Vedic Index of Names and Subjects v2.c4.s9: S

Vedic Index of Names and Subjects v2.c4.s9

Language: English

S

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Saṇḍa is the name of a priest at the snake festival described in the Pañcaviṃśa Brāhmaṇa.¹ Cf. Kuṣaṇḍa.

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¹ xxv. 15, 3. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, i, 35.

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Saṇḍika is mentioned in the Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā¹ as a contemporary of Keśin. Probably Khaṇḍika should be read as usual elsewhere.

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¹ i. 4, 12, where von Schroeder gives no variant. But ṣ and kh are constantly interchanged in manuscripts.

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Saṃ-rudh and Saṃ-likhita occur in the Atharvaveda (vii. 50, 5) as two technical terms, of unknown sense, used in dicing.

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Saṃ-vatsara, ‘year,’ is repeatedly mentioned from the Rigveda onwards.¹

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¹ Rv. i. 110, 4; 140, 2; 161, 13; vii. 103, 1. 7, etc.; Av. i. 35, 4; ii. 6, 1; iii. 10, 2; iv. 35, 4; vi. 53. 3, etc.

Its duration was, according to the concurrent evidence of the Saṃhitās and Brāhmaṇas, 360 days, divided into 12 months, being, no doubt, roughly a lunar synodic year, which, however, it exceeded in length by 6 days.² As a solar year it appears only in the Nidāna Sūtra³ of the Sāmaveda, where the sun is stated to spend 13⅓ days in each of the 27 Nakṣatras.

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² See Māsa.

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³ v. 12, 2. 5. Cf. Weber, Naxatra, 2, 284.

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The year being obviously out of harmony with the solar year (whether sidereal or tropical), efforts were certainly made to effect an assimilation of the natural and the accepted year. As has been seen (see Māsa), the evidence goes strongly to show that the intercalation was not an easy matter in the Brāhmaṇa period, though there are traces of what may be regarded as a five-yearly or six-yearly intercalation. But there is no conclusive evidence that these periods were really observed.

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Zimmer,⁴ indeed, considers that the evidence required is afforded by the lists of the years, which are sometimes enumerated as five: Saṃvatsara, Parivatsara, Idāvatsara, Idvatsara, and Vatsara;⁵ or Saṃvatsara, Parivatsara, Idāvatsara, Iduvatsara, Vatsara;⁶ or Idāvatsara, Iduvatsara, Idvatsara, Vatsara;⁷ or Saṃvatsara, Parivatsara, Idāvatsara, Anuvatsara, Udvatsara;⁸ or Saṃvatsara, Parivatsara, Idāvatsara, Anuvatsara, Idvatsara.⁹ But it must be noted not merely that the names vary considerably, but that four only are mentioned in some places,¹⁰ in others¹¹ three, in others¹² two, and in yet others¹³ six. Moreover, in none of these enumerations is there any reference to the names being connected with a system of intercalation. It is most probable that here we have no more that a mere series of priestly variations of Vatsara, based on the older and more genuine Saṃvatsara and Parivatsara as variants of the simple Vatsara, ‘year.’ The key to the invention of the series is probably to be found in passages like that of the Pañcaviṃśa Brāhmaṇa,¹⁴ where the several Cāturmāsya (‘four-monthly’) sacrifices are equated with the different years.¹⁵ Particularly unjustifiable is the attempt of Zimmer to see in the two-year series a series of two years of 354 days each, with an intercalary month in the second; for the year of 354 days, as such, is not known to have existed before the Sūtra period.

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⁴ *Altindisches Leben*, 369, 370, and *cf.* St. Petersburg Dictionary, *s.v.* sam-vatsara, 2.

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⁵ Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā, xxvii. 45.

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⁶ Taittirīya Saṃhitā, v. 5, 7, 3. 4.

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⁷ Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, iii. 10, 4, 1.

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⁸ Kāṭhaka Saṃhitā, xiii. 15; xxxix. 6; xl. 6.

