續高僧傳 2.10

2.10

達摩笈多。隋言法密。本南賢豆羅囉（力加反）國人也。剎帝利種。姓弊耶伽囉。此云虎氏。有弟四人。身居長子。父母留戀不聽出家。然以篤愛法門深願離俗。年二十三。往中賢豆界鞬拏究撥闍城。此云耳出。於究牟地。謂黃色花因園以得名也。僧伽囉磨。此云眾園。舊云僧伽藍者訛略也。笈多於此寺中方得落髮。改名法密。年二十五方受具戒。其郁波弟耶佛馱笈多。此云學密。阿遮利夜。名舊拏達多。此云德施。又一阿遮利夜。名為普照。通大小乘經論。咸能誦說行賓茶夜法。謂行乞食者。舊名為分衛。入第耶那。此云念修。舊為禪那及持訶那。並訛僻也。恒入此觀以為常業。笈多受具之後仍住三年。就師學問。師之所得略窺戶牖。後以普照師為吒迦國王所請。從師至彼經停一載。師還本國。笈多更留四年。住於提婆鼻何囉。此云天遊也。天謂國王。遊謂僧處。其所王立故名天遊。舊以寺代之。寺乃此土公院之名。所謂司也廷也。又云招提者亦訛略也。世依字解。招謂招引。提謂提携。並浪語也。此乃西言耳。正音云招鬪提奢。此云四方。謂處所為四方眾僧之所依住也。於是歷諸大小乘國及以僧寺。聞見倍多。北路商人頗至於彼。遠傳東域有大支那國焉。舊名真丹振旦者。並非正音。無義可譯。惟知是此神州之總名也。初雖傳述不甚明信。未作來心。但以志在遊方情無所繫。遂往迦臂施國。六人為伴仍留此國停住王寺。笈多遂將四伴。於國城中二年停止。遍歷諸寺備觀所學。遠遊之心尚未寧處。其國乃是。北路之會。雪山北陰商侶咸湊其境。於商客所。又聞支那大國三寶興盛。同侶一心屬意來此。非惟觀其風化。願在利物弘經。便踰雪山西足。薄佉羅國波多叉拏國達摩悉鬢多國。此諸國中並不久住。足知風土諸寺儀式。又至渴羅槃陀國。留停一年。未多開導。又至沙勒國。同伴一人復還本邑。餘有三人停在王寺。謂沙勒王之所造也。經住兩載。仍為彼僧講說破論。有二千偈。旨明二部。多破外道。又為講如實論。亦二千偈。約其文理乃是世間論義之法。又至龜茲國亦停王寺。又住二年。仍為彼僧講釋前論。其王篤好大乘多所開悟。留引之心旦夕相造。笈多係心東夏。無志潛停。密將一僧間行至烏耆國。在阿爛拏寺。講通前論。又經二年漸至高昌。客遊諸寺。其國僧侶多學漢言。雖停二年無所宣述。又至伊吾。便停一載。值難避地西南。路純砂磧水草俱乏。同侶相顧性命莫投。乃以所齎經論權置道旁。越山求水冀以存濟。求既不遂勞弊轉增。專誦觀世音呪。夜雨忽降身心充悅。尋還本途。四顧茫然方道迷失踟蹰進退。乃任前行。遂達于瓜州。方知委曲取北路之道也。笈多遠慕大國跋涉積年。初契同徒或留或歿。獨顧單影屆斯勝地。靜言思之悲喜交集。尋蒙帝旨。延入京城。處之名寺供給豐渥。即開皇十年冬十月也。至止未淹。華言略悉。又奉別勅令就翻經。移住興善執本對譯。允正寔繁。所誦大小乘論並是深要。至於宣解大弘微旨。此方舊學頻遣積疑。然而慈恕立身柔和成性。心非道外行在言前。戒地夷而靜。智水幽而潔。經洞字源論窮聲意。加以威容詳正勤節高猛。誦響繼晨宵。法言通內外。又性好端居簡絕情務。寡薄嗜慾息杜希求。無倦誨人有踰利己。曾不忤顏於賤品。輕心於微類。遂使未覩者傾風。暫謁者欽敬。自居譯人之首。惟存傳授。所有覆疎務存綱領。煬帝定鼎東都。敬重隆厚。至於佛法彌增崇樹。乃下勅於洛水南濱上林園內。置翻經館。搜舉翹秀。永鎮傳法。登即下徵笈多并諸學士。並預集焉。四事供承復恒常度。致使譯人不墜其緒。成簡無替於時。及隋綱云頹郊壘煙構。梵本新經一時斯斷。笈多蘊其深解遂闕陳弘。始於開皇中歲。終於大業末年二十八載。所翻經論七部。合三十二卷。即起世緣生藥師本願攝大乘菩提資糧等是也。並文義澄潔華質顯暢。具唐貞觀內典錄。至武德二年終于洛汭。初笈多翻普樂經一十五卷。未及練覆。值偽鄭淪廢不暇重修。今卷部在京。多明八相等事。有沙門彥琮。內外通照華梵並聞。預參傳譯偏承提誘。以笈多遊履具歷名邦。見聞陳述事逾前傳。因著大隋西國傳一部。凡十篇。本傳。一方物。二時候。三居處。四國政。五學教。六禮儀。七飲食。八服章。九寶貨。十盛列山河國邑人物。斯即五天之良史。亦乃三聖之宏圖。故後漢西域傳云靈聖之所降集。賢懿之所挺生者是也。詞極綸綜。廣如所述。初開皇十三年廣州有僧行塔懺法。以皮作帖子二枚書為善惡兩字。令人擲之。得善者吉。又行自撲法以為滅罪。而男女合雜妄承密行。青州居士接響同行。官司檢察謂是妖異。其云。此塔懺法。依占察經。自撲懺法。依諸經中五體投地如大山崩。時以奏聞。乃勅內史侍郎李元操就大興善問諸大德。有沙門法經彥琮等。對云。占察經見有兩卷。首題菩提登在外國譯文似近代所出。眾藏亦有寫而傳者。檢勘群錄。並無正名及譯人時處。塔懺與眾經復異。不可依行。勅因斷之。時有秀才儒林郎侯白。奉勅撰旌異傳一部二十卷。多敘感應。即事亟涉。弘演釋門者。白字君素。本相鄴人也。識敏機對揖崇臺省。帝以多聞前古爰引。賓王觀國程器終于此職。又有晉府祭酒徐同卿。撰通命論兩卷。卿以文學之富。鏡達玄儒等教。亦明三世因果。但文言隱密。先賢之所未辯。故引經史正文。會通運命歸於因果。意在顯發儒宗助佛宣教導達群品咸奔一趣。蓋卿博識有據。故能洞此幽求。又有翻經學士涇陽劉馮。撰內外旁通比校數法一卷。馮學通玄素偏工數術。每以前代翻度至於數法比例頗涉不同。故演斯致。其序略云。世之道藝有淺有深。人之稟學有疏有密。故尋算之用也。則兼該大衍。其不思也。則致惑三隅。然東夏數法。自有三等之差。西天所陳。何無兩端之例。然則先譯諸經。並以大千稱為百億。言一由旬為四十里。依諸算計悉不相符。竊疑翻傳之日彼此異意。指撝之際於斯取失。故眾經算數之法。與東夏相參。十十變之旁通對衍。庶擬翻譯之次。執而辯惑。既參隸經誥。故即而敘之。至開皇十五年。文皇下勅。令翻經諸僧撰眾經法式。時有沙門彥琮等。准的前錄結而成之。一部十卷。奏呈入內。並見隋代費氏諸錄。時有翻經學士成都費長房。本預緇衣。周朝從廢因俗。傳通妙精玄理。開皇之譯。即預搜揚。勅召入京。從例修緝。以列代經錄散落難收佛法肇興年載蕪沒。乃撰三寶錄一十五卷。始於周莊之初。上編甲子。下舒年號。并諸代所翻經部卷目。軸別陳敘。凾多條例。然而瓦玉雜糅真偽難分。得在通行闕於甄異。錄成陳奏。下勅行之所在流傳。最為該富矣。

Dharmagupta, called Fami in the Sui language, was originally a man of the country of Lāṭa in South India. He was of the kṣatriya caste, with the family name Vyāghra, which means 'Tiger'. He had four younger brothers and was the eldest son. His parents were deeply attached to him and would not allow him to take pravrajyā. However, out of a fervent love for the Dharma gate and a deep desire to leave worldly life, at the age of twenty-three he went to the city of Kanyākubja in Central India, which means 'Hunchback-Born' (or 'Ears-Projecting'). There he arrived at the Kaumudī Saṅghārāma; [kaumudī] refers to a yellow lotus flower after which the monastery garden was named. Saṅghārāma means 'community garden'; the old transcription saṅghārāma (sengqielan) was an erroneous abbreviation. It was in this monastery that Dharmagupta was finally able to shave his head and take the name Fami. Only at the age of twenty-five did he receive full ordination. His upādhyāya was Buddhagupta, which