The University of Nalanda c14: Chapter VIII

The University of Nālandā c14

Language: English

Chapter VIII

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DURING the long period in which the Nālandā University flourished, many new Universities had arisen in different parts of India. A University, whose rise was perhaps conterminous with that of Nālandā, and whose fame also was not very inferior to it, was that of Valabhi. In every respect, it rivalled with Nālandā. Like the Imperial Guptas, who built Nālandā, the first building (convent) of the University was built by Duḍḍā, the daughter of the sister of Dhruva I.¹ And even after its foundation, the University continued to enjoy the patronage of the rulers of Valabhi, in the shape of grants of villages for its maintenance, and buildings for its students. Again it was at Valabhi that the famous monastery called Śri Bappapāda was founded by Ācāryya Bhadanta Sthiramati². In a previous chapter we have seen that this Sthiramati had composed many treatises and was perhaps a pandit of Nālandā. Both the Chinese travellers found Valabhi in a flourishing condition. Hiuen Tsiang says, "There are some hundred saṅghārāmas, with about 6000 priests,"³ while, according to I-Tsing⁴, Valabhi was as great and famous as Nālandā, for, there were only two Universities to which the students in I-Tsing's time generally resorted to, to acquire the stamp of culture and refinement, after finishing their ordinary higher education.

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¹ A Grant of King Guhasena of Valabhi, Ind. Ant., IV, p. 174.

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² Ibid., VI, p. 9.

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³ Hiuen Tsiang, o.c., II, p. 266.

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⁴ I-Tsing, o.c., p. 177.

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Probably the same knowledge that was expected from a student who wanted to join the Nālandā University was expected from one joining Valabhi. I-Tsing compares Nālandā and Valabhi to Chinma, Shih-chu, Lungmen, and Chiue-li, all famous educational centres of China. Nālandā and Valabhi were, as it were, two store-houses of knowledge and wisdom. These were available to the persons who visited these Universities, but not without struggle which was often very severe. They had to show their skill in refuting doctrines, possible and impossible and many perhaps had to go away with downcast heads, with their brains simmering and hearts rankling with intellectual humiliation. But those who emerged successful from this strife of words, became famous for their wisdom.¹

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¹ I-Tsing, o.c., p. 177.

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Valabhi, it appears, was to be a real rival of Nālandā. Geographically, if Nālandā was situated in Central India, Valabhi was situated far away on the Western coast. Culturally, Valabhi took pride in and championed the cause of Hīnayāna,² which Nālandā with its leanings towards Mahāyāna regarded its prime duty to defeat and destroy.³

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² It is not on the strength of Hiuen Tsiang's statement only who says, "Most of the priests study the Little Vehicle," that we call it a Hīnayānist University. The fact that not a single image of Buddha was found in the excavations carried out by Rev. Fr. Heras (in Oct. 1930) testifies that it must be a University of Hīnayānists who were not worshippers of Buddha like the Mahāyānists.

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³ Hwui Li, o.c., pp. 159-160.

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We have nothing special to say of the studies of Valabhi, save that being a University devoted to the cause of Hīnayāna greater attention must have been directed towards the Hīnayāna works than towards those of other religions.

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Excluding Sthiramati and Gunamati we have no knowledge of other pandits of Valabhi.

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From Valabhi we pass on to another great University, namely, Vikramaśīlā. Unlike Valabhi, this University was in every sense a sister University of Nālandā. As we shall see later on it also arose in Magadha, and that too very near Nālandā. Moreover, it championed Mahāyāna, and propagated the study of Tāntrism.

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The following tradition¹ narrates the rise of the University: Ācārya Kāmpāla, a learned professor of the school of Buddhist Tantras at Śrī Nālandā, who had obtained the siddhi or perfection in the Mahāmudrā mysticism, was once struck with the features of a bluff, rocky hillock which stood on the bank of the Ganges. Observing its peculiar fitness for the site of a vihāra he remarked that under royal auspices it could be turned into a great place for the use of the saṅgha. By dint of foresight he also knew that at one time there on that hill a great vihāra would be built.

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¹ S. C. Das, Indian Pandits in Tibet, J. B. T. S., I, pp. 10-11.

