa himself was, for a while, refused admittance to the king's presence, because he had not offered his tribute of respect which, in the context, can only mean a present. In another passage Bāṇa implies that even villagers made presents to the king when he passed through their habitations. It appears that even under excellent kings the collection of regular taxes sometimes led to oppression by petty officials. On one occasion in Harṣacarita, people bitterly complain against revenue and police officials.¹

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¹ Harṣacarita, 87—90, 230, 243, 286. Watters, I, 176. Beal, I, 87. Ep. Ind., I, p. 67. The existence of the same fiscal system in Central India is proved by two grants of Dhruvasena II, of the year 639-40 A.D., Ep. Ind., VIII, No. 20. For records and archives, Watters, I, 154.

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Bāṇa implies that justice was administered by Mīmāṃsakas.² It is, however, from Yuan Chwang that one obtains a clear idea of the administration of justice in the 7th century A.D. in the north of India. His account which relates primarily to the North-west, differs markedly in many details from that of the theoreticians Nārada and Bṛhaspati but in principles it confirms them in a most striking manner. Yuan Chwang came to the conclusion that criminals or rebels were few and serious trouble was only occasional. “When the laws are broken or the power of the ruler violated, then the matter is clearly sifted . . . .” Torture was not used to elicit confession. “In the investigation of criminal cases there is no use of rod or staff to obtain proofs.” But there were a few ordeals which were resorted to when the accused persisted in denying the charge. In the water ordeal, “the accused is placed in a sack connected with a stone vessel and thrown into deep water . . . . If the man sinks and the stone floats, he is guilty; but if the man floats and the stone sinks, then he is pronounced innocent.” In the ordeal by fire, “they heat a plate of iron and make the accused sit on it, and again place his feet on it, and apply it to the palms of his hands; moreover, he is made to pass his tongue over it; if no scars result, he is innocent; if there are scars, his guilt is proved. In case of weak and timid persons who cannot endure such ordeal, they take a flower bud and cast it towards the fire; if it opens, he is innocent; if the flower is burnt he is guilty.” In the ordeal by weight, a man and a stone were placed evenly in a balance. “Then they judge according to lightness or weight.” If the accused were innocent, he would weigh down the stone which would rise in the balance. If he were guilty, the man would rise and the stone fall.¹ Lastly, “the poison ordeal requires that the right hind leg of a ram be cut off, and according to the portion assigned to the accused to eat, poisons are put into the leg, and if the man is innocent he survives, and if not the poison takes effect.”² It will be observed that while the water and particularly, the fire ordeals are serious enough, the others are almost frivolous. Perhaps the theory was that divine opinion and judgment

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² Harṣacarita, 86.

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¹ Yuan Chwang, Beal, I, 84-85; Watters, I, 172.

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² Watters, I, 172.

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had to be invoked. It is again probable that ordeals were resorted to only in cases where no decisive oral or documentary evidence was forthcoming.

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