means 'Scholar-Secret'. His ācārya was named Guṇadatta, which means 'Virtue-Given'. Another ācārya was named Puzhao ('Universal Illumination'), who was versed in both Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna sūtras and treatises, able to recite and expound them all. He practiced the observance of piṇḍapāta, meaning the practice of begging for food, previously termed fenwei. He entered dhyāna, which means 'cultivation of mindfulness'; the earlier renderings channa and chihena were both erroneous corruptions. He constantly entered this contemplation as his daily practice. After receiving full ordination, Dharmagupta remained for another three years, studying under this master, and came to gain a foundational grasp of what his master had attained. Later, because Master Puzhao was invited by the king of the country of Ṭakka, he accompanied his master there and stayed for one year. When the master returned to his native land, Dharmagupta stayed on for four more years, residing at the Deva-vihāra, which means 'Celestial Pleasure-Ground' (Devavihāra). 'Celestial' refers to the king, and 'pleasure-ground' refers to the dwelling of the monks; because it was established by the king, it was called Celestial Pleasure-Ground. Anciently it was replaced by si (temple), but si is this land's name for a public bureau, namely an office or court. Furthermore, the term zhaoti is also an erroneous abbreviation. Worldly people interpret the characters by taking zhao to mean 'to summon' and ti to mean 'to lead by the hand', which are both reckless talk. This is merely a Western word: the correct phonetic form is catur-diśa, meaning 'the four quarters', referring to the place as a residence relied upon by the saṅgha of the four quarters. Thereupon he traveled through various Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna countries and monasteries, greatly expanding what he saw and heard. Merchants traveling the northern route frequently arrived there and brought news from afar that in the eastern realm there was the great country of Cīna. The ancient names Zhendan and Zhendan are neither correct sounds nor do they have translatable meanings; one merely knows they are general designations for this divine realm. Although reports were transmitted initially, he did not entirely believe them and did not yet have the intention to come. Yet because his heart was set on traveling without worldly ties, he proceeded to the country of Kapiśā. With six companions who stayed behind in that country residing at the royal monastery, Dharmagupta took four companions and stayed in the royal capital for two years, visiting all the monasteries to observe fully what was studied there. His ambition for far-flung travels was not yet sated. That country was the nexus of the northern route, located on the northern slope of the Snow Mountains where merchant caravans converged. From the merchants he again heard that the Triratna was flourishing in the great country of Cīna. He and his companions set their minds entirely on coming here, not merely to observe its customs and morals, but desiring to benefit living beings and propagate the scriptures. Thereupon they crossed the western foothills of the Snow Mountains and passed through the countries of Balkh (Bāhlīka), Badakhshān, and Dharmasthiti. In none of these countries did they stay long, yet enough to learn their customs and the rituals of their monasteries. They then arrived in the country of Qal'a-i Panja (Khabandha), staying