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It is said that in course of time, Kāmpāla was born as Dharmapāla (Devapāla?), the renowned King of Magadha. He built the monastery of Vikramaśilā on that hill. The Vihāra became known by four names in the four quarters. In Tibet, it was famed under the name of Vikramaśilā. Owing, according to some writers, to the high moral character of its monks, and also because of its being the site, where a certain Yakṣa or genius of the name of Vikrama was suppressed, it was called Vikramaśilā.

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Stripped of its legendary garb, one thing clearly emerges from the tradition that the University was founded by King Dharmapāla. To us, it appears that in order to satisfy the desire for antiquity, for mysticism, for something supernatural the true historical fact was given a supernatural appearance.

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Scholars are not unanimous as to the identification of the site of the University. Cunningham's suggestion² that the modern village Śilās near Baragaon is the site of the University is rejected by Samaddar, as also the view of Vidyabhusana, who identified it with Sultānganj in Bhāgalpur district. "The best identification," says Samaddar,³ "is that by Nundo Lal De⁴ who identifies it with Pātharaghāta, a steep hill overhanging the Ganges. The hill is about six miles to the north of Colgong, twenty-four miles to the east of Bhāgalpur and twenty-eight to the east of Champānagar." The identification fulfils the description of the Tibetan accounts of the place. So this is generally accepted as the correct identification of the Vikramaśilā University. Banerji-Sastri rejects the identification of De. He says that except that the hill is mentioned in the Tibetan accounts, the place in no other way answers the description of the Tibetans. He suggests Keur—a place three miles south-east from Hulasganj and just behind the south-west corner of Hilsa police-station—as a plausible and proper site of Vikramaśilā. For, he says, "Keur is in direct line with Nālandā and Odantapuri and within 15 miles of Nālandā, and with its close similarity with Nālandā remains, amply satisfies every known detail of Vikramaśilā."¹

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² A. S. R., VIII, p. 75.

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³ Glories of Magadha, p. 157.

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⁴ J. A. S. B., V, 1, p. 7.

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Like Nālandā, it grew up under the royal patronage. Dharmapāla furnished it with four establishments, each consisting of 27 monks, belonging to the four principal sects. He also endowed it with rich grants, fixing regular allowances for the maintenance of priests and students. Provision was also made for temporary students.² Other Pāla Kings, besides Dharmapāla, must have endowed the University with various gifts. Nayapāla, we know for certain, showed a keen interest in the administration of the University, for Dīpaṃkara Śrījñāna or Atīśa accepted the post of High Priest at Vikramaśilā during his reign.³

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So far as the construction of the buildings and their decorations are concerned we have got, though meagre, very interesting account.

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There was a central hall called the House of Science. It had six gates which opened on its six colleges. And the dimen-

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(1) J. B. O. R. S., XV, p. 276.
(2) See S. C. Das, Indian Pandits in Tibet, J. B. T. S., I, pp. 1-10.
(3) Ibid., Life of Atīśa, Dīpaṃkara Śrī Jñāna, Ibid., pp. 46-53. Note: It is doubtful who the king actually was, whether Mahipāla or Nayapāla. For another place, Ibid., p. 10, we are told that "when Atīśa was appointed High Priest by King Mahipāla......" etc.

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sions of each college (i.e. saṅghārāma) could be gauged from the fact that each college could contain one hundred and eight professors.

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And these various buildings were encircled by a wall, which was not merely a construction of brick and mortar but a source of inspiration to all the prospective students. For, on its front wall, on the right of the principal entrance, was painted the likeness of Nāgārjuna, once the head of the University, and on the left, the portrait of Atīśa himself, who figured at Vikramaśīlā.¹

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¹ S. C. Das, o.c., p. 11; also Samaddar, o.c., pp. 150-151.

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In point of studies, that is, so far as the subjects taught are concerned, Vikramaśīlā perhaps imparted education in the same subjects, such as Theology, Philosophy, Logic, etc., like Nālandā. But one subject that stands out more prominently than all others was Tantra. It was this that appealed to the students most, and hence we find numerous books written on it by the pandits of Vikramaśīlā.

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As at Nālandā, so at Vikramaśīlā, the students who wanted to join the University had to submit to a severe test before the Gate-keepers, who were learned pandits. But, at Vikramaśīlā, there were six gates and consequently six eminent pandits presided over them. Ratnavajra, Ācārya Jetāri, Ratnakīrti, were some of the most distinguished of them. But the pandit who excelled all his compeers, whose name became famous all over India from Ceylon to Tibet was Dīpaṃkara Śrījñāna, more popularly known as Atīśa.