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⁹ Garga, quoted in the commentary on Jyotiṣa, 10.

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¹⁰ Saṃ-, Pari-, Idā-, Anu-vatsara, Pañcaviṃśa Brāhmaṇa, xvii. 13, 17; Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, i. 4, 10, 1.

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¹¹ Idā-, Pari-, Saṃ-vatsara, Av. vi. 55, 3; Idu-, Pari-, Saṃ-vatsara, Taittirīya Saṃhitā, v. 7, 2, 4.

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¹² Saṃ-, Pari-vatsara, Av. viii. 8, 23; Taittirīya Āraṇyaka, x. 80.

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¹³ Saṃ-, Pari-, Idā-, Anu-, Vatsara, Saṃ-vatsara, Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā, xxx. 15; Saṃ-, Pari-, Idā-, Idu-, Id-, Vatsara, Taittirīya Āraṇyaka, iv. 19, 1. Cf. Weber, *Naxatra*, 2, 298, n. 1; Max Müller, *Rigveda*, 4², xxv., n. 1.

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¹⁴ xvii. 13, 17.

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¹⁵ Cf. Weber, *Indische Streifen*, I, 91; Thibaut, *Astronomie, Astrologie und Mathematik*, 12; Hopkins, *Journal of the American Oriental Society*, 24, 42. Prehistoric Antiquities, 308, 310; Whitney, *Journal of the American Oriental Society*, 16, xciv.

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Zimmer¹⁶ also finds an attempt at intercalation in the famous 12 days in which the Ṛbhus are said to have slept in the house of Agohya.¹⁷ He thinks that they represent twelve days added at the winter solstice to equate the lunar year of 354 days and the solar year of 366 days; and from the reverence paid in German antiquity to the ‘12 nights,’ he infers that this mode of intercalation is Indo-Germanic.¹⁸ There can be little doubt that this view is wrong, and that the 12 days are merely the ‘reflexion of the year’ (saṃvatsarasya pratimā)¹⁹ in the sense that they represent the twelve months, and have no relation to chronology at all.

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¹⁶ Op. cit., 366, 367; Tilak, *Orion*, 16 et seq.; Hillebrandt, *Vedische Mythologie*, 3, 145.

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¹⁷ Rv. iv. 33, 7. Cf. i. 110, 2; 161, 13. See on this legend, Macdonell, *Vedic Mythology*, p. 133; Oldenberg, *Religion des Veda*, 236.

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¹⁸ See Weber, *Indische Studien*, 10, 242 et seq.; 17, 223, 224; 18, 45, 46; *Proceedings of the Berlin Academy*, 1894, 809; Thibaut, op. cit., 10; Schrader,

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¹⁹ Kāṭhaka Saṃhitā, vii. 15; Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, i. 1, 9, 10; Kauṣītaki Brāhmaṇa, xxv. 15. See also Atharvaveda, iv. 11, 11; Weber, *Omina und Portenta*, 388.

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A reference to the use of Saṃvatsara alone as the fifth year of the cycle is seen by Shamasastry²⁰ in the peculiar dating of certain notices in the Baudhāyana Śrauta Sūtra,²¹ but this view is improbable.²²

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²⁰ *Gavām Ayana*, 137, 138.

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²¹ ii. 12; iii. 1; xxvi. 18; xxx. 3. See also Kauṣītaki Brāhmaṇa, i. 3; Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, xi. 1, 1, 7.

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²² Caland, *Über das rituelle Sūtra des Baudhāyana*, 36, 37, gives a much more reasonable explanation of the anomaly.

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Saṃvaraṇa is the name of a Ṛṣi mentioned in one passage of the Rigveda.¹

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¹ v. 33, 10. Cf. Oldenberg, *Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft*, 42, 215.

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Samvarga-jit Lāmakāyana is the name of a teacher, a pupil of Śākaḍāsa in the Vamśa Brāhmaṇa.¹

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¹ *Indische Studien*, 4, 373.

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1. Sam-varta occurs once in the Rigveda¹ with Kṛśa as an ancient sacrificer. He may be identical with the next.