for one year without much proselytizing. They then arrived in the country of Kaśgar (Kashgar). One companion returned to their hometown, leaving three remaining to stay at the royal monastery, which had been built by the king of Kashgar. They remained for two years, and there Dharmagupta expounded the Po lun (Refutation Treatise) for the local monks. It contains two thousand verses, elucidating the tenets of the two Hīnayāna divisions and primarily refuting non-Buddhists. He also lectured on the Rushishi lun (Tattvasiddhi-śāstra), likewise in two thousand verses, whose style and reasoning belong to the dialectical methods of worldly disputation. They then reached the country of Kucha and also stayed at the royal monastery. Staying for another two years, he again lectured on and explained the previous treatises for the monks there. The king was devoted to the Mahāyāna and achieved much awakening; with a mind eager to detain him, he visited him morning and evening. Dharmagupta's heart was set on the Eastern Xia, with no intention of lingering in secret. Secretly taking one monk with him, he traveled along byways to the country of Agni (Karashahr). At the Araṇya Monastery, he lectured thoroughly on the previous treatises. After another two years, he gradually arrived in Gaochang and traveled as a guest among its various monasteries. The monks of that country mostly studied the Chinese language; although he stayed for two years, he did not preach. He then reached Yiwu (Hami) and stayed for one year. Meeting with adversity, he sought refuge to the southwest. The route was pure desert, devoid of both water and grass. The companions looked at each other with nowhere to turn for survival. They temporarily left the sūtras and treatises they carried by the roadside, crossing mountains in search of water in hopes of saving their lives. When their search proved futile, their fatigue and distress increased further. Dharmagupta single-mindedly recited the Avalokiteśvara dhāraṇī. Suddenly a night rain fell, bringing joy and refreshment to their bodies and minds. They then returned to their original trail. Looking around in all directions, the vast expanse left them lost; hesitating over whether to advance or retreat, they simply pressed forward and eventually reached Guazhou. Only then did they realize the windings of the Northern Route. Dharmagupta had admired the great empire from afar and trudged for years. Of the companions who originally pledged to travel, some stayed behind and some died. Looking back on his lone shadow arriving at this magnificent land, sorrow and joy mingled as he reflected in quiet contemplation. Soon he received an imperial decree summoning him to the capital, where he was accommodated in a renowned monastery with lavish provisions; this was the tenth month, in winter, of the tenth year of the Kaihuang reign (590 CE). Not long after his arrival, he gained a working knowledge of Chinese. By a separate imperial decree, he was ordered to undertake the translation of scriptures and moved to reside at Xingshan Monastery. Holding the Indic originals, he assisted in translation with abundant accuracy and rectitude. The Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna treatises he recited were all profound and essential; when he expounded them, he broadly elucidated their subtle principles, frequently dispelling long-accumulated doubts among traditional scholars in this land. Moreover, he conducted himself with compassion and forgiveness, being