北山錄 4.2
北山錄 4.2
- Language
- Classical Chinese
4.2.1
柰苑餘波。 永平肇流(波羅奈國之苑也。 亦云婆羅痆斯國。 此云注遶城。 以江遶城種於花木。 有苑號鹿野。 如來常於此說法。 後漢明帝永平十年。 佛法始流於此。 故云肇也)䓗嶺之東暨于流沙。 風光漸遠(震旦之西山最高者曰窓嶺。 以其窓翠故也)被于中夏。 在於漢世。 微有經學。 禪律未融(融明也。 自竺法蘭等創齎四十二章經至。 又安清等持經像到。 然未曉禪律)人雖落髮。 事猶類俗。 衣無條葉。 食通餚胾。 供會齋懺。 頗均祠祀(僧無戒律。 與俗不異。 衣謂袈裟。 此云壞色。 有三種衣。 一僧伽梨。 此云合成。 割之重合。 三長一短也。 二鬱多羅僧。 此云上著衣。 最在上者。 兩長一短。 今七條也。 三安陀會。 此云中宿衣。 謂近身。 即五條也。 亦謂執作衣。 此乃三衣也。 如來皆令割載以為條葉。 取象稻田。 蓋取出生福慧義。 餚胾肉也。 均同也)朱士衡為出家首焉(士衡。 頴川人。 出家後以大法為已任。 於洛陽講小品。 往往不通。 每歎此經大乘之要而譯理不盡。 遂往至于闐。 果獲正品梵本。 遣弟子送歸洛陽。 于闐小乘白王云。 漢地僧以婆羅門書一亂正典。 因焚之不損即今放光般若是也)魏初曇柯羅創傳戒法。 金牒玉檢五篇七聚(元魏也。 佛法入漢。 戒律自柯羅始也。 波羅夷.謂殘.波逸提.提舍尼.突吉羅五篇也。 加偷蘭遮。 惡作惡說。 是為七聚)繩口體之愆違(繩正也。 口過有四。 妄言.綺語.兩舌.惡口.身有三種。 殺.盜.婬。 持戒律能正之使無過也)節服饌之慢易。 烈烈乎商飈。 淒淒乎寒霜。 秩秩乎科條(烈烈威也。 凄凄嚴也。 秩秩清也。 言戒法嚴峻也)不威而肅。 不刑而治。 神州有沙門。 自柯羅始也(漢雖有沙門。 而戒律未備)昔漢末安世高。 吳康僧會。 並遐域之畸人也(世高。 安息國王太子。 僧會。 康居國王太子。 所謂方外而不偶人俗者也。 莊子云。 畸人者畸於人而侔於天也)學究天人之奧。 德動鬼神之契(孫皓將禁淫祀及欲毀廢。 令張昱詰難會。 盡日不能屈也。 世高遊至䢼亭。 湖神乃見因化之而捨惡趣也)至若智參幽運。 會如不及(世高知有宿債而兩來酬之也)制作垂文。 會或過之(會才辯立言成典也)自是已前師訓未彰(自漢永平至吳赤烏。 雖有飜譯未甚流美也)會之牆仞莫有得其門者(子貢云。 夫子之牆數仞。 得其門者寡)魏世有月支人支謙。 受業於支亮。 亮受業於支讖。 語曰。 天下博知不出三支(本月支國優婆塞漢末遊洛。 精究成藝。 遍通異書。 曉六國語。 多所探習也)謙為人細長黑瘦。 眼白而睛黃。 語云支郎。 支郎眼中黃。 形軀雖細是智囊。 漢末避難歸吳。 孫權拜為博士。 輔東宮與韋曜同列。 而吳誌不載。 史臣之不直也(東宮即太子和也。 遭讚而廢。 韋曜。 字弘嗣好學善屬文。 遷太子中庶。 後累遷至侍中。 脩吳史未就。 為孫皓所誅)蜀有普曜經。 莫究孰為譯者(一卷。 入藏見行)夫草昧至言。 於忿慾之俗則必鑿枘鉏鋙(柄鑿柄也。 鉏鋙不齊貌。 楚詞云。 不量鑿而正抦而木破矣如以善而投惡)疑謗紛糺。 非神德尊威之賢則無崇功被物。 而蜀志不記傳其人者。 蓋劉氏將欲反漢。 舊物興戎于魏。 遊玄之教雖弘。 元匠之勳未顯。 遂使後世集錄者耿然追恨(劉備。 承漢獻之末。 三分據蜀。 北有霸魏之讐。 東有孫吳之敵。 積穀訓兵。 干戈日阻。 豈暇弘闡於空寂之教哉。 又陳壽蜀志云。 諸葛相失在不置史官。 是以無文而載矣)晉初竺法護時號焞煌菩薩(高僧竺法護。 焞煌人。 八歲出家。 後往西國。 篤志好學。 萬里尋師。 孫綽方之山巨源。 譯正法華等經。 晉惠時卒於繩池也)門下有作者七人。
The residual waves from the Jeta Grove first began to flow in the Yongping reign period (The grove of the country of Vārāṇasī. It is also called the country of Po-luo-ni-si [Vārāṇasī], which is translated here as 'City Surrounded by the Flowing [River]'. Because the river surrounds the city, flowers and trees were planted there. There is a grove named Mṛgadāva [Deer Park]. The Tathāgata constantly preached the Dharma there. In the tenth year of the Yongping reign period of Emperor Ming of the Later Han, the Buddha Dharma first flowed to this land. Hence it says 'first began'). East of the Congling Mountains and reaching the Moving Sands, the influence gradually spread afar (The highest mountain west of Zhendan [China] is called Congling [the Onion Range]. It is so called because of its onion-green color) and covered the Central Xia. During the Han era, there was only a slight study of the scriptures, while dhyāna and vinaya were not yet harmonized (Rong means 'illuminated'. From the time Zhu Falan and others first brought the Sūtra of Forty-Two Chapters, and An Qing and others arrived carrying scriptures and images, they were still not well-versed in dhyāna and vinaya). Although people shaved their hair, their conduct was still like that of the laity: their robes lacked strips and borders, their food included meat dishes, and their communal feasts, vegetarian banquets, and repentance ceremonies were quite identical to mundane sacrificial rites (The monks had no monastic discipline and were no different from the laity. 