Pramāṇa · Search · About · API

Administrative System of the Marathas c8: Chapter I. Central Government; Ashta Pradhan Council

Administrative System of the Marathas c8

Language
English

Contents

Chapter I. Central Government; Ashta Pradhan Council

1. Disorder and anarchy a heritage

c8.s1.1

"Shivaji Raja was famous for his forts," says Lokahitavadi.¹ He had captured and built no less than two hundred and forty forts and strongholds.² He used to prize them highly and large sums were usually granted for their upkeep and repair.³ The importance of these forts in a defensive war had been amply demonstrated in his lifelong struggle against the Mughals, yet no one will concede for a moment that fortification of inaccessible hills and rocky isles formed Shivaji's best claim to the reverence of posterity. His greatness as a military leader has never been contested, but his greatness as a civil administrator is perhaps still more undoubted. The Marathas have been well known for their military prowess from time immemorial. The old Rashtrikas, their ancestors, were soldiers of no mean reputation. They had fought under the banner of the Chalukya prince Pulakeshin and beaten back the victorious army of the great Harshavardhan. Ferishta tells us how difficult the Bahmani kings found it to tackle the mountain chiefs of Maharashtra. They had again won fresh laurels under the celebrated Malik Ambar, when the Mughal forces of the great Akbar had to beat an ignominious retreat before them. Shivaji, therefore, found the materials for an efficient army ready made. The rocks and hills, the mountain passes of his native land, offered him suitable sites for impregnable forts. But neither the nature of the country nor the character of its inhabitants was in favour of the establishment of an orderly government.

c8.s1.2

¹ Lokahitavadi, Aitihasik Goahti.

c8.s1.3

² Sabhasad, pp. 98-101 and Sen, Sivachhatrapati, pp. 140-148

c8.s1.4

³ Rajwade, M. I. S., Vol. VIII, pp. 17-19.

c8.s1.5

Shivaji

c8.s1.6

Shivaji had to evolve order out of chaos. The Nizamshahi dynasty had been overthrown by the Mughal arms while Shivaji was still a little child. The Bijapur government was not strong enough to maintain peace and order. The country was devastated by war, and even the neighbourhood of Poona was depopulated. Dadaji Konddev had to offer rewards for killing wolves* that infested the uncultivated fields and deserted homesteads and the people who lived in the Mawal valley were in many respects worse than wild beasts. Blood feud was the order of the day, and plunder and rapine formed the normal state of things. Almost every watan had two or more claimants and they fought to the bitter end. In his blind fury the Maratha watandar felt no pity for his rival's widow and orphan children. But even the apparent destruction of the family would not bring the feud to an end. The loyalty of an old adherent would often save a pregnant lady or an infant heir in some village or mountain fastness far away from their native hamlet. The child would never be allowed to forget the wrongs of his family. When grown up he was sure to avenge his dead relations, and plundered house.⁵ The anarchy of the time has left its marks on the family papers of the old Deshmukhs, and nowhere do we get a more terrible account of these feuds in all their horrors and bloodshed than in the papers of the Jagdales of Masur and the Jedhes of Rohidkhore. The Jagdales could not even count on the fidelity of their own servants. Their family history runs as follows:

c8.s1.7

∗ See Bombay Gazetteer.

c8.s1.8

⁵ He would often seek the assistance of a powerful neighbour, generally at the price of a portion of the disputed watan, and this man would take up the quarrel as if it was his own. See Rajwade, M.I.S., Vol. XV, pp. 117-118.

c8.s1.9

"The Desai of Karhad was Jagde Rau Rajgardal Deshmukh. He had two wives, they had four sons; Babaji Rau was the son of the first wife. The sons of the second were three, the eldest Ramaji Rau, the second Vithoji Rau, and the youngest, Dayaji Rau. Such were the four (sons). Then the father became old, and they began to quarrel. The father said, "You should not quarrel. I shall divide among you what is yours"; so he said. Then he gave to the eldest Babaji Rau the Patilship and the Deshmukhi of Masur and the villages under its jurisdiction. To Ramaji Rau (and others) he gave four villages, Karhad, Aud and two other villages under the jurisdiction of Karhad. Then Ramaji Rau stationed two barbers of Aud as his agents at Karhad and two clerks, Raghunath Pant and another, for the work of management. * * *

c8.s1.10

At that time the barber, the clerk and the Mokasi had united. Then these three decided to murder the three brothers Ramaji Rau, Vithoji Rau and Dayaji Rau. They shut the two brothers Ramaji and Dayaji Rau in a room and murdered (them). Then the remaining brother Vithoji Rau fled and came to Masur. * * * At that time the Patilship of Targaon also was ours. A Brahman was stationed there as an agent. The Brahman engaged two servants Kaligade and Khochre and he and his son proceeded to Benares; on the way they were murdered by Kaligade and Khochre. Then these two began to quarrel about the Patilship. * * * And Babaji Rau became very old. He had two sons—the elder Vithoji and the younger Kumaji. A *mali* (gardener) was in his service. Every day five maunds of flowers were strewn on his bedstead for Babaji Rau's enjoyment. Then he became very old and the *mujavar* (sweepers of the mosque) waxed strong in the village. The sons of his old age (being very young) were 4 and 1½ years of age. So he engaged the *mali* for the management of his household, and for the management of the fields was engaged a *dhangar* who tended (his) sheep. Mangi dhangarin was his mother. The *mujavar*, the *mali* and the *dhangarin* made a common cause and decided to murder Babaji Rau and his children. * * * And then the murderers came. They wrapped the younger son in a rug and threw him below the cot and murdered Babaji Rau in his bed. Then the elder son said, 'I have recognised you. You are the sweepers of the village mosque and you have murdered my father.' Thus he spoke, and they murdered him. Babaji's wife had concealed herself in a corner. She fled to Chitli with the younger son Kumaji." These are by no means the only murders in the bloody annals of the Jagdale family. The *mujavars* did not escape unpunished. Young Kumaji wreaked a terrible vengeance and decapitated three of them.⁶ Shahaji, the father of Shivaji, took the Patilship of Masur with the life of its owner, an uncle of Mahadji Jagdale Deshmukh.⁷ The revenge of those irreconcilable spirits knew no awe or respect for power, and the Jagdales sought a strong ally to assert their claim against Shahaji's son Shivaji. But their connection with the Mughals brought fresh disasters on them and at length these turbulent Deshmukhs had to forget their pride and seek Shivaji's protection and patronage.