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¹ viii. 54, 2. *Cf.* Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 141, 164.

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2. Sam-varta Āṅgirasa (‘descendant of Aṅgiras’) is said in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa¹ to have consecrated Marutta.

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¹ viii. 21, 12. *Cf.* Leumann, *Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft*, 48, 67 et seq.

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Sam-śravas Sauvarcanasa is the name of a teacher who, according to the Taittirīya Saṃhitā (i. 7, 2, 1), discussed a point of ritual with Tumiñja.

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Sam-śrāvayitṛ in the Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad (ii. 1) denotes the attendant who announces visitors, the ‘doorkeeper.’

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Sam-śliṣṭakā¹ or Saṃśviṣṭikā² is the name of an animal mentioned in the Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa and the Śāṭyāyanaka along with the Godhā.

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¹ Śāṭyāyanaka in Sāyaṇa on Rv. viii. 91.

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² Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa, i. 221 (*Journal of the American Oriental Society*, 18, 29).

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Sam-sarpa. See Māsa.

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Sam-skandha (‘having the shoulders together’) is the name of a disease mentioned with Viṣkandha in the Atharvaveda.¹ Whitney,² however, thinks it is intended as an adjective implying the sense of ‘counteracting the disease Viṣkandha.’

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¹ xix. 34, 5, with Sāyaṇa’s note.

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² Translation of the Atharvaveda, 952. *Cf.* Zimmer, *Altindisches Leben*, 65, 391; Bloomfield, *Hymns of the Atharvaveda*, 283.

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Saṃ-hotra occurs once in the Rigveda,¹ where Geldner² thinks the sense of ‘school,’ referring to a school of pupils of the ritual, is most appropriate.

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¹ x. 86, 10.

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² Vedische Studien, 2, 38.

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Saktu in the later Saṃhitās and the Brāhmaṇas¹ denotes ‘coarsely ground meal,’ ‘groats,’ especially ‘barley meal.’ In the Rigveda,² where the word occurs only once, it seems rather to mean grain before it is winnowed by the Titaü. If the latter word, however, designates a ‘sieve,’ Saktu might still mean ‘groats,’ as opposed to fine meal.

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¹ Taittirīya Saṃhitā, vi. 4, 10, 6; Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā, xix. 21 et seq.; Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, i. 6, 3, 16; ix. 1, 1, 8 (cf. Gavedhukā), etc.; Kāṭhaka Saṃhitā, xv. 2 (cf. Apāmārga). Cf. Kuvala, Karkandhu, Badara : Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, v. 5, 4, 22, etc.

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² x. 71, 2. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 238.

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Sakhi, ‘friend,’ is common from the Rigveda¹ onwards,² both literally and metaphorically.

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¹ i. 164, 20 (of birds); iii. 43, 4 (of steeds); ii. 1, 9; v. 12, 5; vi. 75, 3, etc.

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² Av. v. 4, 7; ii, 9; 13, 5, etc. So sakhitva and sakhya, ‘friendship,’ are also common—e.g., Rv. i. 10, 6; iii. 1, 15; iv. 25, 2, etc., and Rv. i. 178, 2; ii. 18, 8; vii. 22, 9, etc.

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Saghan is the name of a bird, perhaps ‘eagle’ or ‘vulture,’ in the Taittirīya Saṃhitā¹ and the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa.²

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¹ iii. 2, 1, 1.

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² ii. 8, 6. 1; Böhtlingk, Dictionary, s.v. (‘vulture’). Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 88.

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Saṅga Prayogi seems to be mentioned as a teacher in the Maitrāyaṇi Saṃhitā (iii. 1, 9).

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Saṃ-gati in one passage of the Rigveda (x. 141, 4) seems to have the sense of Samiti, ‘assembly of the people.’

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Sam-gava denotes the time when the grazing cows are driven together for milking. In the division of the day the word denotes the period before midday, ‘forenoon.’ It is found in the Rigveda¹ and often later.² Cf. Go and Ahan.