gentle and harmonious by nature. His mind did not stray outside the Way, and his deeds preceded his words. The ground of his precepts was level and serene; the waters of his wisdom were secluded and pure. In sūtras, he penetrated to the origin of characters; in treatises, he exhausted the meaning of phonetic expressions. In addition, his deportment was dignified and correct, and his rigorous discipline was noble and fierce. His chanting continued through morning and night, and his discourse on the Dharma was conversant with both internal [Buddhist] and external [non-Buddhist] learning. By nature he was fond of quiet seclusion, cut off from worldly affairs; his desires were meager, and he extinguished expectations and cravings. Tireless in instructing others, he prioritized that over personal benefit. He never showed an unpleasant countenance to those of lowly station, nor did he look down upon humble beings. As a result, those who had not yet seen him admired his reputation, and those who briefly visited him revered him with devotion. From the time he assumed the leadership among translators, he focused solely on transmission; in all his reviews and commentaries, his aim was to uphold the essential principles. When Emperor Yang established the capital at the Eastern Capital (Luoyang), his reverence grew even more profound, and his veneration for the Buddhadharma was heightened still further. An imperial decree was issued to establish a translation bureau inside the Shanglin Garden on the south bank of the Luo River, selecting outstanding talents to secure permanently the transmission of the Dharma. He immediately summoned Dharmagupta and various scholars to assemble there. The four requisites of support were regularly provided as before, ensuring that the translators' lineage was not broken and that their finished scrolls did not fall into neglect. When the Sui dynasty's governance collapsed and beacons of war rose in the suburbs, the newly arrived Indic sūtras ceased completely. Harboring deep understanding, Dharmagupta lacked the opportunity to set it forth and propagate it. Spanning twenty-eight years from the middle of the Kaihuang era to the end of the Daye era, he translated seven works of sūtras and treatises in thirty-two fascicles, including the Qishi jing (Lokanirdeśa-sūtra), the Yuansheng jing (Pratītyasamutpāda-sūtra), the Yaoshi benyuan jing (Bhaiṣajyaguru-mūlapraṇidhāna-sūtra), the She dacheng lun (Mahāyānasaṃgraha), and the Puti ziliang lun (Bodhisambhāra-śāstra). Their literary expression and doctrinal meaning are clear and refined, and the ornate and unadorned styles are balanced and transparent; all are recorded in detail in the Tang work Da Tang Zhenguan Neidian Lu. In the second year of Wude (619 CE), he passed away on the banks of the Luo River. Earlier, Dharmagupta translated the Pule jing (Lalitavistara) in fifteen fascicles. Before it could be polished and revised, the usurpation and fall of the Zheng state intervened, leaving no leisure to re-edit it; currently the scrolls remain in the capital, mostly expounding the eight phases [of the Buddha's life]. There was the śramaṇa Yancong, who had illuminated both internal and external learning and was versed in both Chinese and Sanskrit. Participating in the translation work, he was exceptionally mentored and guided by Dharmagupta. Because Dharmagupta had traveled extensively through famous realms and his accounts of what he saw and heard surpassed previous records, Yancong composed