c8.s1.11

⁶ Rajwade, M.I.S., Vol. XV, p. 9.

c8.s1.12

⁷ Rajwade, M.I.S., Vol. XV, p 1.

c8.s1.13

If the Jagdale annal is a savage one, no less gruesome is that of the Jedhes. One of the two Jedhe brothers, while returning from the Adilshahi capital with a *farman* for their watan, was waylaid and murdered by one Khopre, a rival claimant. The surviving brother Baji fled to the sea coast, assembled a few adherents, purchased the assistance of twelve good swordsmen at the cost of a portion of his ancestral property, and calmly waited for a suitable opportunity. Such an opportunity came, when Khopre, off his guard, was celebrating his marriage. Hardly were the nuptials over, than Baji Jedhe with his followers fell upon Khopre and murdered him with sixty of his attendants. Kanhoji, a descendant of Baji, became so powerful that he defied the authority of the Adilshahi king. He left seven sons; the youngest of whom Naikji was won over by the Sultan: two of his elder brothers killed him in their anger, and were in their turn murdered by Naikji's widow Ansaba, who afterwards gave birth to a posthumous son. Her infuriated brothers-in-law had no mercy either for the widow or for her baby. Ansaba was soon after murdered, but the devotion of a nurse saved the child who took shelter with Baji Pasalkar. Hardly was the family dissension over than Kanhoji, son of Naikji, began to quarrel with the Bandal Deshmukh and a bloody battle was fought. Their differences were settled when Kanhoji entered the service of Shivaji.⁸ But the Khopres, though humbled, had not been rendered altogether harmless. They joined Afzal Khan against their rivals' master, Shivaji.⁹ Such were the men whom Shivaji had to deal with and the times in which he had to work.

c8.s1.14

⁸ Sardesai, pp. 173-174.

c8.s1.15

⁹ Rajwade, M.I.S., Vol. XV, p. 394.

2. Further Difficulties

c8.s2.1

He was further handicapped in his work of reorganisation and reform by the ignorant indifference of his subordinates and lack of comprehension on their part. The art of war, as a source of honour and emolument, appealed to them more than the art of peace. If they had been allowed to follow their individual inclination, they would have gladly renounced the work of consolidation for a campaign of conquest. No less a man than Nilo Pant Mazumdar had earnestly prayed to be relieved of his civil duties so that he might "render military service, like other men and capture forts when necessary." Nor was he reconciled to his duties until Shivaji had assured him that his services in his civil capacity were as important as those of a commanding officer and would be appreciated in the same manner as the military exploits of the Peshwa.¹⁰

c8.s2.2

¹⁰ Rajwade, M. I. S., Vol. VIII., pp. 8-9. The document is very important, but an English translation is not necessary as the sense has been given above.

c8.s2.3

But Shivaji never tried to achieve the impossible. A practical statesman, he wisely rejected all unworkable ideals. He knew that the difficulties in his way were great, but he also knew that without an orderly government his kingdom would not be worth a moment's purchase, and so long as private war and blood feuds continued, he would not be able to introduce in his infant army that strict discipline which was essentially required for his very existence. Peace and order were absolutely necessary. But unless he could unite under his banner the numerous chiefs who exercised petty sovereignty in Maharashtra, a strong orderly government would be an idle dream. Once his aim was defined, he refused to be hampered by ordinary scruples. Policy required that he should try conciliation first. He was frequently unsuccessful, but whenever conciliation failed he did not hesitate to take stronger measures. One by one, the Deshmukhs of Mawal submitted to his authority and a considerable portion of the Bijapur territory was conquered. It was now that Shivaji had to frame a working scheme of government; but he was confronted with a very difficult problem. He had to decide how far the old system should be continued and to what extent reformed. Wholesale conservation and wholesale reform were equally out of question. The first would grant a fresh lease of life to feudalism with its concomitant evils of private war, blood feud, anarchy and oppression. A keen observer, he did not fail to notice the evil effects of the feudal system in the tottering kingdoms of Bijapur and Golkonda. But the total abolition of feudalism would alienate most of his countrymen, some of whom had submitted to him but reluctantly. He knew that the great defect of the Maratha character was its selfish individualism. The Maratha watandar thought of his watan first and of his country afterwards. Shivaji had, therefore, to strike a mean between the two extremes that would at the same time reconcile the watandars and ensure comparative order and peace.