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¹ v. 76, 3.

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² Av. ix. 6, 46; Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā, iv. 2, 11; Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, i. 4, 9, 2; 5, 3, 1; ii. 1, 1, 3; Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, ii. 2, 3, 9; Chāndogya Upaniṣad, ii. 9, 4; Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa, i. 12, 4. Cf. St. Petersburg Dictionary, s.v.; Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 112 et seq.

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Sam-gavinī is found in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa,¹ where it is said that the animals of the Bharatas in the evening were at the Goṣṭha, ‘pasture,’ but at midday came to the Saṃgavinī, apparently a shed or an enclosure in which during the heat of the day they were milked.

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¹ iii. 18, 14. Cf. Geldner, Vedische Studien, 3, 112, 113; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 362.

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Sam-grahītṛ is found in the later Saṃhitās¹ and the Brāhmaṇas.² He is an official who figures among the Ratnins of the king. The sense of ‘charioteer’ seems adequate for every passage, but Sāyaṇa³ in some passages inclines to think that the meaning is ‘treasurer’ of the king.

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¹ Taittirīya Saṃhitā, i. 8, 9, 2; Kāṭhaka Saṃhitā, xv. 4; Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā, ii. 6, 5; iv. 3, 8 (as a Ratnin); in the Śatarudriya in the plural: Taittirīya Saṃhitā, iv. 5, 4, 2; Kāṭhaka Saṃhitā, xvii. 13; Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā, ii. 9, 4; Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā, xvi. 26.

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² Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, i. 7, 3, 5; 9, 6; iii. 8, 5, 3; Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, ii. 25, 6; Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, v. 3, 1, 8; 4, 3, 23.

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³ On Taittirīya Saṃhitā, i. 8, 9, 2, and optionally on i. 8, 16; but as ‘charioteer’ on i. 8, 15; Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, i. 7, 10, 6. Cf. Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, 41, 63, n. 1.

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Sam-grāma denotes primarily, it seems, ‘assembly’ either in peace¹ or in war,² when it means an ‘armed band.’ Its normal sense in the Atharvaveda³ and later⁴ is ‘war,’ ‘battle.’

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¹ Av. xii. 1, 56, where it is joined with Samiti. We might see in this passage, and that cited in n. 2, the technical name of the village assembly as opposed to the larger assemblies of the people, but there is no good warrant for so doing.

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² Av. iv. 24, 7, where saṃgrāmān is read; but the parallel passages (Taittirīya Saṃhitā, iv. 7, 15, 2; Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā, iii. 16, 5) have saṃgrāmam.

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³ v. 21, 7; xi. 9, 26.

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⁴ Taittirīya Saṃhitā, ii. 1, 3, 1; 8, 4, etc.

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Little is known of Vedic warfare, but it seems to have been simple. A body of foot soldiers with charioteers composed every army, the two going together,⁵ and the foot soldiers being often overthrown by the charioteers,⁶ who were doubtless the Kṣatriyas and their foremost retainers. Probably the foot soldiers bore little armour, and used only the bow for offence, as is suggested by the account that Herodotus gives of the Indian contingent of the army with which Xerxes invaded Greece.⁷ The nobles, on the other hand, may have had cuirass (Varman), helmet (Śiprā), and hand-guard (Hastaghna) as a protection from the friction of the bowstring. On the car was the charioteer, and on his left the warrior (Sārathi, Savyasṭhā). Riding is never mentioned in war,⁸ and would hardly have been suited to Vedic ideas, for the warrior mainly depended on his bow, which he could not have used effectively from horseback. The offensive weapon (Āyudha) was practically the bow; spear and sword and axe were very seldom used.

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⁵ Rv. ii. 12, 8.

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⁶ Av. vii. 62, 1. Cf. Muṣṭihan.

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⁷ Herodotus, vii. 65.

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⁸ Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 296, where he admits riding to be mentioned elsewhere; Whitney, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 3, 312.