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Dīpaṃkara was born in A. D. 980, in the royal family of Gaur at Vikramanipur in Bengala, a country lying to the east of Vajrasama (Gayā). Under the sage Jetāri, he studied the five kinds of minor sciences, and thereby paved his way to the study of philosophy and religion. He acquired proficiency in the three pitakas of the four classes of Hīnayāna, in the Vaiśeṣika philosophy, in the three pitakas of the Mahāyāna doctrine, in the high metaphysics of the Mādhyamika and Yogācāra schools and in the four classes of Tantras. Having acquired the reputation of being a great pandit, in the Śāstras of the Tirthakas, which he studied till his twenty-fifth year, he defeated a learned Brahmin in Logic. From Rahula Gupta he mastered the mysteries of esoteric Buddhism. At the age of thirty-one, he was ordained in the highest order of Bhikṣus and was given the vows of Bodhisattva by Dharma Rakṣita.

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He went to Suvarṇadvīpa, stayed there for 12 years and mastered the pure teachings of the Buddha from the High Priest. On his return to Magadha, he was unanimously declared the chief by the Buddhists and awarded the title of Dharmapāla or the hierarchy of Magadha. Nayapāla offered him the post of the High Priest of Vikramaśilā, which he accepted.

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Atiśa took a prominent part in the treaty which Nayapāla made with King Karuya.

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He was repeatedly invited to Tibet, by King Lha Lama of Tibet who wanted to purify the debased and enervated Tibetan Buddhism. Even though he was offered plenty of gold, twice he declined to go. With great persuasion of Sthavira Ratnākara, and entreaties of the Tibetan ámbassador in the year 1038 A. D., he visited Tibet. He wrote many books on Mahāyāna, delivered lectures on it and thus revived the practice of pure Mahāyāna doctrine. Atiśa died at Nethang near Lhasa, at the age of seventy-three, in the year 1053 A.D. He is remembered with deep veneration ‘all over high Asia’ or wherever the Buddhism of Tibet prevails.¹

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¹ Das, J. A. S. B., I, Part I, 1891, pp. 46-53.

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We have a most vivid and interesting description of Atiśa by the Tibetan envoy who came to India to take Atiśa to Tibet. He is describing a meeting of the monks and students, a “convocation,” as Samaddar has called it. “When all the rows of seats were filled up,” says the awestruck visitor, “there came Lord Atiśa, the Venerable of the Venerables, in all his glory, at whose sight, the eyes felt no satiety. His graceful appearance and smiling face struck every one of the assembly. From his waist hung down a bundle of keys. The Indians, Nepalese and Tibetans, all looked at him and took him for a countryman of their own. There was brightness mixed with simplicity of expression on his face, which acted as a magic spell upon those who beheld him."'1

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Any doubts that may be entertained about the historicity of Atīśa and his famous visit to Tibet, are now dispelled by the historical documents that have been obtained from Tibet by Mr. Francke. Among the documents are two inscriptions discovered in the Tabo monastery of Spiti. One of the inscriptions speaks of King Byang-chub-'od of Guge, the very ruler who invited Atīśa to Tibet. "The principal hall of the Tabo monastery," says the author of the article, "seems to have remained almost unchanged since the days of Atīśa......"2 But the thing most important for our purpose is that the inscription contains names of the two most important lāmās of the period, *viz.*, Rinchen bzang-po and Atīśa, the latter being called Phul-byung in Tibetan. "The inscription further says that Rinchen bzang-po was made a 'light of wisdom' through the agency of Atīśa." "This is," says the author, "apparently a reference to the controversy between the two lāmās which ended with Rinchen bzang-po acknowledging Atīśa's superiority."3

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From the subjects which Atīśa studied, it appears that even philosophies such as Vaiśeṣika, were still taught, even though *Tantra* was the most outstanding subjects of the time. Atīśa, in fact, besides Tāntrism, had mastered all the subjects which were found in the Nālandā curriculum.