3. General Structure of Government

c8.s3.1

The village communities in Southern India flourished from the dawn of history. When these democratic institutions first came into existence none can tell.¹ But in the absence of a highly developed central government, as we now have, the village communities served the needs of the time admirably. Shivaji decided to leave them undisturbed in their internal organisation. In fact the village republics exercised almost the same powers, enjoyed the same privileges and underwent the same responsibilities from the time of their origin down to the establishment of the British Government in India, when many of their immunities and privileges were found incompatible with a highly centralised modern government. Over a group of these self-contained units had formerly been placed the Deshmukhs and the Deshpandes. Originally appointed for revenue collection, they gradually made their office hereditary and assumed and exercised almost sovereign authority. The circumstances of the times, and the geographical features of the country, helped this feudal evolution. But Shivaji could not allow this state of things to go on uninterrupted. Feudalism meant the negation of a strong monarchy. Shivaji, therefore, appointed his own revenue officers, but the Deshmukhs and the Deshpandes were left in the enjoyment of their old rights and perquisites. They were on no account to exercise their old tyranny. Rayats were given to understand that henceforth they would have nothing to do with the Desais and the Deshmukhs. To render them altogether harmless Shivaji further prohibited them to build any walled or bastioned castle, and like Henry II of England, demolished some of the strongholds of these local tyrants.¹² "In the provinces," Sabhasad says, "the rayats were not to be subjected to the jurisdiction and regulations of the Zamindar, such as the Deshmukh and the Desai. If they offer to plunder the rayats, by assuming authority [over them], it does not lie in their power. The Adilshahi, the Nizamshahi and the Mughlai Desh were conquered [by Shivaji]. In the Desh all the rayats used to be under the Patil and the Kulkarni of those places, and the Deshmukhs. They used to make the collection and to pay an unspecified sum (as tribute). For a village, where the Mirasdars took one to two thousand (Hons or Rupees ?), (they) used to render two hundred to three hundred to the Government as quit-rent. Therefore the Mirasdar grew wealthy and strengthened (himself) by building bastions, castles and strongholds in the village and enlisting footmen and musketeers. They did not care to wait on the revenue officers. If the revenue officers said that they could pay more revenue (the Mirasdars) stood up to quarrel with them. In this way (they grew) unruly and forcibly misappropriated the (lands in the) Desh. On this account did the Raja demolish the bastions, the castles and the strongholds after conquering the Desh. Where there were important forts, he posted his own garrison. And nothing was left in the hands of the Mirasdars. This done, (he) prohibited all that the Mirasdars used to take at their sweet will, by inam (right) or revenue farming, and fixed the rates of due in cash and grains for the Zamindars, as well as of the rights and the perquisites of the Deshmukh, the Deshkulkarni, and the Patil (and) the Kulkarni, according to the yield of the village. The Zamindars were prohibited to build bastioned castles. (They were to) build houses (and) live (therein). Such were the regulations for the provinces." In this manner the danger of feudal anarchy was to some extent averted.

c8.s3.2

¹ The Maratha village system will be fully described in Book II.

c8.s3.3

¹² Subhasad, pp. 32-33, and Sen, Sivachhatrapati, pp. 37-38.

c8.s3.4

Like the Kamavisdars and the Subhedars of the Peshwa period, the Karkuns, the Tarafdars, the Havaldars and the Subhedars of Shivaji had to look after all the branches of Civil administration.

c8.s3.5

At the head of the government was the king himself, assisted by a council of state. It was known as the Ashta Pradhan Council, as eight ministers had seats in it. These were:

c8.s3.6

1. The Peshwa or the Mukhya Pradhan.
2. The Mazumdar or the Amatya.
3. The Waknis or the Mantri.
4. The Dabir or the Sumanta.
5. The Surnis or the Sachiv.
6. The Pandit Rao, or the Royal Priest.
7. The Senapati or the Commander-in-Chief.
8. The Nyayadhish or the Chief Justice.

c8.s3.7

When this council was first organised, we do not precisely know. At the time of the coronation the eight¹³ 'pradhans' (ministers) had stood on either side of the throne to pour holy water from gold and silver jars and basins, over the king's head.¹⁴ Malhar Ram Rao Chitnis tells us that it was then that the council came into being.¹⁵ These offices, however, were by no means new. Though the Mukhya Pradhan, the Amatya, the Mantri, the Sumanta, the Sachiv and the Senapati were unknown, people were quite familiar with the Peshwa, the Mazumdar, the Waknis, the Dabir, the Surnis, and the Sarnobat. What Shivaji did, was to retain the old posts with new Sanskrit designations. But whether these new designations meant any new power or new responsibility, is not certain. It is, however, significant that an official paper (kanujabta) was drawn in the first year of the *Abhisheka* era to enumerate the duties of the eight Councillors (pradhans) and other heads of departments.¹⁶ But it is quite possible that this paper was drawn up simply to enforce a stricter method in the existing organisation. Sabhasad tells us that the following officers had enjoyed the privilege of taking part in the coronation ceremony as members of the Ashta Pradhan council:

c8.s3.8

¹³ Sabhasad, p. 82; Chitnis, p. 162. Sen, Shivachhatrapati, p. 115.

c8.s3.9

¹⁴ Chitnis, p. 161.

c8.s3.10

¹⁵ But all these offices, existed long before the coronation. By the word Ashtapradhan here, Chitnis, therefore, does not mean the mere offices but the council. In the next sentence he mentions the appointment of the two Secretaries. These were also by no means new appointments. It is quite possible that the old officers were formally reappointed, according to the rites prescribed by the Shastras for the coronation ceremony. See also Lokahitavadi, Aitihasik Goshti, p. 7

c8.s3.11

¹⁶ Sabhasad, p. 83. Sen, Shivachhatrapati, p. 116.

c8.s3.12

1. Moro Pant, son of Trimbak Pant, as Mukhya Pradhan.

c8.s3.13

2. Naro Nilkantha and Ramchandra Nilkantha as joint Amatya.

c8.s3.14

3. The son of Raghunath Rao as Pandit Rao.

c8.s3.15

4. Hambir Rao Mohite as Senapati.

c8.s3.16

5. Dattaji Trimbak as Mantri.

c8.s3.17

6. Ramchandra Pant, son of Trimbakji Sondev Dabir as Sumanta.

c8.s3.18

7. Annaji Pant (Datto) as Sachiv.
8. Niraji Rauji as Nyayadhish.¹⁷

c8.s3.19

¹⁷ Sane, Patreyadi Bagaire, p. 357. Also see Sanads and Letters edited by P. V. Mawji and D. V. Parasnis, pp. 123-24.

