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Vada in Theory and Practice: Studies in Debates, Dialogues and Discussions in Indian Intellectual Discourses c6.s6.t3: Creating Bridge through Vāda

Vāda in Theory and Practice: Studies in Debates, Dialogues and Discussions in Indian Intellectual Discourses c6.s6.t3

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English

Creating Bridge through Vāda

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Then there are efforts at synthesis and evolving through dialogues. The Arabs invaded Iran and the Islamic order came to be established there around CE 651. There was exodus of the followers of Zoroastrianism. Some of them settled in Gujarat in tenth century CE. In their enthusiasm to propagate Zoroastrianism in the country that sheltered them and to enter into dialogue with the people of other faiths, the scholars amongst them started translating *Avesta* and other texts from Pahalavī into Sanskrit. Naryosang, who was a Persian priest and son of Dhavala, translated *Avesta* into Sanskrit. Naryosang was a resident of modern Gujarat in the first half of fourteenth century.¹⁸⁸ He also transcribed many texts from Pahalavī script to Avestan script. Of these translations, *Skanda-Gumanig-vizar*, a Pahalavī text of ninth century by Mardan Farrukh is noteworthy. It argues in favour of the religion of the Pārsīs, presenting refutation of other faiths, especially, Islam.¹⁸⁹

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By this time Sufism had started making inroads in Indian milieu. It was the beginning of a great dialogue between diverse Asian traditions, which had been prefaced in the writings of poets like Jalāl ad-Dīn Muhammad Rumi. The commentaries, poems, songs and sayings of saints like Caitanya (1486–1533), Jñāneśvara, Ekanātha (1533-99), Nāmadeva, Tukārāma, Kabīr, Mīrābāī, Dādū (1544–1608) and Nānak (1469–1539) paved the way for this dialogue. The idea of *sahaja* as elaborated upon by saints even ridiculed the discarding of *viṣayabhoga* (enjoyment of worldly things). The Sahajīyās regarded love and natural life as the core of the religion. Sarahapā is said to have been the founder of this school. He was born in eastern India at a place called Sarolī in the city of Rājī. He used to listen to the discourses by Amita and developed interest in Buddhist philosophy. Afterwards he deviated from Buddhism. Bringing in empiricism in his philosophy of pure bliss, he said:

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*tanutaracittāṅkurakaḥ viṣayarasair yadi na sicyate śuddhaiḥ |*
*gaganavyāpī phaladaḥ kalpatarutvaṁ katham labheta | |*
— *Caryāgītikośa*
The subtle sprout of mind should be irrigated with the waters of pure worldly pleasure, otherwise it will not grow as a great tree of *kalpavṛkṣa*.

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Under the philosophical moorings of Śaivism, Tantra made a unique journey in the world of mysticism and spiritual pursuit. Geographically, Tantra had two major centres — one in Kashmir and the other in Karnataka. A revolutionary mystic like Lal-Dêd was born in Kashmir to spell out the essence of the Kashmir Śaivism as seen and experienced by her. Basaveśvara represents the Śaivite philosophy in Karnataka developed under the Liṅgāyata sect.

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In fact, the philosophy of Tantra gave a vision of transforming this world and the lower levels of consciousness into higher level. Basaveśvara says:

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The body and the lower senses of labour and actions being transcended, the senses are now one with the *liṅga*, the higher self. I have together with *manas* (a sense-organ) and awareness served the *jaṅgama*, that working energy and the *manas* are now one with the Jaṅgamaliṅga — the moving higher self.¹⁹⁰

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*Vakh* of Lal-Dêd and *Vacanas* of medieval saints like Basaveśvara presented a new vision of religion and life. Through the inculcation of the element of devotion, the hard and atrocious practices of Tantra melted into compassion. The philosophical sophistries gave place to practical wisdom and search for freedom. Instead of intellectual discourse, *vacanas* revealed real experiences of a liberated soul. The female voices, silenced and lying dormant in the course of the male dominated history of more than two millennia also resounded with a revived gusto. Āṇḍāla, Akkā Mahādevī, Lal-Dêd, Habbā Khātūn, Mīrā and many other female mystic saints created their literary oeuvre with spontaneous verbalization of experiences on the path of enlightenment. The mystic experiences in their sayings are expressed through rare images in subtle phrases. Their feminine discourse had *śakti* (power) and insight to unravel the truth and address the human beings and the God created by them for the inconsistencies and inner contradictions.

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*Satsaṅga* provided a platform for the meeting of the *siddha* with the *sādhakas* and creating bridges across diverse strata of the society. It served as a link between the seeker and the common people. The *bhajanas*, *vacanas*, *vakh* assigned a performative character to *satsaṅga*.