'Robes' refers to the kāṣāya, which is translated here as 'decayed color'. There are three types of robes: first, the saṅghāṭī, translated here as 'composite robe', made by cutting and rejoining [pieces], with three long and one short strip; second, the uttarāsaṅga, translated here as 'upper outer robe', the outermost one, with two long and one short strip, which is today's seven-strip robe; third, the antarvāsa, translated here as 'inner overnight robe', meaning close to the body, which is the five-strip robe, also called the work robe. These are the three robes. The Tathāgata ordered all of them to be cut and sewn into strips and borders, modeled on rice paddies, to take the meaning of generating merit and wisdom. Yaozhi means meat. Jun means identical). Zhu Shixing was the first to leave the household (Shixing was a man of Yingchuan. After leaving the household, he took the Great Dharma as his personal responsibility. When lecturing on the Small Prajñāpāramitā in Luoyang, he frequently encountered unintelligible parts. He constantly lamented that this sūtra was the essential core of the Mahāyāna, yet its translated principles were incomplete. He then traveled to Khotan and indeed obtained the Sanskrit text of the Correct Version. He dispatched disciples to send it back to Luoyang. The Hīnayāna adherents of Khotan said to the king: 'The monks from the land of Han wish to use Brahmanical writings to throw the correct scriptures into confusion.' Thereupon it was cast into fire, but it remained undamaged. This is the present Fangguang banruo [Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā]). At the beginning of the Wei, Dharmakāla first transmitted the rules of discipline: the golden tallies and jade regulations of the five categories and seven divisions (This was the Cao Wei. When the Buddha Dharma entered the Han, the monastic discipline began with [Dharma]kāla. The five categories are pārājika, saṅghāvaśeṣa, pāyattika, pratideśanīya, and duṣkṛta. Adding sthūlātyaya, along with bad actions and bad speech, these make the seven divisions). They reined in the transgressions of mouth and body (Sheng means 'to correct'. The faults of the mouth are four: lying, frivolous speech, slanderous speech, and harsh speech. The body has three: killing, stealing, and sexual misconduct. Upholding the vinaya rules can correct these so that there are no faults) and restrained laxity regarding attire and dining. Fierce as the autumn wind, stern as cold frost, orderly were the categorized rules (Lielie means majestic. Qiqi means strict. Zhi-zhi means pristine. This speaks of the severity of the disciplinary rules). Awe-inspiring without displays of force, well-ordered without punishments—the existence of śramaṇas in the Divine Land began with [Dharma]kāla (Although the Han had śramaṇas, the monastic discipline was not yet complete). In the past, at the end of the Han, there was An Shigao, and in Wu, there was Kang Senghui; both were extraordinary men from distant lands (Shigao was the crown prince of the king of the Parthian kingdom. Senghui was the crown prince of the king of Sogdiana. They were what are called 'those beyond the realm who do not conform to worldly conventions'. Zhuangzi says: 'The extraordinary person is extraordinary to men but the equal of Heaven'). Their learning probed the depths of Heaven and humanity; their virtue stirred