c8.s3.20

These men had already held these offices for some time past. Sabhasad, while describing the coronation, refers simply to their new Sanskrit designations, but does not say that these posts were newly created. It is quite possible that Chitnis also had in his mind the introduction of Sanskrit designations when he wrote of the Raja's decision of appointing a council of eight. Both Sabhasad and Chitnis make frequent mention of the past incumbents of these offices. Sabhasad, for example, says that one Sham Rao Nilkanth was Moro Trimbak Pingle's¹⁸ predecessor in the Peshwaship.¹⁹ Shivaji's first Sarnobat was one Tukoji Chor Maratha.²⁰ He was succeeded by Mankoji Dahatonde.²¹ We do not know why Tukoji lost his master's confidence, but after the conquest of Jawli, the chief command of the army was conferred on Netaji Palkar²² as Mankoji had in the interval died. Netaji was dismissed for his failure to succour Panhala,²³ and an enterprising cavalry officer, Kadtaji Gujar, obtained the Sarnobatship with the title of Pratap Rao. Finally after Pratap Rao's heroic death in a hard-fought battle, his lieutenant Hasaji Mohite was promoted to be Commander-in-Chief.²⁴ It was this Hasaji or Hambir Rao, the fifth or according to another account, the sixth Sarnobat,²⁵ who stood with a silver jar filled with milk at the time of the ceremonial bath, during Shivaji's coronation.²⁶ Similarly Nilo Sondev and Gangaji Mangaji had served as Surnis and Waknis respectively, before Annaji Datto and Dattaji Trimbak.²⁷ It is also certain that both before and after his coronation, Shivaji held a council of these and other officers. To cite only one instance, when Afzal Khan invaded his infant kingdom, Shivaji called a council of his principal ministers, among whom figured not only Moro Pant, Gangaji Mangaji, Netaji Palkar and Raghunath Ballal, (most of them afterwards members of the Ashta Pradhan Council), but also men like Gomaji Naik, Krishnaji Naik and Subhanji Naik.²⁸ It does not appear, therefore, that the council was first organised at the time of the coronation. Nor can it be maintained that the Ashta Pradhan Council owed its origin to the creative genius of Shivaji. The Persian designation of such officers as the Dabir, the Surnis, the Waknis, and the Mazumdar clearly shows that analogous offices did exist under the Muhammadan governments of the south. Mention has also been made of such councils in old Hindu works on polity. In the Shukraniti, for example, we find that the chief Priest and the Chief Justice should have seats in the cabinet, and this was a special feature of Shivaji's council.²⁹

c8.s3.21

¹⁸ I do not call him Moro Trimal as he is described as Trimbak suta Moreshwar, Moreshwar son of Trimbak, in the couplet inscribed on his seal.

c8.s3.22

¹⁹ Sabhasad, pp. 7, 8, 11; Peshwas' Diaries, Vol. I, p. 41.

c8.s3.23

²⁰ Sabhasad, p. 8.

c8.s3.24

²¹ Ibid, 9.

c8.s3.25

²² Ibid, 11.

c8.s3.26

²³ Shabhasad, p. 59.

c8.s3.27

²⁴ Ibid, p. 79.

c8.s3.28

²⁵ J. N. Sarkar says that according to Narsin Shenvi Anand Rao succeeded Pratap Rao Gujar.

c8.s3.29

²⁶ Chitnis, p. 162.

c8.s3.30

²⁷ Sabhasad, p. 11. Sen, Sivachhatrapati, pp. 7-8.

c8.s3.31

²⁸ Sabhasad, p. 14. Sen, Sivachhatrapati, p. 11.

c8.s3.32

²⁹ A more detailed discussion is reserved for Book III.

c8.s3.33

When the Peshwas rose to power, most of these offices had become hereditary, but in Shivaji's time, the pradhans (councillors) were not appointed for life. They were liable to be dismissed at the king's pleasure and could not transmit their office to their sons or brothers. In the Peshwa period principal officers generally became founders of new families. This was impossible in Shivaji's time. First, because he took good care to keep all offices, both high and low, free from a hereditary character. We have seen how six Commanders-in-Chief had been in succession appointed by Shivaji, but not in a single case had he selected for the post a near relative of the last incumbent. Suryaji Malsure was no doubt appointed Subhedar of the Mawali forces, after the death of his brother Tanaji; but in this case the officer in question had rendered such distinguished service as fully deserved public recognition.³⁰ Secondly, because Shivaji made it a rule not to assign any Jagir to any office, civil or military. It was strictly laid down that no soldier or military officer should have any thing to do with the revenue collection of the country and there was, in those days of anarchy and war, hardly any officer who was not required to take up arms. In Sabhasad's account we find that, "the balance of their dues (was paid by) 'varats' (orders) either on the Huzur (central government) or on the district (establishments). In this manner were their annual accounts punctually settled. Mokasa mahals or villages with absolute rights should on no account be granted to the (men in the) army, the militia and the garrisons of the fort. Every payment should be made by 'varats' or with cash from the treasury. None but the Karkuns had authority over the lands. All payments to the army, the militia, and the garrison, should be made by the Karkuns."³¹ These wise regulations had their desired effect, and arrested for the time being the growth of feudalism in Maharashtra. In the words of Ranade, "None of the great men, who distinguished themselves in Shivaji's time, were able to hand over to their descendants large landed estates. Neither Moropant Pingle nor Abaji Sondev, nor Ragho Ballal or Datto Annaji or Niraji Raoji, among the Brahmans, nor the Malusares or Kanks, or Pratap Rao Gujar, Netaji Palkar, Hambirrao Mohite or the Maratha *Sardars*, were able to found ancient families such as those which Shahu's ministers in the early part of the eighteenth century succeeded in doing."³²

c8.s3.34

³⁰ Sabhasad, pp. 56-57. Sen, Sivachhatrapati, pp. 72-74.