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Whether there was a strict tribal organization of the host, such as is once alluded to in the Homeric poems,⁹ and is also recognized in Germany by Tacitus,¹⁰ is uncertain (cf. Vrāta), but in the Epic relations (Jñāti) fight together,¹¹ and this rule, no doubt, applied more or less in Vedic times also.

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⁹ Iliad, ii. 362.

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¹⁰ Germania, 7.

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¹¹ Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 193.

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Cities were besieged and invested (upa-sad, pra-bhid),¹² probably as a rule by blockade, since the ineffective means of assault of the time would have rendered storming difficult and expensive. Hillebrandt¹³ thinks that the pur cariṣṇu of the Rigveda¹⁴ was a kind of chariot; it may—like the Trojan horse—have been an Indian anticipation of the Roman means of assaulting a town.

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¹² Cf. Taittirīya Saṃhitā, vi. 2, 3, 1; Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, iii. 4, 4, 3-5; Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, i. 23, 2, etc.; Gopatha Brāhmaṇa, ii. 2, 7; Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie, i, 300, n.

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¹³ Op. cit. 3, 289, n.

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¹⁴ viii. 1, 2-8, where it is attributed to the demon Śuṣṇa.

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Besides ordinary wars of defence and conquest, raids into neighbouring territory seem to have been frequent and normal,¹⁵ no doubt because of the booty (Udāja, Nirāja) which was to be won, and which the king had to share with the people.

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¹⁵ Cf. Rv. x. 142, 4, as interpreted by Sāyaṇa and by Hillebrandt, op. cit., 2, 64, n. 5; Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, i. 8, 4, 1 (of the model Kuru kings). [^15 cont]: Cf. Muir, Sanskrit Texts, 5, 469-472; Weber, Proceedings of the Berlin Academy, 1898, 564; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 293-301. See also Iṣu, Dhanvan, Ratha. Hopkins, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 13, 281 et seq., gives a full account of the later Epic armour and warfare. See also his note, ibid., 15, 265, 266. For sacrifice in battle, cf. Purohita.

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Banners (Dhvaja) were borne in war, and musical instruments (Dundubhi, Bakura)¹⁶ were used by the combatants.

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¹⁶ So, later, Arrian, Indica, vii. 9. The shouts of either side are shown in the word krandas (Rv. ii. 12, 8; cf. vi. 25, 6; x. 121, 6), which came to mean the ‘shouting host.’ Cf. also Tacitus, Germania, 2.

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Sam-ghāta seems in a few passages¹ to have the sense of ‘battle.’

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¹ Kāṭhaka Saṃhitā, xxix. 1; Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā, i. 16; Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, i. 1, 4, 18.

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Saciva ‘companion,’ ‘attendant’ (from sac, ‘follow’), later a common word for the comrade of a king, his minister, is found in Vedic literature in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa (iii. 20, 1), where it is used by Indra of the Maruts. It seems to correspond in sense to the German comes or the English gesith.¹

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¹ Stubbs, Select Charters, 57.

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Sa-jāta (‘born together’) is found once in the Rigveda,¹ and very often later.² The word must clearly mean a ‘relative,’ and then more widely a man of the same position or rank, but the senses cannot be distinguished, so much do they merge into each other. The Sajātas of a king are of course princes;³ of an ordinary man, Vaiśyas;⁴ of a military man, Ksatriyas. But there is no clear reference to caste as in the later Sajāti⁵ (‘man of the same caste’). The disputes of Sajātas were notorious.⁶

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¹ i. 109, 1.

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² Av. i. 9, 3; 19, 3; ii. 6, 4; iii. 3, 6; vi. 5, 2; 73, 1; xi. 1, 6, 7; Taittirīya Saṃhitā, ii. 1, 3, 2; 2, 1, 2; 6, 9, 7; Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā, ii. 1, 8; Kāṭhaka Saṃhitā, xi. 12. 13; xii. 1; Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā, v. 23; x. 29; xxvii. 5, and often in the Brāhmaṇas.

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³ Av. iii. 3, 4, 6; Weber, Indische Studien, 17, 188.