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Despite his versatility in all branches of knowledge, Atīśa wrote by far the greater number of books on *Tantra*. A mere perusal of their names makes a most instructive reading. They reveal the fact that by the time of Atiśa, that is to say, 1000 A. D., Buddhists had incorporated almost all the gods of the Hindu pantheon, and that Avatokiteśvara, Tārā, etc., were not the only gods and goddesses that were worshipped.¹ Such works are:

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¹ Das, *J. A. S. B.*, I, Part I, 1891, pp. 46-53.

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² Francke, *Historical Documents from the Borders of Tibet*, *A. S. I. A. R.*, 1909-10, p. 108.

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³ *Ibid.*

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¹ Perhaps it is not correct to say that the Buddhists incorporated the gods of the Hindu pantheon. For there are scholars who hold that the Buddhists evolved their pantheon independently of any extraneous influence.

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1. Ārya-hayagrīva-sādhana nāma.
2. Śri Mahākāla-bali nāma.
3. Kṛṣna-yamāri sādhana-nāma.

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There is one work on Mādhyamika philosophy, that is also attributed to Atiśa, viz., Mādhyamikopadeśa nāma.²

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² Bose, o.c., pp. 73-79.

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Though the accounts about Vikramaśilā are very few, still they acquaint us with the diverse aspects of the University. While narrating the life of Atiśa, we referred to the " convocation." The undermentioned facts give us a glimpse of the administration of the University, and of an aspect of the life of the students.

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Besides the six Gate-keepers, the professorial staff consisted of a hundred and eight professors. Like the senate or the academic council, of our modern Universities, there was a board of eminent professors, whose main function was to supervise and issue instructions to the various professors. This board, says Taranath, kept watch over the affairs of the University of Nālandā. This would imply that the new University had superseded the old, and that all the power had been vested in the board appointed for the new University. It is also suggestive of the fact that the presiding deity of both the Universities was the ruling Pala King, the first being Dharmapāla.

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It is interesting to note how the University and the king honoured distinguished scholars. Learned expounders of Theology were called the " pillars " of the University,³ probably because they were responsible for the religiousness and metaphysical uplift of the students, whose main ideal was to attain *Nirvāṇa* (for others and for themselves), while the king himself granted the title of ‘Pandita’ to the distinguished alumni of the University.¹

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³ Samaddar, o.c., p. 150.

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¹ Vidyabhusana, *Indian Logic, Mediaeval School*, p. 79.

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If nothing condemnatory could be found in the life of a Nālandā-student, there being no positive evidence, we get an insight into the Vikramaśīlā-student-life from the following story told by Das.² There was in Vikramaśīlā, a class of Tāntriks called by the name of Kimsukha, who once brought much trouble on Atīśa. One Maitri, who belonged to that class, was charged with certain irregularities in matters of doctrine, ritual and other matters of a similar nature, on account of which something condemnatory was written on the wall at the entrance of the *Vihāra* by a monk called Śānti. On another occasion a quantity of wine was detected in the possession of Maitri, which he had kept secretly in his place, and which he was alleged to have brought for being given as a present to a Buddhist Yoginī, whom he intended to consult on certain matters. The fact having been brought to the notice of the *sangha*, they expressed their indignation at his conduct and decided to expel him from the monastery, but Maitri was unwilling to abide by their decision. At this stage there arose a difference in the opinion of the members of the *sangha*, some taking his side, others opposing him vehemently. The majority of the monks insisted on his being turned out of the monastery. One of the monks observed: “If his stay in our midst does not affect me or you individually, it may injure others (less guarded).” So, at last his expulsion was decided upon. His offence being considered a serious one, he was not permitted to be expelled by the main entrance. He was sent across the wall of the monastery. Though Atīśa, as the head of the *sangha*, had acquiesced in their decision about Maitri, yet personally he entertained doubts about its propriety and equity.

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² *Indian Pandits in the Land of Snow*, pp. 11-12.

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Accordingly, he consulted the goddess Tārā, his tutelary deity, offering his prayers to her, in the usual manner at night. The goddess, appearing in a dream, thrice said to him: "Son, it has not been good." He suddenly awoke and came out of his room, but did not find anybody. Again he prayed to the gods and Bodhisattvas, for further enlightenment on the subject. He heard a voice which said, "Maitri has been innocently accused of the offence. As he had acquired the true conception of the Bodhi (saintly) life, you have committed a serious sin in permitting his expulsion from the monastery." It was also said that in consequence of it, Atīśa was destined to be born a huge bird of Sumeru and that in making three rounds, round the peak of Sumeru, he would kill numerous beings. The only means by which he could get out of the difficulty was to go to the northern direction towards Tibet, to preach the Mahāyāna Dharma there.