c8.s3.35

³¹ Sabhasad, p. 80. Sen, Sivachhatrapati, pp. 33-34.

c8.s3.36

³² Ranade, R. M. P., pp. 129-130.

c8.s3.37

Though we do not know precisely when the Ashta Pradhan Council came into being, yet we have a fairly accurate knowledge of what was expected of the pradhans. In a paper³³ already referred to, their duties have been clearly defined. From this and other state papers, it does not appear that Shivaji aimed at a bureaucratic form of government. A great Maharashtra scholar, the late Justice Ranade, has thrown clear hints that the Ashta Pradhan Council, in its essential characteristics, bore a striking resemblance to the Viceroy's Executive Council. Says the great savant, "The *Peshwa* was Prime Minister, next to the king and was at the head of both the civil and military administrations, and sat first on the right hand below the throne. The *Senapati* was in charge of the military administration, and sat first on the left side. *Amatya* and *Sachiv* sat next to the *Peshwa*, while the *Mantri* sat next below the *Sachiv* and was in charge of the king's private affairs. The *Sumant* was Foreign Secretary, and sat below the *Senapati* on the left. Next came *Panditrao*, who had charge of the ecclesiastical department, and below him on the left side sat the Chief Justice. It will be seen from these details that the Ashta Pradhan system has its counterpart in the present constitution of the Government of India. The Governor-General and Viceroy occupies the place of the *Peshwa*; next comes the Commander-in-Chief of the army. The Finance and Foreign Ministers come next. In the Government of India, the Executive Council makes no room for the head of the ecclesiastical department, or for the Chief Justice on one side and the Private Secretary on the other, and in their place sit the Member in Charge of the Home Department, the Legal Member, and the Public Works Minister. These variations are due to the difference of circumstances, but the conception which lies at the bottom of both systems is the same of having a council of the highest officers of the State, sitting together to assist the king in the proper discharge of his duties.³⁴

c8.s3.38

³³ Sane, Patre yadi Ragaire, p. 357.

c8.s3.39

³⁴ Ranade, R. M. P., pp. 126-127.

c8.s3.40

Although there seems to be some apparent resemblance between the Ashta Pradhan Council of Shivaji and the Executive Council of the Viceroy and the Governor-General of India, the principles underlying the two are by no means identical. The Government in India is widely known to be a bureaucracy. The subordinate officers are responsible to the heads of their departments and these departmental heads are mainly responsible for initiating the policy in the particular branches of administration entrusted to them. Although they can and do deliberate upon grave questions affecting departments other than theirs, there is a clear-cut division of duties. The Law Member is never called upon to lead a military expedition, nor is the Commander-in-Chief required to hear a title suit. But six out of the eight members of Shivaji's council had to perform military duties whenever necessary, and all the eight had, as occasions arose, to attend a Hazir Majalasi to hear appeals in both civil and criminal cases. The first Pandit Rao³⁵ had to render diplomatic service, when he was sent on an embassy to Jai Singh. This is not, however, the only difference. The Viceroy, though he can in theory override the decisions of his Executive Council, is in practice expected to be guided by it. But neither his subjects, nor his officers ever expected that Shivaji should always be guided by the wisdom of the Councillors. He was not bound to consult them, unless he felt inclined to do so. The ministers were frequently absent on distant expeditions and some of them were further encumbered with the heavy work of provincial governments. Shivaji's ministers cannot, therefore, be regarded as heads of departments and his Government was by no means a bureaucracy. It was, if anything, an autocracy. But the autocrat, fortunately for his people, was a practical statesman and acted as a "Benevolent Despot." His ministers were his servants, proud to carry out his instructions and his government had more resemblance with those of his Hindu and Muhammadan predecessors than with the British Government of to-day.

c8.s3.41

³⁵ Sabhasad, p. 41. Sen, Sivachhatrapati, pp. 50-51.

5. The Duties of the Pradhans

c8.s4.1

A detailed statement of the duties of the eight pradhans will further confirm the above conclusion. And nothing will serve our purpose better than the kanujabta (memorandum) drawn up in the first year of the coronation (Abhisheka) era and published by Rao Bahadur Kashinath Narayan Sane. All that is required here is to reproduce the paper in full.

c8.s4.2

SHRI.

c8.s4.3

"The Kanu Jabta of the year 1 of the coronation era the Sambatsar being Ananda by name, Tuesday, the thirteenth day of Jestha.

c8.s4.4

The Mukhya Pradhan should perform all works of administration. He should put his seal on official letters and documents. He should make expeditions with the army and wage war and make necessary arrangements for the preservation of the districts that may come into (our) possession and act according to the orders of the king. All military officers should go with him and he should proceed with them all. In this manner (should he work).

c8.s4.5

The Senapati should maintain the army and make war and expeditions. He should preserve the (newly) acquired territories, render an account of (the spoils), and act according to the orders (of the king). He should make known (to the king) what the men of the army had to say. All military officers should go with him.

c8.s4.6

The Amatya should look after the account of income and expenditure of the whole kingdom. The Daftardar and the Fadnis should be under him. He should carefully estimate the writing work (to be done). He should put his sign (or seal) on the letters from the Fadnis's and the Chitnis's office. He should (render) military service in (times of) war. He should look after the districts and be guided by (our) orders.

c8.s4.7

The Sachiv should carefully look into the royal correspondence and make (necessary) correction of the contents, whenever a letter is omitted. He should serve in war, preserve the (newly) annexed districts, and behave according to (our) orders. On royal letters (and official documents) he should put his seal as a sign of his approval.