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⁴ Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, v. 4, 4, 19 (the Sajātas of a Grāmaṇī).

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⁵ Manu, ix. 87; x. 41, etc. The abstract sajātya (‘kinship’) is found in Rv. ii. 1, 5; iii. 54, 16; viii. 18, 19; 20, 21; 27, 10; x. 64, 13; but even it has no definite caste reference.

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⁶ Cf. Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, iii. 7, 12, 2.

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Sam-cara in the Taittirīya Samhitā¹ has the sense of the ‘path’ of animals. Normally it is the term designating the ‘passage’ or ‘space’ on the sacrificial ground used or occupied by the several persons taking part in the rite.²

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¹ v. 4, 3, 5.

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² Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, i. 9, 2, 4; iii. 1, 3, 28; Lāṭyāyana Śrauta Sūtra, iii. 7, 11; Kātyāyana Śrauta Sūtra, i. 3, 42, etc.

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Sam-jñāna, ‘concord,’ ‘harmony,’ is mentioned from the Rigveda¹ onwards² as a matter of great consequence; the Atharvaveda contains many spells to bring it about. The lack of peace in the Vedic village was almost inevitable in view of its small size and the economic interdependence of its inhabitants. Cf. Bhrātṛvya.

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¹ x. 19, 6.

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² Av. iii. 30, 4; vii. 52, 1; xi. 1, 26, etc.; Taittirīya Samhitā, v. 2, 3, 2; 3, 1, 14; Vājasaneyi Samhitā, xxvi. 1; xxx. 9; Nirukta, iv. 21, etc.

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Sata is the name of a vessel of some kind mentioned in the ritual.¹

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¹ Vājasaneyi Samhitā, xix. 27, 88; Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, xii. 7, 2, 13; 8, 3, 14.

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Satīna-kaṅkata¹ is, in the Rigveda,² the name of some animal, according to Sāyaṇa an ‘aquatic snake.’³

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¹ The literal meaning seems to be ‘having a real comb.’

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² i. 191, 1.

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³ Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 98.

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Satya-kāma (‘lover of truth’) Jābāla (‘descendant of Jabālā’) is the name of a teacher, the son of a slave girl by an unknown father. He was initiated as a Brahmacārin, or religious student, by Gautama Hāridrumata according to the Chāndogya Upaniṣad.¹ He is often cited as an authority in that Upaniṣad² and in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad,³ where he learns a certain doctrine from Jānaki Āyasthūṇa.⁴ He is also mentioned in the Aitareya⁵ and the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇas.⁶

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¹ iv. 4, 1 et seq.

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² iv. 5, 1; 6, 2; 7, 2; 8, 2; 9, 10; 10, 1; v. 2, 3.

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³ iv. 1, 14 (Mādhyamdina = iv. 1, 6 Kāṇva).

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⁴ vi. 3, 19 (=vi. 3, 12).

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⁵ viii. 7, 8.

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⁶ xiii. 5, 3, 1.

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Satya-yajña (‘true sacrificer’) Pauluṣi (‘descendant of Puluṣa’) Prācīnayogya (‘descendant of Prācīnayoga’) is the name of a teacher in the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa,¹ the Chāndogya Upaniṣad,² and the Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa.³ In the latter text he is said to have been the pupil of Puluṣa Prācīnayogya.

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¹ x. 6, 1, 1.

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² v. II, 1.

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³ iii. 40, 2 (in a Vamśa, ‘list of teachers’).

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Satya-vacas (‘true-speaking’) Rāthītara (‘descendant of Rathītara’) is, in the Taittirīya Upaniṣad (i. 9, 1), the name of a teacher who insisted on the importance of truth.

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Satya-śravas (‘of true renown’) Vāyya (‘descendant of Vayya’) is the name of a Ṛṣi in the Rigveda.¹ Ludwig² thinks that he was the son of Sunītha Śaucadratha.

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¹ v. 79, 1 et seq.

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² Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 156.