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If Muhammad Azam Dedamari and Dawood Mishqati are enamoured of the Lal-Dêd’s message of *vakh*, Rupa Bhavani (1620–1720), a great Kashmiri woman mystic poet in her *Rahasyopadeśa*, acknowledges Lal-Dêd as her *guru*. On her poetry also she relives the spirit of Lal-Dêd. The correspondences and dialogues of Lal-Dêd with contemporaries like Sheikh Baba Nasr-ud-Dīn and philosophic successors like Sheikh Nur-ud-Dīn (Nund Rishi) exemplify the wide horizons and vision which seek to demolish the barriers and compartmentalizations created through religious sects and dogmas. Her mystic interactions with these saints and mystics are mentioned in the Old Persian sources titled *Nūranāmā* and *Ṛṣināmā*.

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The onslaught of Bhakti movement created new platforms for dialogues across cultures, sects and societies. Hindus were visiting the shrines occupied by *pīrs*, *fakīrs*, *darveśas*; the Muslims were being immersed in the streams of love for Kṛṣṇa and Rādhā. The ripples of the Bhakti movement incepted by Caitanya (CE 1486–1533) swept the country far and wide, many Muslims accepted his cult. Shekh Mohammad of Shrigonde was a *bhakti* poet from Ahmednagar; his *guru*, Chand Boddhale was also the mentor of Janārdana. This Janārdana was the *guru* of Ekanātha.¹⁹¹

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Even though the interaction with Arabs was going on in the first millennium CE, and *Yavanadarśana* (Islamic philosophy) has been listed as one of the disciplines to be studied by Śukra in his *Śukranīti*, the arrival and intrusion of Turks in the socio-political order gave a jolt to the existing systems and thought processes. There were conversions and also resistance to conversions. Many Hindus, even kings, chose to embrace Islam at their own choice also, to escape the oppression and inequalities of the caste system and hierarchies. Describing the situation after the annexation of Bengal by Sultan Muhammad Tughlak (succession CE 1325), Sures Chandra Banerji says:

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Jitmal or Jaymal, popularly known as Yadusena, embraced Islam, but after some time, reverted to his ancestral religion. This fickle-minded man again embraced Islam and after the death of his father, occupied the throne under the name of Jalāluddīn.¹⁹²

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It was in this background that Ekanātha (1533-99) wrote a unique *bhāruḍ* (drama-poem) titled *Hindu-Turk-Saṁvāda*. The saint-poet appears as an interlocutor between the two debaters — the Turk and the Hindu, and his address at the very outset sets the tone for this poem:

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*The goal is one, the ways of worship are different,*
*Listen to the dialogue between these two,*
*The Turk calls the Hindu kāfir,*
*The Hindu answers — “I will be polluted, get away!”*
*A quarrel broke out between the two*
*A great controversy began.*¹⁹³

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Both the debaters — the Turk and the Hindu — make allegations and counter-allegation of the religious and sectarian practices of each other. But their disagreements eventually culminate into an agreement — that there are fundamental unities and each tradition must be respected in its distinctiveness.

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*Hindu: The brāhmaṇa says O yes Swāmi*
*As a matter of fact you and I are one,*
*This controversy grew over caste and dharma*
*When we go to God, there are no such things,*
*Turk: this is the truth,*

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*For God there is no caste,*
*There is not separation between the devotee and the God*
*Even though the prophet has said — the God is hidden.*¹⁹⁴

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Ekanātha’s other *bhāruḍs* include dialogue between a brāhmaṇa and a *mahār*, between a brāhmaṇa and a dog, or words spoken my fortune tellers, untouchables, snake-charmers, prostitutes, etc.¹⁹⁵

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*Dabistān-e-mazahib*, a Persian text by unknown author, presents debates and dialogues between various faiths; it was written in seventeenth century under the patronage of Akbar. The text also gives a glimpse of debates and discussions held in the court of Akbar (1542–1605). The authorship of this work has remained a subject of much controversy. It is divided in twelve chapters named as *tālīms*. Each *tālīm* is again divided into several *naẓars* (views). The first *tālīm* takes into account the faiths and beliefs of Parsis and Iranis, especially of Zoroastrianism, in fifteen *naẓars*. It is also possible that the author of this work was a follower of the Parsi religion. He describes the tenets of this religion, its prophets and saints and major texts, including several sects and communities within it. The second *tālīm* is concerned with Hinduism. It is comprised of twelve *naẓars*. The author introduces the basic principles of Hindu religions and also compares it with Zoroastrianism. In the second *naẓar* of this *tālīm* he describes the theories of creation according to Purāṇas. He also provides details of the geography and *avatāras* (incarnations) according to *Bhāgavata Purāṇa*. He supports idol worship because of its symbolism. The third *naẓar* deals with the Smārta view. It describes sixteen *saṁskāras*, the Vedas and the Smārta karmas. Vedānta is dealt within the fourth *naẓar*. The author not only describes major texts and philosophers, he also enumerates many interesting stories as *dṛṣṭāntas* (illustrations). The fifth and sixth *naẓars* deal with Sāṁkhya and Yoga systems and the seventh and eighth with the Vaiṣṇavas and Śāktas, respectively. The Cārvākas are taken up in the ninth. The sect of *tyāgīs* is described in the tenth *naẓar*. The eleventh presents the Buddhist philosophy and the twelfth one takes notice of diverse faiths and philosophies.