the Da Sui Xiguo zhuan (Account of the Western Regions under the Great Sui) in one work of ten sections: 1. Local products; 2. Seasons and climate; 3. Dwellings; 4. State governance; 5. Learning and teaching; 6. Etiquette and ceremonies; 7. Food and drink; 8. Dress and clothing; 9. Precious commodities; 10. A comprehensive layout of mountains, rivers, kingdoms, cities, and peoples. This constitutes an excellent history of the Five Indias, as well as a grand blueprint of the Three Sages. As the Hou Han shu's 'Xiyu zhuan' (Account of the Western Regions) says: 'It is the place where spiritual sages descend and assemble, and where worthy and eminent ones are brought forth.' Its diction is extremely thorough and comprehensive, broad as recorded above. Earlier, in the thirteenth year of Kaihuang (593 CE), there was a monk in Guangzhou who practiced the Stūpa Repentance method: he used two leather slips inscribed with the characters 'good' and 'evil' and had people cast them; obtaining 'good' was auspicious. He also practiced the method of self-prostration (casting oneself down) to eliminate sins; however, men and women mingled together, falsely claiming esoteric practices. Upāsakas in Qingzhou echoed them and joined in the practice. The authorities investigated and considered it heterodoxy. The monk claimed: 'This Stūpa Repentance is based on the Zhancha jing (Sūtra on the Divination of Good and Evil Karma), while the self-prostration repentance is based on the passages in various sūtras concerning casting the five limbs to the ground like the collapse of a great mountain.' When this was reported to the throne, an imperial decree ordered the Vice-Director of the Chancellery, Li Yuancao, to proceed to Daxingshan Monastery to question the bhadantas. The śramaṇas Fajing, Yancong, and others responded: 'The Zhancha jing appears in two fascicles. Its opening title attributes it to Bodhidīpa, translated abroad; the style seems of recent origin. Various libraries also contain copies that are transmitted. Examining various catalogues, there are neither authentic names nor the translator, time, or place. The Stūpa Repentance differs from other sūtras and must not be followed.' The emperor therefore banned it by decree. At that time, there was the xiucai and Gentleman of the Confucian Academy, Hou Bai, who received an imperial decree to compile the Jingyi zhuan (Biographies of Manifest Marvels) in one work of twenty fascicles, which mostly recounted spiritual resonances and frequently touched upon the propagation of the Buddhist gate. Bai, whose courtesy name was Junsu, was originally a man of Ye in Xiangzhou. With swift intellect and sharp wit, he was held in high esteem at the court ministries. Because of his broad learning regarding antiquity, the emperor appointed him to observe the state's talent, and he concluded his career in this post. There was also Xu Tongqing, Libationer of the Princely Mansion of Jin, who composed the Tongming lun (Treatise on the Penetration of Destiny) in two fascicles. Because of his literary wealth, Tongqing clearly understood the teachings of both the Profound [Daoism] and Confucianism, and was also conversant with karmic cause and effect across the three periods of time. Yet because scriptural words were subtle and hidden, and had not been elucidated by earlier sages, he cited the orthodox texts of the classics and histories, harmonizing destiny and tracing it back to karmic cause and effect. His intention was to illuminate the