rapport with ghosts and spirits (When Sun Hao was about to ban excessive sacrifices and wished to destroy [the monasteries], he ordered Zhang Yu to interrogate and challenge [Seng]hui, but he could not defeat him even after a whole day. When Shigao traveled to Gongting, the lake deity manifested, whereupon [Shigao] converted him, causing him to abandon the evil destinies). As for insight that penetrated the subtle operations of destiny, [Kang Seng]hui seemed not to match him (Shigao knew he had karmic debts from past lives and traveled twice to repay them); yet in literary composition and bequeathed writings, [Seng]hui perhaps surpassed him ([Seng]hui had talent and eloquence, and his written words became canonical texts). Prior to this, the teachings of the masters had not yet been made prominent (From the Yongping reign of the Han to the Chiwu reign of the Wu, although there were translations, they were not very refined or widespread), and of the fathomless height of [Seng]hui's walls, none could find the gate (Zigong said: 'The Master's wall is several fathoms high. Few are they who can find the gate'). In the Wei era, there was the Yuezhi man Zhi Qian, who received instruction from Zhi Liang, and [Zhi] Liang had received instruction from Zhi Chen [Lokakṣema]. The common saying went: 'The world's broad learning does not exceed the three Zhis' (Originally an upāsaka of the Yuezhi kingdom, he traveled to Luoyang at the end of the Han. He thoroughly investigated the accomplishments and arts, mastered various secular books, understood the languages of six countries, and explored and studied widely). In appearance, Qian was tall, thin, dark, and emaciated, with the whites of his eyes clear and his irises yellow. People said: 'Master Zhi, Master Zhi, with yellow in his eyes! Though slender in frame, he is a bag of wisdom.' At the end of the Han, fleeing the troubles, he returned to Wu. Sun Quan appointed him as an Erudite (boshi) and had him assist the Heir Apparent, standing in the same rank as Wei Yao; yet the Records of Wu do not record him, due to the dishonesty of the official historians (The Heir Apparent's Palace refers to the Crown Prince [Sun] He, who was slandered and deposed. Wei Yao, styled Hongsi, was fond of learning and skilled in composition. He was promoted to Central Secretary to the Crown Prince and later rose through promotions to Palace Attendant. Before he could complete the compilation of the History of Wu, he was executed by Sun Hao). In Shu there was the Sūtra of Universal Radiance (Puyap jing), but none know who its translator was (One fascicle; it is included in the canon and is currently in circulation). Now, when supreme teachings emerge in a state of untamed chaos, in a world of anger and desires they inevitably clash like an ill-fitted mortise and tenon (Bing means the handle of a chisel. Chiyu describes an irregular appearance. The Chu ci says: 'Without measuring the mortise to fit the handle, the wood is split'—it is like casting good into evil). Suspicions and slanders entangle in confusion; without worthy men of divine virtue and exalted majesty, there is no way for their sublime accomplishments to cover all beings. That the Records of Shu do not record or