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Satya-havis is the name of a mythical Adhvaryu, or sacrificial priest, in the Maitrāyaṇī Saṃhitā (i. 9, 1, 5).

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Satyādhivāka Caitrarathi (‘descendant of Citraratha’) is the name of a man in the Jaiminīya Upaniṣad Brāhmaṇa (i. 39, 1).

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Satvan in the Rigveda,¹ and occasionally later,² has the sense of ‘warrior.’

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¹ i. 133, 6; 173, 5; ii. 25, 4; 30, 10; iii. 49, 2, etc.

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² v. 20, 8; vi. 65, 3; Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā, xvi. 8. 20, etc.

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Satvant is the name of a people who are stated in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa¹ to belong to the south. In the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa² the defeat by Bharata of the Satvants, and his taking away the horse which they had prepared for an Aśvamedha (‘horse sacrifice’), are referred to: this reference clearly shows that in another passage of the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa³ the text must be altered from satvanām to Satvatām, ‘of the Satvants,’ against whom it seems the Bharatas made regular raids. The name has also been found by the St. Petersburg Dictionary, Cowell, and Max Müller in the Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad,⁴ but it is certain⁵ that the reading there is not Satvan-Matsyeṣu, but sa-Vaśa-Matsyeṣu.

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¹ viii. 14, 3.

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² xiii. 5, 4, 21.

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³ ii. 25, 6.

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⁴ iv. 1.

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⁵ Oldenberg, Buddha, 393, n., correcting Max Müller, Sacred Books of the East, i, lxxvii. Cf. Weber, Indische Studien, i. 211, 212, 419; 9, 254; Keith, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1908, 367.

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Sadana. See Gṛha.

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Sadamdi. See Takman.

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Sadas. See Gṛha.

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Sadasya. See Ṛtvij.

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Sadā-nīrā, ‘having water always’ (‘perennial’), is the name of a stream which, according to the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa,¹ was the boundary between the Kosalas and the Videhas. The river is identified by the native lexicographers with the Karatoyā,² but this seems to be too far east. Weber’s³ identification of it with the Gaṇḍakī⁴ is probably correct; for though the Mahābhārata⁵ distinguishes the two rivers, there is nothing to show that this is due to any good tradition.

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¹ i. 4, 1, 14 et seq.

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² See Imperial Gazetteer of India, 15, 24.

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³ Indische Studien, i, 172, 181.

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⁴ See s.v. Great Gandak, *Imperial Gazetteer of India*, 12, 125.

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⁵ ii. 794. Cf. Oldenberg, *Buddha*, 398, n.

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Sadā-pṛṇa is the name of a Ṛṣi in the Rigveda.¹

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¹ v. 44, 12. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 139.

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Sadyan in the Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa (ii. 8, 6, 1) is a misreading of Saghan.

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Sadhri is the name of a Ṛṣi in the Rigveda.¹

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¹ v. 44, 10. Cf. Ludwig, Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 138.

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Sanaka occurs as the name of one of the two Kāpyas (the other being Navaka) who took part in the sacrifice of the Vibhindukiyas, which is mentioned in the Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa.¹ Ludwig² thinks that the Sanakas are referred to as non-sacrificers in one passage of the Rigveda,³ but this is very doubtful.⁴

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¹ iii. 233 (*Journal of the American Oriental Society*, 18, 38).

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² Translation of the Rigveda, 3, 147.

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³ i. 33, 4.

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⁴ Geldner, *Rigveda, Glossar*, 189.

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Sanaga. See Sanātana.

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Sanat-kumāra is the name of a mythical sage in the Chāndogya Upaniṣad (vii. 1, 1; 26, 2).

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Sana-śruta (‘famed of old’) Arimdama (‘tamer of foes’) is mentioned as a Mahārāja in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa (vii. 34, 9).

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Sanāc-chava is perhaps the proper name of a teacher in the Kāṭhaka Saṃhitā.¹ The Kapiṣṭhala Saṃhitā² has Śahanāśchiva. Very probably the reading of both texts is bad.

