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續高僧傳 2.10

English (machine translation) 2.10

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2.10

Dharmagupta, called Fami in the Sui language, was originally a man of the country of Lāṭa in South India. He was of the kṣatriya caste, with the family name Vyāghra, which means 'Tiger'. He had four younger brothers and was the eldest son. His parents were deeply attached to him and would not allow him to take pravrajyā. However, out of a fervent love for the Dharma gate and a deep desire to leave worldly life, at the age of twenty-three he went to the city of Kanyākubja in Central India, which means 'Hunchback-Born' (or 'Ears-Projecting'). There he arrived at the Kaumudī Saṅghārāma; [kaumudī] refers to a yellow lotus flower after which the monastery garden was named. Saṅghārāma means 'community garden'; the old transcription saṅghārāma (sengqielan) was an erroneous abbreviation. It was in this monastery that Dharmagupta was finally able to shave his head and take the name Fami. Only at the age of twenty-five did he receive full ordination. His upādhyāya was Buddhagupta, which means 'Scholar-Secret'. His ācārya was named Guṇadatta, which means 'Virtue-Given'. Another ācārya was named Puzhao ('Universal Illumination'), who was versed in both Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna sūtras and treatises, able to recite and expound them all. He practiced the observance of piṇḍapāta, meaning the practice of begging for food, previously termed fenwei. He entered dhyāna, which means 'cultivation of mindfulness'; the earlier renderings channa and chihena were both erroneous corruptions. He constantly entered this contemplation as his daily practice. After receiving full ordination, Dharmagupta remained for another three years, studying under this master, and came to gain a foundational grasp of what his master had attained. Later, because Master Puzhao was invited by the king of the country of Ṭakka, he accompanied his master there and stayed for one year. When the master returned to his native land, Dharmagupta stayed on for four more years, residing at the Deva-vihāra, which means 'Celestial Pleasure-Ground' (Devavihāra). 'Celestial' refers to the king, and 'pleasure-ground' refers to the dwelling of the monks; because it was established by the king, it was called Celestial Pleasure-Ground. Anciently it was replaced by si (temple), but si is this land's name for a public bureau, namely an office or court. Furthermore, the term zhaoti is also an erroneous abbreviation. Worldly people interpret the characters by taking zhao to mean 'to summon' and ti to mean 'to lead by the hand', which are both reckless talk. This is merely a Western word: the correct phonetic form is catur-diśa, meaning 'the four quarters', referring to the place as a residence relied upon by the saṅgha of the four quarters. Thereupon he traveled through various Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna countries and monasteries, greatly expanding what he saw and heard. Merchants traveling the northern route frequently arrived there and brought news from afar that in the eastern realm there was the great country of Cīna. The ancient names Zhendan and Zhendan are neither correct sounds nor do they have translatable meanings; one merely knows they are general designations for this divine realm. Although reports were transmitted initially, he did not entirely believe them and did not yet have the intention to come. Yet because his heart was set on traveling without worldly ties, he proceeded to the country of Kapiśā. With six companions who stayed behind in that country residing at the royal monastery, Dharmagupta took four companions and stayed in the royal capital for two years, visiting all the monasteries to observe fully what was studied there. His ambition for far-flung travels was not yet sated. That country was the nexus of the northern route, located on the northern slope of the Snow Mountains where merchant caravans converged. From the merchants he again heard that the Triratna was flourishing in the great country of Cīna. He and his companions set their minds entirely on coming here, not merely to observe its customs and morals, but desiring to benefit living beings and propagate the scriptures. Thereupon they crossed the western foothills of the Snow Mountains and passed through the countries of Balkh (Bāhlīka), Badakhshān, and Dharmasthiti. In none of these countries did they stay long, yet enough to learn their customs and the rituals of their monasteries. They then arrived in the country of Qal'a-i Panja (Khabandha), staying for one year without much