Confucian school and assist the Buddha in proclaiming the teaching, guiding all beings toward a single path. Because Tongqing was broadly learned and grounded in evidence, he could fathom these subtle investigations. There was also Liu Feng, a translation scholar from Jingyang, who composed the Neiwai pangtong bixiao shufa (Comparative Methods of Calculation for Buddhist and Non-Buddhist Systems) in one fascicle. Feng's learning encompassed the profound and the mundane, and he was particularly skilled in numerical arts. Because previous translations varied considerably in their treatment of numerical methods and proportions, he elaborated this principle. His preface briefly states: 'Worldly arts have depths and shallows, and what people inherit in their study varies in precision. Therefore, when calculation is applied, it encompasses the Great Expansion (Dayan); when not contemplated, it leads to confusion over the other three corners. The numerical methods of the Eastern Xia have three gradations of distinction; why should what is set forth in the Western Heavens lack two alternative standards? Yet earlier translated sūtras all render the great thousand [world system] as ten billion, and describe one yojana as forty li. Calculated against various systems, none correspond. I suspect that at the time of translation, meanings diverged between the two sides, and errors crept in during verbal rendition. Therefore, taking the mathematical methods of the various sūtras, I have cross-referenced them with the Eastern Xia, multiplying by tens in parallel correspondences, so that during the translation process one might hold to them and resolve doubts. Having participated in the handling of canonical texts, I have accordingly set this forth.' In the fifteenth year of Kaihuang (595 CE), Emperor Wen issued an imperial decree ordering the monks engaged in translation to compile guidelines for the various scriptures. The śramaṇa Yancong and others followed previous catalogues to assemble and complete it in one work of ten fascicles, which was submitted to the palace, as seen in the various catalogues by Master Fei of the Sui dynasty. At that time, there was the translation scholar Fei Changfang of Chengdu, who was originally among the black robes (monks) but was laicized due to the suppression of Buddhism under the Northern Zhou. He was refined and thoroughly versed in profound principles. When the translation bureau was re-established under the Kaihuang era, he was sought out and summoned to the capital by imperial decree to assist in editorial compilation according to precedent. Considering that the scriptural catalogues of successive dynasties were scattered and difficult to gather, and that the years since the emergence of Buddhism were obscured, he composed the Sanbao lu (Record of the Three Jewels) in fifteen fascicles. Starting from the beginning of King Zhuang of Zhou, he arranged the sexagenary cycle above and set forth the reign eras below, along with the titles and fascicles of sūtra sections translated across successive dynasties, detailing them scroll by scroll, with rules across many cases. However, tiles and jades are intermingled, making it difficult to distinguish the authentic from the spurious; its merit lies in wide currency, while it is deficient in critical discernment. When the catalogue was completed, it was submitted to the throne, and an imperial decree authorized its circulation everywhere, making it the most comprehensive and rich collection.