provide a biography for this person was because the Liu family was intent on restoring the Han, renewing warfare against the Wei over their ancient heritage; so although the teachings of wandering in the profound were propagated, the merits of the great master were not made manifest, causing later cataloguers to feel deep, lingering regret (Liu Bei, following upon the end of Emperor Xian of the Han, held Shu as one of the three divided realms. To the north he had the enmity of the hegemonic Wei, and to the east he faced the rivalry of Sun's Wu. Storing grain and training soldiers, warfare blocked the days. How could he have leisure to broadly illuminate the teachings of emptiness and quiescence? Moreover, Chen Shou's Records of Shu states that Chancellor Zhuge's fault lay in not appointing official historians; hence there was no written record to be preserved). At the beginning of the Jin, there was Zhu Fahu [Dharmarakṣa], known at the time as the Dunhuang Bodhisattva (The eminent monk Zhu Fahu was a man of Dunhuang. He left the household at the age of eight. Later he traveled to the Western Regions; earnest in purpose and fond of learning, he sought masters across ten thousand li. Sun Chuo compared him to Shan Juyuan [Shan Tao]. He translated sūtras such as the Zheng fahua jing [Saddharmapuṇḍarīka]. He passed away at Mianchi during the reign of Emperor Hui of Jin). Among his disciples were seven authors.
4.2.2
其始譯正法華。 既定詁訓命康那律講授。 諷誦者翕然為美。 至羅什世重譯為妙法蓮華。 而護所譯稍潛其耀(羅什弘始年於逍遙園重譯。 於世盛行正法華稍歇。 今在藏內)蓋覩大輅者。 不以椎輪為貴也(文選云。 椎輪為大輅之始。 大輅寧有於椎輪之質。 增氷為積水所成。 積水增微於曾氷之凜。 椎輪古棧車也。 大輅玉輅也。 得華忘樸之義)護門法乘(竺法乘。 依法護為沙彌。 幼而神悟玄鑒過人。 有詐投護。 急求錢二十萬。 護未苔。 乘年十三在師側。 即語云。 和尚已相許前人。 果非求財者。 將觀護之道德也)才慧俊拔。 孫綽方諸王濬沖。 以皆少有機悟之鑒也(王戎。 字濬沖。 太源人。 渾之子。 與阮籍友少之二十歲。 相得如時輩。 每至某家輒之戎室。 謂其父曰。 濬中清尚非鄉倫也。 與鄉語不如阿戎矣)竺法雅(河間人。 擬正有庶少善外學。 長達佛經。 才思俊贍。 時賢企慕。 兼善著述)康法朗(中山人。 善戒節西遊諸國還)以經中義類擬議儒書。 為生解之例。 謂之格義以訓門學。 甞與道安法汏講談諸經。 皆妙盡其要。 朗門人令韶每入定。 數日不起。 朗終刻木為像。 如事生之禮。 帛法祖風神之秀也。 於王導則以簡率於下望之則莊敬以為王公風道斯言卞令軌度格物故也(帛遠。 字法祖。 本姓萬。 河內人。 才思俊徹敏朗絕倫。 日誦萬言。 值晉亂將遁隴右。 秦州刺史張輔重之。 欲令反服不從遂殺之。 蕃漢追悼。 孫綽道賢論方之稽康也)祖弟法祚。 德行沖允。 實祖之季也(祚亦有少譽被博士徵不就。 二十五出家。 洞明佛理梁州刺史張光。 以祚兄不肯反服輔殺之。 光又逼之祚。 亦堅志不從。 亦為光所害)帛高座卓朗之傑也(帛尸梨蜜多羅。 吉交。 國人時呼為高座。 以其善說法故。 本國王之子讓位出家。 於東晉譯藥師等經)王導謂之曰。 外國有君一人而已。 尸梨蜜笑曰。 若使貧道只如檀越為今日。 豈得遊歷至此(晉咸康中卒。 春秋八十餘。 葬石子岡。 岡在吳後起寺焉)支遁常遣人就竺潛買剡𡵙山側沃洲小嶺(支遁。 字道林。 姓關氏。 陳留人。 幼有神俊聰明秀徹。 王濛甚重之。 後於沃州小嶺立寺。 晚出山陰講維摩經。 許詢為都講也)潛曰。 欲來輒給。 豈聞巢許買山而隱(竺潛。 字法深。 姓王。 晉大將軍敦之弟。 事忠州劉元真為師。 元真有才譽。 後隱剡山當世追蹤問道者也)遁後與高麗道人書曰。 上座竺法深。 忠州劉公之弟子。 體性貞峙。 道俗綸綜。 往在京邑。 維持法網。 內外具瞻。 弘道之匠也。 頃以道業靖濟不耐塵俗。 考室山澤。 修德就閑。 今在縣之𡵙山。 率合同遊。 論道說義。 高棲浩然。 遐邇有。 詠孫綽以潛比劉伯倫。 謂曠大之體同焉。 時𡵙山竺法友從深受阿毘曇(一百卷)一宿便誦。 深曰。 經目則誦見稱昔人。 若能仁更興大晉者。 必取汝為五百之一人矣(法友年二十四。 便能講說。 後立剡縣城南臺寺焉)晉成世康僧淵.康法暢.支敏度俱過江(僧淵。 本西國人。 生長安為僧。 常乞食自資。 德逾暢度。 與殷浩對問內外典籍。 浩詞屈不能對)暢常執麾尾行。 每值名賓。 輒清談盡日。 庾元規曰。 此麈尾何以常在。 暢曰。 廉者不求。 貪者不與。 故常在耳。 著人物始義論(支畝度著譯經錄。 今行於世)支遁初至京。 王濛器重之。 謂人曰。 精微之功不減輔嗣。 殷融與衛玠交時。 謂其神情俊徹後進莫有繼之者。 及見遁歎息以為重見若人(若人如此人謂珍也)遁每講善標宗會。 而章句或有所遺。 時為宗文者所陋。 謝安聞之曰。 此乃九方堙相馬。 略其玄黃而取其駿逸(莊子云。 九方堙善相者。 淮南子。 秦穆公召伯樂使求馬。 三月而反曰。