c8.s4.8

The Pandit Rao should have jurisdiction over all religious questions. He should punish (all offences) after judging what is right and what is wrong. He should put his sign of approval on all papers relating to custom, conduct and penance. He should receive good scholars of reputation He should perform, when occasion arises, charity and shanti (performances to appease offended deities) and celebrate other religious performances.³⁸

c8.s4.9

³⁸ The late Justice Telang, summarised the duties of the Pandit Rao in the following manner :-"It states that the Pandit Rav's duties are to exercise all the ecclesiastical powers of the State, and to order punishment to be inflicted after investigating into what is and is not in accordance with the religious law. He is to receive learned persons on behalf of the State, and countersign all documents that may be issued from the Sovereign relating to Achara, Vyavahara, and Prayaschitta, that is to say, rules of conduct, civil and criminal law, and penances, the three departments of the Dharmashastras. He is also to look after the performance of Shantis and other ceremonials, and the distribution of the royal bounty." Ranade, R. M. P., p. 261.

c8.s4.10

The Nayadhish should have jurisdiction over all suits in the kingdom and try them righteously after finding out what is right and what is wrong. On the judgment paper, he should put his sign of approval.

c8.s4.11

The Mantri should carefully conduct the political and diplomatic affairs of the kingdom. The invitation and the intelligence departments are under him. He should look after the districts and serve in war. He should put his sign of approval on official documents.

c8.s4.12

The Sumanta should have the charge of foreign affairs. He should receive and entertain ambassadors from other kingdoms when they come. He should serve in war and put his sign of approval on state documents and letters."

c8.s4.13

Besides the duties enumerated above, three of the eight pradhans were in charge of extensive provinces.³⁸ When they were away from the metropolis, their agents resided at the court. Sabhasad says that this apparently clumsy arrangement was made in response to the demand for good government. "The kingdom was extended on four sides. How to carry on the governance of the kingdom? Then in Moro Pant Peshwa's charge were placed the country from Kalyan and Bhivandi, including Kolawan up to Salheri, the country above the Ghats and the Konkan. Lohagad and Junnar with the twelve Mawals from the pass of Haralya (were placed) under the Peshwa. The Konkan from Chaul to Kopal, including Dabhol, Rajapur, Kudal, Bande, and Phond, was placed under Annaji Datto. The Warghat (country above the ghats) from Wai to Kopal on the Tungabhadra (was) the province placed under Dattaji Pant Waknis. Dattaji Pant was stationed at Panhala. In this manner was the kingdom placed under three Sarkarkuns. Besides these, a few (five to seven) Brahman Subhedars were stationed in the Mughal provinces. They were kept under the orders of the Peshwa. The Sarkarkuns were to enquire into the needs and welfare of the forts and strongholds. But what Killedar and Karkuns were to be appointed, the Raja himself should appoint after personal scrutiny. If the Sarkarkuns found any serviceable soldier, they should enlist him in excess of the fixed number of the quota (tainat). The agents of the Sarkarkuns should remain with the Raja. The Sarkarkuns should come to see the Raja (once) every year with the accounts and the revenue of their provinces.³⁷ When Shivaji made this division of his territories and placed them under three of his principal ministers, we do not know, for Sabhasad does not give any date. But that the pradhans had still some districts under their charge and had to leave their agents or mutaliks at court during their absence in their respective provinces or on a distant expedition, even after the coronation and the reorganisation of the council, can be proved by the following entry in the memorandum already quoted. "The darakhdars appointed for (the management of) districts and market cities placed under the eight pradhans, and to assist them when on a military expedition, should all work in the name of the Huzur and carry on their correspondence in the same manner (as the pradhans) when they would go on an expedition; the mutaliks appointed for them should continue all their work. They should stay at the court."³⁸

c8.s4.14

³⁸ Annaji Datto, for instance, is styled in a Portuguese letter as Subedar-mor or Governor General of Konkan. (Reis Visinhos, Vol. I, fol 2.)

c8.s4.15

³⁷ Sabhasad, pp. 77-78. Sen, Sivachhatrapati, pp. 106-107.

c8.s4.16

³⁸ Sane, P. V. B. p. 359. The Portuguese letter, already mentioned in a previous note also proves that the Sachiv held the office of Governor General of Konkan in January, 1679 when the letter was written.

c8.s4.17

Before we take leave of the eight pradhans it should be noted here that they could not select their own subordinates. These were invariably appointed, as in the Peshwa period, by the supreme head of the state. Even the mutaliks, who were apparently expected to act on behalf and in the interests of an absent minister, were not appointed by him, but by the king. We do not know whether on such occasions the approval of the officer affected was sought or not. This practice was evidently borrowed from the Muhammadans. The Muhammadan rulers of Delhi required the provincial governors and generals on active service to leave their agents or wakils at the imperial court during their absence on duty. These agents acted in the same manner as the mutaliks of Shivaji's pradhans, but they generally considered it their first duty to safeguard the interests of their immediate masters.

c8.s4.18

The number of councillors was by no means fixed. From Sabhasad's list already quoted, it appears that there were nine of them at the time of Shivaji's coronation as the Amatya's office was jointly held by two brothers, Naro and Ramchandra. Sambhaji dismissed, decapitated and imprisoned many of his father's old servants. Sambhaji had a council in name only, he ruled as he liked, and did not care to consult any one except his notorious favourite Kavi Kalush or Kavji, a Kanojia Brahman. He has been styled as Chhandogyamatya in contemporary papers The Pandit Rao in Shivaj's time was entitled to the additional designation of Chhandogyamatya. It has been suggested that Kavi Kalush was not Sambhaji's Pandit Rao.³⁹ Kalush enjoyed so much influence and so much power that he was for all practical purposes the prime minister of Sambhaji. When the Rajmandal was revived under Rajaram, a new member was added, who superseded all others both in status and in pay. Pralhad Niraji was appointed Pratinidhi or the king's vicegerent at Jinji during the struggle for national existence.⁴⁰ Henceforth the Pratinidhi always held the first seat in the council, until the rise of the Peshwas revolutionised the constitution of the Maratha empire.