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¹ xx. 1.

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² xxxi. 3 (von Schroeder, Kāṭhaka Saṃhitā, 2, 18, n. 5).

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Sanātana is the name of a mythical Ṛṣi in the Taittirīya Saṃhitā. In the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad² he appears in the first two Vamśas (lists of teachers) as the pupil of Sanaga and the teacher of Sanāru, both equally mythical persons.

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¹ iv. 3, 3 1.

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² ii. 5, 22; iv. 5, 28 (Mādhyamdina =ii. 6, 3; iv. 6, 3 Kāṇva).

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Sanāru. See Sanātana.

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Sanisrasa. See Māsa.

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Sam-daṃśa. See Gṛha.

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Sam-dāna in the Rigveda¹ and later² denotes a ‘bond,’ ‘halter,’ or ‘fetter.’

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¹ i. 162, 8. 16.

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² Av. vi. 103, 1; 104, 1; xi. 9, 3; Taittirīya Saṃhitā, ii. 4, 7, 2; Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, xiv. 3, 1, 22, etc.

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Sam-dhā denotes in the later Saṃhitās and the Brāhmaṇas¹ an ‘agreement’ or ‘compact.’

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¹ Av. xi. 10, 9, 15; Taittirīya Saṃhitā, i. 7, 8, 4; Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, i. 7, 1, 6; ii. 1, 1, 3; Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad, iii. 1.

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Sam-dhi denotes the ‘juncture’ of heaven and earth, the ‘horizon,’ in the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa.¹ It also has the sense of ‘twilight’² as the juncture of light and dark.

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¹ iii. 2, 1, 5; x. 5, 4, 2.

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² Vājasaneyi Saṃhitā, xxiv. 25; Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa, i. 4, 5, 1; ii. 2, 9, 8; dual: Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, i. 6, 3, 55; ix. 4, 4, 13, etc. The later term is Saṃdhyā.

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Sam-nahana in the later Saṃhitās and the Brāhmaṇas¹ denotes a ‘band’ or ‘rope.’

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¹ Taittirīya Saṃhitā, i. 1, 2, 2; Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, i. 3, 3, 6; ii. 6, 1, 15, etc.

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Sa-patna, ‘rival,’ is a common word in the later Saṃhitās,¹ being also found in the tenth Maṇḍala of the Rigveda.² It is a curious masculine formed by analogy from Sa-patnī, ‘co-wife,’ and so ‘female rival.’

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¹ Av. i. 19, 4; x. 6, 30; xii. 2, 46; Taittirīya Saṃhitā, i. 6, 2, 2; iii. 2, 8, 5, etc.

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² x. 166, 1, etc.; also in the compound sapatna-han, ‘slaying rivals,’ x. 159, 5, etc.; Av. i. 29, 5, etc.

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Sa-patnī occurs in the Rigveda in the sense of ‘co-wife;’¹ in the first and the last Maṇḍalas it means co-wife as a ‘rival.’² In post-Vedic Sanskrit the word becomes a synonym for ‘rival.’

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¹ iii.1, 10; 6, 4.

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² i. 105, 8; x. 145, 1-5 (cf. in verse 2, patim me kevalam kuru, ‘make my husband exclusively mine’).

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Sapta-gu is the reputed author of a Rigvedic hymn in a verse of which he is mentioned.¹

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¹ x. 47, 6. Cf. Bloomfield, American Journal of Philology, 17, 423.

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Sapta Sindhavaḥ, ‘the seven rivers,’ occur only once in the Rigveda as the designation of a definite country,¹ while elsewhere² the seven rivers themselves are meant. Max Müller³ thinks that the five streams of the Panjab, with the Indus and the Sarasvatī, are intended; others⁴ hold that the Kubhā should be substituted for the Sarasvatī, or that perhaps the Oxus⁵ must originally have been one of the seven. Zimmer⁶ is probably right in laying no stress at all on any identifications; ‘seven’ being one of the favourite numbers in the Rigveda and later.