When he first translated the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka-sūtra (Zheng fahua jing), once the glosses and commentary were settled, he instructed Kang Nalu to lecture on it. Those who chanted and recited it unanimously praised its excellence. When it came to the time of Kumārajīva, it was retranslated as the Lotus Sutra (Miaofa lianhua jing), and the translation of Dharmarakṣa gradually paled in its brilliance (Kumārajīva retranslated it during the Hongshi era in the Xiaoyao Garden; it circulated widely in the world, and the Zheng fahua jing gradually fell out of use, though it is still extant in the canon today). This was because those who behold a grand carriage do not value a solid-wheeled cart (The Wenxuan says: "The solid-wheeled cart was the beginning of the grand carriage, yet how could the grand carriage retain the rustic quality of a solid-wheeled cart? Accumulated ice is formed from gathered water, yet gathered water falls far short of the chill of accumulated ice." A solid-wheeled cart is an ancient unembellished wagon; a grand carriage is a jade carriage. This expresses the idea of gaining the flower and forgetting the simple wood). Fancheng of Dharmarakṣa's school (Zhu Fancheng became a śrāmaṇera under Dharmarakṣa; from childhood his spiritual awakening and profound discernment surpassed that of others. Someone fraudulently came to Dharmarakṣa urgently begging for two hundred thousand coins; Dharmarakṣa had not yet answered when Fancheng, aged thirteen and standing by his master's side, immediately said, "The Upādhyāya has already granted it to you." The man was indeed not seeking wealth, but had come to observe Dharmarakṣa's virtue and character) possessed outstanding talent and wisdom. Sun Chuo compared him to Wang Junchong, because both had keen discernment and comprehension at a tender age (Wang Rong, whose courtesy name was Junchong, was a native of Taiyuan and the son of Wang Hun. He was friends with Ruan Ji, though twenty years his junior, and they got along like contemporaries; whenever Ruan came to his house, he would go to Rong's room and say to his father, "Junchong's pure eminence is not matched by his fellow villagers; speaking with you is not as good as speaking with A-Rong"). Zhu Faya (a native of Hejian, who had high aspirations; as a youth he was well-versed in secular learning, and as he grew up he mastered Buddhist scriptures; his talent and thought were outstanding and abundant, admired by the worthy of the time, and he was also skilled at writing) and Kang Falang (a native of Zhongshan, proficient in moral discipline, who returned after traveling west through various kingdoms) compared the categories of meaning in the scriptures to Confucian books to establish examples for generating understanding; they called this "matching meanings" (geyi) to instruct disciples. They once discussed various scriptures with Dao'an and Fa-tai, thoroughly capturing the subtleties of their essentials in every case. Falang's disciple Lingshao would, whenever he entered samādhi, not rise for several days; when Lang died, he carved a wooden statue of him and served it with the rites due to the living. Bo Fazu had an outstanding elegance of spirit. Towards Wang Dao he showed simplicity and unpretentiousness, yet looked up to from below, he possessed a solemn dignity, displaying the noble demeanor of princes and dukes; Bian Ling [Hu] said this was because of his adherence to rules and standards in sizing up things (Bo Yuan, whose courtesy name was Fazu, had the