c8.s4.19

³⁸ Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal—Varshik Itivritta (1887), III-13.

c8.s4.20

³⁹ The Ashta Pradhan Council was certainly not a cabinet as a detailed examination of its constitution (in the text) shows. Prof. Sarkar, however, seems to hold a different view when he writes

c8.s4.21

⁴⁰ "Pralhad Niraji, on whom the high title of Regent (Pratinidhi) was conferred and who thus stood *outside and above the cabinet of eight ministers (Ashta Pradhan)*" (History of Aurangzib, Vol. V, p. 26). The opinion of so distinguished a scholar certainly deserves more than a passing notice, but we have been spared the task of refuting him, as he seems to have reconsidered the question and changed his view when he writes at another place, "To provide posts for all his most influential servants, the normal council of eight ministers was expanded by adding two more men. The *Hukumat Panah* and the *Pratinidhi*." (History of Aurangzib, Vol. V, p. 195), Thus he admits that it was a council and the number of councillors was by no means rigidly fixed.

6. Secretaries

c8.s5.1

Outside the council but in no way inferior to the eight ministers was the Chitnis or Secretary. Just below the pradhans had stood Bal Prabhu Chitnis, and Nil Prabhu Parasnis,⁴⁹ at the time of Shivaji's coronation. The Private Secretary of an autocratic king naturally enjoys great influence and is a power behind the throne. Balaji Avji, Shivaji's chitnis was a man of exceptional ability. Not only did he perform the ordinary duties of his office, but he had been further entrusted with the exceedingly delicate task of taking down the behests of the great goddess Bhavani communicated through Shivaji's mouth.⁴¹ It is said that Shivaji had actually offered him a seat in the council, but the modesty of the great Prabhu statesman stood in his way.⁴² The duties of his office are thus enumerated by Malhar Ram Rao Chitnis. "The Chitnis Patra-lekhak will write all royal letters and diplomatic correspondence. Divining what is in the king's heart he should at once cleverly put it into writing discussing the various aspects of the case. He should write in such a manner that what is generally accomplished by war and great exertion, should be achieved by means of letters only. He should write answers to the letters that may come."⁴³ In the memorandum published by Rao Bahadur Sane we come across the following entry under Chitnis: "He should write all official letters and papers of the State. He should write answers to diplomatic letters.

c8.s5.2

⁴⁹ Sabhasad, p. 84; Chitnis, p. 162. Sen, Sivachhatrapati, p. 117.

c8.s5.3

⁴¹ Sabhasad, Chitnis, Chitragupta and all old chroniclers tell us that whenever Shivaji had to face any exceptional difficulty, the goddess Bhavani used to take possession of his body and tell him what he should do. As the king lay unconscious all the time, the behest of the deity was taken down by Balaji Avji. See also History of the Maratha People by Kincaid and Parasnis.

c8.s5.4

⁴² Chitnis, p. 170.

c8.s5.5

⁴³ Chitnis, p. 168.

c8.s5.6

Sanads, deeds of grant and other orders to be issued (to the officers in the districts) should be written according to the regulations framed for the Fadnis's papers. On hand notes and letters of special importance there should be a seal or the king's signature only, and no seal of the other officers. The Chitnis alone should put his sign.⁴⁴ Such were the duties that the Chitnis had to perform.

c8.s5.7

⁴⁴ Sane, P. Y. B, p. 358.

c8.s5.8

Although in the above regulations the Chitnis is required to write all correspondence and draw up all state documents, in practice he was to a considerable extent relieved by others. Chitragupta tells us that the Fadnis alone and no other official could issue deeds of royal grant. All letters to the provincial and district officers were written by the Chitnis, while answers to the letters from commanders of forts had to be written by an officer called Gadnis. Letters to foreign courts were sent from the Dabir's office, and the Parasnis had to carry on all correspondence with the Emperor of Delhi, his wajir and Muhammadan potentates.⁴⁵

c8.s5.9

⁴⁵ Chitragupta Bakhar (in the Kavyetihas Sangraha), pp. 104-106.

c8.s5.10

Chitragupta was not a contemporary of Shivaji. Mr. V. K. Rajwade has described his work as a mere elaboration of Sabhasad's chronicle. We do not get a complete list of the Chitnis's official duties in Chitragupta. This want,⁴⁵ however, has fortunately been removed by a jabta of the first year of the coronation era. In that document the Fadnis also has been mentioned with the Chitnis in their official relation. A subordinate secretariat officer of no great importance in Shivaji's time, the Fadnis rose to great power and authority during the Peshwa regime. The Potnis was responsible for the account of income and expenditure of the metropolitan treasury, while the Potdar was only an assay officer. The eight pradhans had under them, besides their staff, the officers in charge of the eighteen *karkhanas* and twelve *mahals*. What precisely their duties were we do not know. The eighteen *karkhanas* and the twelve *mahals* were as follows :⁴⁶

c8.s5.11

⁴⁵ For the jabta see Appendix.

c8.s5.12

⁴⁶ The eighteen Karkhanas are referred to in the *Peshwanchi Bakhar* (p. 80) but the names given by Rao Bahadur Sane in the footnote are somewhat different.