proselytizing. They then arrived in the country of Kaśgar (Kashgar). One companion returned to their hometown, leaving three remaining to stay at the royal monastery, which had been built by the king of Kashgar. They remained for two years, and there Dharmagupta expounded the Po lun (Refutation Treatise) for the local monks. It contains two thousand verses, elucidating the tenets of the two Hīnayāna divisions and primarily refuting non-Buddhists. He also lectured on the Rushishi lun (Tattvasiddhi-śāstra), likewise in two thousand verses, whose style and reasoning belong to the dialectical methods of worldly disputation. They then reached the country of Kucha and also stayed at the royal monastery. Staying for another two years, he again lectured on and explained the previous treatises for the monks there. The king was devoted to the Mahāyāna and achieved much awakening; with a mind eager to detain him, he visited him morning and evening. Dharmagupta's heart was set on the Eastern Xia, with no intention of lingering in secret. Secretly taking one monk with him, he traveled along byways to the country of Agni (Karashahr). At the Araṇya Monastery, he lectured thoroughly on the previous treatises. After another two years, he gradually arrived in Gaochang and traveled as a guest among its various monasteries. The monks of that country mostly studied the Chinese language; although he stayed for two years, he did not preach. He then reached Yiwu (Hami) and stayed for one year. Meeting with adversity, he sought refuge to the southwest. The route was pure desert, devoid of both water and grass. The companions looked at each other with nowhere to turn for survival. They temporarily left the sūtras and treatises they carried by the roadside, crossing mountains in search of water in hopes of saving their lives. When their search proved futile, their fatigue and distress increased further. Dharmagupta single-mindedly recited the Avalokiteśvara dhāraṇī. Suddenly a night rain fell, bringing joy and refreshment to their bodies and minds. They then returned to their original trail. Looking around in all directions, the vast expanse left them lost; hesitating over whether to advance or retreat, they simply pressed forward and eventually reached Guazhou. Only then did they realize the windings of the Northern Route. Dharmagupta had admired the great empire from afar and trudged for years. Of the companions who originally pledged to travel, some stayed behind and some died. Looking back on his lone shadow arriving at this magnificent land, sorrow and joy mingled as he reflected in quiet contemplation. Soon he received an imperial decree summoning him to the capital, where he was accommodated in a renowned monastery with lavish provisions; this was the tenth month, in winter, of the tenth year of the Kaihuang reign (590 CE). Not long after his arrival, he gained a working knowledge of Chinese. By a separate imperial decree, he was ordered to undertake the translation of scriptures and moved to reside at Xingshan Monastery. Holding the Indic originals, he assisted in translation with abundant accuracy and rectitude. The Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna treatises he recited were all profound and essential; when he expounded them, he broadly elucidated their subtle principles, frequently dispelling long-accumulated doubts among traditional scholars in this land. Moreover, he conducted himself with compassion and forgiveness, being gentle and harmonious by nature. His mind did not stray outside the Way, and his deeds preceded his words. The ground of his precepts was level and serene; the waters of his wisdom were secluded and pure. In sūtras, he penetrated to the origin of characters; in treatises, he exhausted the meaning of phonetic expressions. In addition, his deportment was dignified and correct, and his rigorous discipline was noble and fierce. His chanting continued through morning and night, and his discourse on the Dharma was conversant with both internal [Buddhist] and external [non-Buddhist] learning. By nature he was fond of quiet seclusion, cut off from worldly affairs; his desires were meager, and he extinguished expectations and cravings. Tireless in instructing others, he prioritized that over personal benefit. He never showed an unpleasant countenance to those of lowly station, nor did he look down upon humble beings. As a result, those who had not yet seen him admired his reputation, and those who briefly visited him revered him with devotion. From the time he assumed the leadership among translators, he focused solely on transmission; in all his reviews and commentaries, his aim was to uphold the