original surname of Wan and was a native of Henei; his talent and intellect were sharp, penetrating, perceptive, and peerless, and he could recite ten thousand words a day; during the turmoil of the Jin dynasty he intended to flee west of Long, but Zhang Fu, Regional Inspector of Qinzhou, held him in high esteem and wanted him to return to lay life; when he refused, Fu killed him; both foreigners and Han mourned him; Sun Chuo's Daoxian lun compared him to Ji Kang). Fazu's younger brother Fazuo possessed modest and genuine virtue, truly matching his elder brother (Fazuo also enjoyed an early reputation and was summoned to be an Erudite, but did not accept; at age twenty-five he left home, thoroughly illuminating Buddhist principles; Zhang Guang, Regional Inspector of Liangzhou, killed him because, when his elder brother refused to revert to lay life and was killed by Zhang Fu, Guang also coerced Fazuo, who remained steadfast in his will and would not comply, so he too was harmed by Guang). Bo the High Seat was a preeminent figure of remarkable brilliance (Bo Śrīmitra, who was of Jiaozhi; his countrymen at the time called him "the High Seat" because he was skilled at preaching the Dharma; he was originally the prince of his country, who relinquished the throne to leave the household, and translated scriptures such as the Bhaiṣajyaguru-sūtra during the Eastern Jin). Wang Dao said to him, "In foreign lands, there is only you as a remarkable gentleman." Śrīmitra smiled and said, "If this poor monk were merely like you, the patron, today, how could I have traveled here?" (He died during the Xiankang era of the Jin at the age of over eighty, and was buried at Shizigang; the mound was in Wu, where a temple was later built). Zhi Dun often sent someone to Zhu Qian to purchase the small ridge of Wozhou beside Mount Shan (Zhi Dun, whose courtesy name was Daolin and whose surname was Guan, was a native of Chenliu; in his youth he possessed extraordinary brilliance and penetrating intelligence; Wang Meng valued him greatly; later he established a monastery at the small ridge of Wozhou, and in his later years went to Shanyin to lecture on the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa, with Xu Xun serving as lead respondent). Qian said, "If you wish to come, I will simply give it to you; when has one ever heard of Chao [Fu] or Xu [You] buying a mountain to become recluses?" (Zhu Qian, whose courtesy name was Fashen and whose surname was Wang, was the younger brother of Dun, General-in-Chief of the Jin; he served Liu Yuanzhen of Zhongzhou as his master; Yuanzhen possessed talent and reputation; Qian later retired to Mount Shan, where contemporaries followed in his footsteps to inquire about the Way). Dun later wrote in a letter to a Korean monk: "The Senior Monk Zhu Fashen, disciple of Master Liu of Zhongzhou, is upright and towering in nature, weaving together the sacred and secular realms. Formerly in the capital, he maintained the net of the Dharma, and was revered by both those within and without [the fold], a master who propagated the Way. Recently, considering that his cultivation of the Way was tranquil and accomplished, and unable to endure worldly dust, he built a dwelling among