c8.s5.13

*The Eighteen Karkhanas :*⁴⁷

c8.s5.14

⁴⁷ It should be noted that Chitnis's division of these departments is not exactly similar; for instance Jamdar Khana is placed by him under the heading mahal. For his list see Chitnis, pp 75-76 and Appendix B

c8.s5.15

1. Khajina ... Cash
2. Jawahirkhana ... Jewel store
3. Ambar Khana ... Granary
4. Sharbat Khana ... Medicines
5. Toph Khana ... Artillery
6. Daftar Khana ... Record Department 7. Jamdar Khana ... Public treasury containing all sorts of things.⁴⁸
8. Jirat Khana ... Corn Depot, according to Molesworth, Armoury, according to R. V. Kosh.
9. Mutbak Khana ... Kitchen
10. Ushtar Khana ... Camels and their trappings.
11. Nagar Khana ... Band
12. Talim Khana ... Gymnasium⁴⁹
13. Pil Khana ... Elephant shades, etc.
14. Faras Khana ... Carpets, tents and accessories.
15. Abdar Khana ... Drink
16. Shikar Khana ... Game, aviary, chase and allied materials.

c8.s5.16

⁴⁸ Jamdar Khana was Vastragar or royal wardrobe according to the Raj Vyavahar Kosh, p. 6.

c8.s5.17

⁴⁹ Prof. Sarkar translates talimkhana as school (Mughal Administration, 2nd edition, p 194), and adds that in Firuz Shah's time it was called ilimkhana. I have, however, relied on the Raj Vyavahar Kosh. Raghunath Pandit, the Lexicographer, had a firsthand knowledge of these Karkhanas and he translated talimkhana as mallashala (p. 13) and the word is mentioned under the heading Shastra Vargah. The Marathi historian, referred to by Prof. Sarkar, is therefore perfectly right when he calls it a wrestling school. The Marathas did not blindly copy the Muslim institutions, though Shivaji was quite willing to borrow good institutions from all his neighbours. For instance Shivaji's daru-khana had no Muhammadan prototype (Sarkar, Mughal Administration, p 193) but the word is a literal translation of the Portuguese word casa de polvora, and Shivaji knew that he was not bringing a new thing into existence when in addition to Topkhana he decided to have a darukhana as well.

c8.s5.18

17. Daru Khana ... Magazine
18. Shahat Khana ... Conservancy Department.

c8.s5.19

*The Twelve Mahals :*

c8.s5.20

1. Pote ... Treasury
2. Saudagir ... Merchandise
3. Palkhi ... Palanquins
4. Kothi ... Warehouse and granaries.
5. Imarat ... Building
6. Bahili ... Chariots
7. Paga ... Stables
8. Seri ... Comforts
9. Daruni ... The Zenana
10. Thatti ... Cowsheds
11. Tanksal ... Mints
12. Sabina ... Guards⁵⁰

c8.s5.21

⁵⁰ Sabhasad, pp. 94-95.

c8.s5.22

It is clear from the name of the departments that most of these officers were concerned more with the king's household than with any work of imperial or public interest. A few of them, on the other hand, like those in charge of the artillery, the mint, and the public treasury, fall under a different category. Shivaji's division of his government and household affairs into eighteen karkhanas and twelve mahals was, therefore, not a scientific one. But we cannot expect from a man surrounded on all sides by enemies, and ever engaged in a war of defence as well as of conquest, a scientific division of departments on modern lines. He had evidently copied from the existing system and found little leisure in his eventful career to improve upon it.

c8.s5.23

In his departmental duties each of the eight pradhans was assisted by a staff of eight clerks. They were :

c8.s5.24

1. The Dewan.
2. The Mazumdar or Auditor and Accountant.
3. The Fadnis or Deputy Auditor.
4. The Sabnis or the Daftardar.
5. The Karkhanis or Commissary.
6. The Chitnis or Correspondence Clerk.
7. The Jamdar or Treasurer.
8. The Potnis or Cash-Keeper.¹

c8.s5.25

¹ Grant Duff, Vol. I, p. 191.

7. The King

c8.s6.1

The king formed the great pivot on which rested this stupendous structure. His was the hand that worked this gigantic but by no means easy machine. Not only the officers in charge of the eighteen karkhanas and the twelve mahals, not only secretariat officers as the Fadnis, Sabnis and Potnis, but also their official superiors, the eight pradhans and the Chitnis, formed a vast array of clerks and military commanders to carry out the orders of the king and to execute his great designs. They were but so many machines, not inanimate it is true, not unconscious of the great part they were playing, but at the same time hardly having any independent existence. Even the Pandit Rao, the officer in charge of the ecclesiastical branch of the administration, whose Brahman birth and learning might have given him some advantage over his non-Brahman master, could hardly take any step without the cognisance and sanction of the king. Even Kalush, the all-powerful minister of Sambhaji, deemed it necessary to consult the king's pleasure before he could authorise the re-admission of a repentant renegade into his former caste after the necessary penance.³² Everything depended on the personal ability and qualities of the sovereign. There was nothing to check him except his own good sense and of course the constant fear of a formidable Muhammadan invasion. It was for this reason alone that Sambhaji found it so easy to subvert his father's system, the day after his accession to the throne. It is this very reason-again that impelled Rajaram, while sorely pressed by the victorious imperial army, to revive some of the old institutions his father had found so useful.

c8.s6.2

³² Rajwade, M. I.S., Vol. VIII, p. 36. For a further treatment of the subject, the reader is referred to Book II.

c8.s6.3

Sambhaji

c8.s6.4

The system required a strong and good ruler. After Shahu, there was none among Shivaji's descendants who possessed the requisite qualities, and that is why the Peshwas found it so easy to do away with the central government. The eight pradhans still continued, but the hereditary councillors found themselves in an anomalous situation. They enjoyed great fiefs, but were never in practice called upon to perform their civil duties. The Peshwa, in theory their equal, became in reality their superior. The king, their master, was a state prisoner. The Peshwa's Fadnis, originally an officer of no importance, gradually rose to very great power, and the central government was transferred from Satara to Poona. But through all these changes and revolutions, both bloody and bloodless, the village communities survived unaffected, and the Peshwas also found it convenient to continue the provincial governments as they existed in Shivaji's time.

Linked texts (2)