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The third *tālīm* describes a Karāvatī sect, the fourth ones deals with Judaism. The author has referred to the original texts and has even translated the first chapter of *Tauret*. In the fifth *tālīm* on Christianity, the author has presented the life and acts of Christ as well as the beliefs and practices of the Christians. The sixth *tālīm* introduces Islam. The differences between the Sunnīs and the Śiyās are enumerated and the twelve sects under Śiyā are described. The seventh *tālīm* is on the Sādiks. It describes the tenets of the Ismāīlīs and those who believe Ali as the God. The ninth *tālīm* is related to the tenets of Vāhidiyā and Vāyajīd. The tenth *tālīm* on *Dīn-e-Ilāhī*, propagated by Akbar, forms the core of this work. Akbar is described as Khalīftullāh or the representative or the Prophet. It is comprised of four *nazars*, in which the author describes the birth of the Prophet, the debates organized and presided over by him, his divine attributes and finally his message. The eleventh *tālīm* discusses diverse faiths. The last *tālīm* is concerned with Sufism.

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The tenth *tālīm* also furnishes the first-hand account of the debates held in the court of Emperor Akbar. In the first debate brings out a very bitter fight between the Sunnīs and Śiyās. The author says that he has presented this debate at the instance of the adherents of both these orders and he only intends to examine the truth of each. The Śiyā scholar argued that the Sunnīs are non-religious because they do not consider the Prophet Mohammad infallible, and they treat him like a ordinary human being. The follower of Zudaism interferes here to support the Śiyā. But then the Śiyā also enters into an argument with him and establishes that the present scripture of the Zudaism is but an interpolation. He also narrates the tragic episode of Mohammad not being given material for writing to enable him to frame his will and declare his daughter and the son-in-law as his inheritors and illegal seize of the land belonging to Fātimā, his daughter by Abu Bakr. Sunnī gives a rejoinder here by pointing out that the prophets do not declare a will. Śiyā then accuses the Sunnī of character assassination of the Nabī by the way of making him dance to please his wife Ayesha. He describes various illegal acts of the previous *khalīfās* and the glory of Ali. The Śiyā and the Sunnī appear to be daggers drawn at each other and the Emperor Akbar orders for their being taken out. Next the debate of a Christian scholar with a Muslim is described. The former says that no Prophet named Mohammad is described in his scriptures, and cites the Christ having said that many untruthful persons will come after me claiming the prophethood, but they should not be believed in. On the contrary, the followers of Islam already regard Christ as a Prophet. Replying these allegations the Muslim alleges that the Christian texts have been tampered with. Upon which the Christian asks him whether he is in possession of the untampered texts, eliciting a negative answer from the later. Why don’t you respect the Christ just as we respect Musa? — he then asks the Muslim. The Muslim starts describing the miracles performed by Mohammad. The Christian retorts by saying that if such miracles happened, they should have been referred in the history books of all faiths. The followers of some other faiths then are called for to give an attestation to the miracle of the Mohammad, which they promptly deny. The debate between a Zew and a Christian is then taken up. The Zew asked his opponent whether there occurs any reference to Christ in Touret. The Christian in his reply pointed out that it is the text of his opponent that describes the birth of Christ from a maiden. The Zew said — Mariam is not described in our text as a virgin, she was already married to Yousuf. The Christian retored — this is true, but he had not even touched Mariam”. The Zew then shouted — how can you prove that? The Christain fell silent. In the next episode a wise person confronts with the representatives of various faiths — Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, Judaism, etc. taken all together. The wise man challenged the validity of the prophethood of the prophets of all these faiths citing the following grounds — a prophet must always speak logical things, he should be civilized and not an oppressor. Musa killed his own foster mother by drowning her in the river, it is not correct to say that the river did not make a way for her. Christ had allowed killing of the animals and Musa was involved in looting. In this way the wise man found fault with all the prophets and decried them. Replying to him, the followers of various faiths started recounting the miracles performed by the respective prophets. The wise man pointed out the inner contradictions in their narratives and found fault with Hindu *avatāras* of Rāma, Kṛṣṇa, etc. also. In the end the text describes the new faith being proposed by Akbar.

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Padmanābha Miśra wrote *Kaṇādarahasyam*, an exposition of *Vaiśeṣikasūtras* of Kaṇāda in vs 1640 (ce 1583). He discussed the prima facie views of other systems and refuted them according to the theories of the Vaiśeṣika system.¹⁹⁶

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Dara Shikoh was born in 1625 after the Emperor Shah-e-Jahan offered a *mannat* at the shrine of Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti at Ajmer and remained deeply steeped in the discourses of *pīrs* and *faqīrs* belonging to Sufism. He was trained in Islamic lore by Latif Sultanpuri, Miran Shekh, Ajhamad Dehalvi and others. The discourses of Sufi saint Miyan Mir Dehalvi and Bābā Lāldās Bairāgī, a Kabīrpanthī *sādhu*, made great impact on his mind. He was mercilessly butchered in 1659.

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