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Besides throwing very important light on the actual life of the student, the story has a significance from other points as well. First, we learn that if any action was to be taken, it could be taken only after consulting the whole community of monks. Thus, even so late as the tenth and eleventh centuries A. D., the Buddhist sangha had retained its characteristic government, which we called "Republican Church Government."

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Secondly, we get conclusive evidence of the fact that wine was used, though secretly, in Buddhist monasteries. We also learn that Tāntrism of a higher order never brooked any violation of the rules of morality, and if any such thing was brought to the notice of the authorities, the defaulter was severely punished. Lastly, we see that the story is an example of Atīśa's high sense of duty and love for the truth. Feeling that he had not done a right thing in expelling the student, he prayed for divine guidance.

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We have thus tried to give a brief, yet a comprehensive account of the University of Vikramaśīlā.

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The question of the end of Vikramaśilā has no separate existence. What we shall speak of Nālandā’s end will apply *mutatis mutandis* to Vikramaśilā and other Universities of Magadha.

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Other Universities that grew up during the reign of the Pālas were Odantapuri and Jāgaddala.

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The rise of the former is attributed by Taranath¹ to Gopāla, the first king of the Pāla dynasty; we have, however, no other evidence to prove the existence of this University nor do we know anything about its studies and pandits.

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¹ o.c., pp. 158 and 193.

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Jāgaddala was founded by King Rāmpāla in the eleventh century, in the new capital of the Pālas, Rāmāvati, on the banks of the rivers Ganges and Karatoya in the country of Varendra; *i.e.*, Northern Bengal. Its actual site, however, has not been yet located.²

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² For a fuller description, see Bose, o.c., p. 143 ff.

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From the works composed by its pandits, Dānaśīla and others, Tāntrism of the most degraded type seems to have flourished there.³ The works deal with Piśāca, owls, nāgas (serpents), yakṣas, etc. and their *sādhanas*, revealing to what low depths and moral enervation the pandits had given themselves up, believing all the time, that they were doing the most praiseworthy act, *viz.*, composing works on the worship of objects whom they regarded as deities.

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³ We here exclude the esoteric aspect of Tāntrism.

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Of all the contemporary Universities, the only University worthy of standing in comparison with Nālandā was Vikramaśilā, with its magnificent buildings and eminent personalities, like Atīśa and Jetāri. But even this University did not reach that pinnacle of glory, which Nālandā acquired in the days of Vasubandhu, Diṅnāga, Dharmapāla and Dharmakīrti. For, notwithstanding the fact that the University imparted knowledge in perhaps the same subjects that could find in the Nālandā curriculum, still the time, when it came into existence went against it. Nālandā grew up, as we have seen, when the Indian thought had found its best expression. And though this would hold good in the case of Vikramaśilā as well, Vikramaśilā suffered from the deterioration which had come over Buddhism in the form of Tāntrism, Mantra-yāna, Vajrayāna, etc. These patois of Buddhism contributed nothing to the propagation of culture.¹ They rather were, to a certain degree, responsible for the downfall of Buddhism. Naturally, therefore, a University which consumed such base stuff, would not create a very great impression. And, for the publicity it gained in Tibet and other countries, much of it was due to the low standard of religion, education and morality that prevailed there. Tibet, we are told, was in the hands of the most debased kinds of religious practitioners, so much so that its king sent for Atiśa, who was known for his great learning and reforming zeal. Buddhism in India as well as in Tibet was raised from its moral and intellectual downfall², though Tāntrism, perhaps in its purer aspects, was still the most favourite subject of study, as is revealed from the numerous works on Tāntrism by Atiśa himself.

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གཤིན་རྗེ་གཤེད་ནག་པོའི་སྒྲུབ་ཐབས་ཞེས་བྱ་བ — Classical Tibetan
འཕགས་པ་རྟ་མགྲིན་གྱི་སྒྲུབ་ཐབས་ཞེས་བྱ་བ — Classical Tibetan
དཔལ་མགོན་པོའི་གཏོར་མ་ཞེས་བྱ་བ — Classical Tibetan
Nālandā
Hilsa
Sultânganj
Keur