essential principles. When Emperor Yang established the capital at the Eastern Capital (Luoyang), his reverence grew even more profound, and his veneration for the Buddhadharma was heightened still further. An imperial decree was issued to establish a translation bureau inside the Shanglin Garden on the south bank of the Luo River, selecting outstanding talents to secure permanently the transmission of the Dharma. He immediately summoned Dharmagupta and various scholars to assemble there. The four requisites of support were regularly provided as before, ensuring that the translators' lineage was not broken and that their finished scrolls did not fall into neglect. When the Sui dynasty's governance collapsed and beacons of war rose in the suburbs, the newly arrived Indic sūtras ceased completely. Harboring deep understanding, Dharmagupta lacked the opportunity to set it forth and propagate it. Spanning twenty-eight years from the middle of the Kaihuang era to the end of the Daye era, he translated seven works of sūtras and treatises in thirty-two fascicles, including the Qishi jing (Lokanirdeśa-sūtra), the Yuansheng jing (Pratītyasamutpāda-sūtra), the Yaoshi benyuan jing (Bhaiṣajyaguru-mūlapraṇidhāna-sūtra), the She dacheng lun (Mahāyānasaṃgraha), and the Puti ziliang lun (Bodhisambhāra-śāstra). Their literary expression and doctrinal meaning are clear and refined, and the ornate and unadorned styles are balanced and transparent; all are recorded in detail in the Tang work Da Tang Zhenguan Neidian Lu. In the second year of Wude (619 CE), he passed away on the banks of the Luo River. Earlier, Dharmagupta translated the Pule jing (Lalitavistara) in fifteen fascicles. Before it could be polished and revised, the usurpation and fall of the Zheng state intervened, leaving no leisure to re-edit it; currently the scrolls remain in the capital, mostly expounding the eight phases [of the Buddha's life]. There was the śramaṇa Yancong, who had illuminated both internal and external learning and was versed in both Chinese and Sanskrit. Participating in the translation work, he was exceptionally mentored and guided by Dharmagupta. Because Dharmagupta had traveled extensively through famous realms and his accounts of what he saw and heard surpassed previous records, Yancong composed the Da Sui Xiguo zhuan (Account of the Western Regions under the Great Sui) in one work of ten sections: 1. Local products; 2. Seasons and climate; 3. Dwellings; 4. State governance; 5. Learning and teaching; 6. Etiquette and ceremonies; 7. Food and drink; 8. Dress and clothing; 9. Precious commodities; 10. A comprehensive layout of mountains, rivers, kingdoms, cities, and peoples. This constitutes an excellent history of the Five Indias, as well as a grand blueprint of the Three Sages. As the Hou Han shu's 'Xiyu zhuan' (Account of the Western Regions) says: 'It is the place where spiritual sages descend and assemble, and where worthy and eminent ones are brought forth.' Its diction is extremely thorough and comprehensive, broad as recorded above. Earlier, in the thirteenth year of Kaihuang (593 CE), there was a monk in Guangzhou who practiced the Stūpa Repentance method: he used two leather slips inscribed with the characters 'good' and 'evil' and had people cast them; obtaining 'good' was auspicious. He also practiced the method of self-prostration (casting oneself down) to eliminate sins; however, men and women mingled together, falsely claiming esoteric practices. Upāsakas in Qingzhou echoed them and joined in the practice. The authorities investigated and considered it heterodoxy. The monk claimed: 'This Stūpa Repentance is based on the Zhancha jing (Sūtra on the Divination of Good and Evil Karma), while the self-prostration repentance is based on the passages in various sūtras concerning casting the five limbs to the ground like the collapse of a great mountain.' When this was reported to the throne, an imperial decree ordered the Vice-Director of the Chancellery, Li Yuancao, to proceed to Daxingshan Monastery to question the bhadantas. The śramaṇas Fajing, Yancong, and others responded: 'The Zhancha jing appears in two fascicles. Its opening title attributes it to Bodhidīpa, translated abroad; the style seems of recent origin. Various libraries also contain copies that are transmitted. Examining various catalogues, there are neither authentic names nor the translator, time, or place. The Stūpa Repentance differs from other sūtras and must not be followed.' The emperor therefore banned it by decree. At that time, there was the xiucai and Gentleman of the Confucian Academy, Hou Bai, who received an imperial decree to compile the Jingyi zhuan (Biographies of Manifest Marvels) in one work of twenty fascicles, which mostly recounted spiritual resonances and frequently touched upon the propagation of the Buddhist gate. Bai, whose courtesy name was Junsu, was originally a man of Ye in Xiangzhou. With swift intellect and sharp wit, he was held in high esteem at the court ministries. Because of his broad learning regarding antiquity, the emperor appointed him to observe the state's talent, and he concluded his career in this post. There was also Xu Tongqing, Libationer of the Princely Mansion of Jin, who composed the Tongming lun (Treatise on the Penetration of Destiny) in two fascicles. Because of his literary wealth, Tongqing clearly understood the teachings of both the Profound [Daoism] and Confucianism, and was also conversant with karmic cause and effect across the three periods of time. Yet because scriptural words were subtle and hidden, and had not been elucidated by earlier sages, he cited the orthodox texts of the classics and histories, harmonizing destiny and tracing it back to karmic cause and effect. His intention was to illuminate the Confucian school and assist the Buddha in proclaiming the teaching, guiding all beings toward a single path. Because Tongqing was broadly learned and grounded in evidence, he could fathom these subtle investigations. There was also Liu Feng, a translation scholar from Jingyang, who composed the Neiwai pangtong bixiao shufa (Comparative Methods of Calculation for Buddhist and Non-Buddhist Systems) in one fascicle. Feng's learning encompassed the profound and the mundane, and he was particularly skilled in numerical arts. Because previous translations varied considerably in their treatment of numerical methods and proportions, he elaborated this principle. His preface briefly states: 'Worldly arts have depths and shallows, and what people inherit in their study varies in precision. Therefore, when calculation is applied, it encompasses the Great Expansion (Dayan); when not contemplated, it leads to confusion over the other three corners. The numerical methods of the Eastern Xia have three gradations of distinction; why should what is set forth in the Western Heavens lack two alternative standards? Yet earlier translated sūtras all render the great thousand [world system] as ten billion, and describe one yojana as forty li. Calculated against various systems, none correspond. I suspect that at the time of translation, meanings diverged between the two sides, and errors crept in during verbal rendition. Therefore, taking the mathematical methods of the various sūtras, I have cross-referenced them with the Eastern Xia, multiplying by tens in parallel correspondences, so that during the translation process one might hold to them and resolve doubts. Having participated in the handling of canonical texts, I have accordingly set this forth.' In the fifteenth year of Kaihuang (595 CE), Emperor Wen issued an imperial decree ordering the monks engaged in translation to compile guidelines for the various scriptures. The śramaṇa Yancong and others followed previous catalogues to assemble and complete it in one work of ten fascicles, which was submitted to the palace, as seen in the various catalogues by Master Fei of the Sui dynasty. At that time, there was the translation scholar Fei Changfang of Chengdu, who was originally among the black robes (monks) but was laicized due to the suppression of Buddhism under the Northern Zhou. He was refined and thoroughly versed in profound principles. When the translation bureau was re-established under the Kaihuang era, he was sought out and summoned to the capital by imperial decree to assist in editorial compilation according to precedent. Considering that the scriptural catalogues of successive dynasties were scattered and difficult to gather, and that the years since the emergence of Buddhism were obscured, he composed the Sanbao lu (Record of the Three Jewels) in fifteen fascicles. Starting from the beginning of King Zhuang of Zhou, he arranged the sexagenary cycle above and set forth the reign eras below, along with the titles and fascicles of sūtra sections translated across successive dynasties, detailing them scroll by scroll, with rules across many cases. However, tiles and jades are intermingled, making it difficult to distinguish the authentic from the spurious; its merit lies in wide currency, while it is deficient in critical discernment. When the catalogue was completed, it was submitted to the throne, and an imperial decree authorized its circulation everywhere, making it the most comprehensive and rich collection.

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