mountains and marshes to cultivate virtue and retire to leisure. Now at Mount Shan in this county, he gathers companions to roam together, discussing the Way and discoursing on its meanings, perching loftily in vast detachment, celebrated far and wide." Sun Chuo compared Qian to Liu Bolun [Liu Ling], considering their grand and spacious nature to be identical. At that time, Zhu Fayou of Mount Shan received the Abhidharma (in one hundred fascicles) from him; after only one night he could recite it. Shen said, "Reciting something after once laying eyes on it was praised in men of old. If the Capable Benevolent One (Śākyamuni) were to arise again in the Great Jin, he would surely take you as one of the Five Hundred!" (Fayou, at the age of twenty-four, was already capable of lecturing; he later established the Nantai Temple south of the city of Shan County). During the reign of Emperor Cheng of the Jin, Kang Sengyuan, Kang Fachang, and Zhi Mindu all crossed the Yangtze River (Sengyuan was originally from the Western Regions and was born in Chang'an, where he became a monk; he always sustained himself by begging for food, and his virtue exceeded that of Chang and Du; he held debates with Yin Hao on the inner and outer scriptures, and Hao was at a loss for words, unable to reply). Chang always carried a chowry while traveling; whenever he met famous guests, they would engage in pure talk for the entire day. Yu Yuangui [Yu Liang] asked, "Why is this chowry always in your possession?" Chang said, "The upright do not seek it, and the greedy are not given it; hence it is always in my possession." He wrote the Treatise on the Original Meaning of Figures and Things (Zhi Mindu composed the Catalog of Translated Scriptures, which currently circulates in the world). When Zhi Dun first arrived in the capital, Wang Meng held him in great esteem and said to others, "His subtle and profound achievement is no less than that of Fu Si (Wang Bi)." When Yin Rong associated with Wei Jie, he considered that Jie's spirit and intelligence were so extraordinarily sharp that none among the younger generation could succeed him; but upon seeing Dun, he sighed and considered that he had seen such a person once again (such a person refers to someone of this caliber, meaning Wei Jie). In his lectures, Dun was always good at presenting the overarching principles, while occasionally leaving out phrases and clauses; at the time, those who adhered strictly to literal phrasing looked down on him. Xie An heard of this and said, "This is Jiufang Gao appraising horses—overlooking the black and yellow, and seizing upon the swift and free" (Zhuangzi says Jiufang Yin was a master appraiser; the Huainanzi says Duke Mu of Qin summoned Bo Le to seek a horse; after three months he returned and said:).
4.2.3
已得矣在沙丘。 公曰。 何馬也。 曰牡而黃及至驪而牝。 公怒曰。 子之所求毛色牝牡不知之。 伯樂喟然曰。 一至此乎。 所觀者天機也。 得其精而忘其麄。 在其內而忘其外。 見其所見而忘其所不見。 馬至而果天下之馬也)後出沃州。 於山陰講維摩經。 許詢為都講。 遁通一義。 眾謂詢無所措難。 詢設一難。 亦謂遁不能通(世說。 許詢。 字玄度。 好遊山水。 而便登涉隱永興幽穴。 每致四方諸候之遺。 山陰縣在越州。 即王右軍蘭亭曲水在此。 有越王勾踐小城猶在)哀帝徵出京。 王濛宿構數百語。 謂遁莫能抗。 遁徐曰。 貧道與君別來多年。 君語了不長進。 郗超問謝安。 林公談何如嵆中散(郗超。 字嘉賓。 桓溫記室參軍形質短小多機辯。 嵆康為中散大夫)安曰。 嵆努力裁得去耳。 又問。 於殷浩何如。 曰亹亹論辯。 恐殷制支超拔直上。 殷有慚德。 後超與親友書云。 林法師神理所通玄拔獨悟。 數百年來紹明大法。 令真理不絕一人而已。 遁幼以雞子無命。 其師與爭辯且不勝。 死後見形。 投卵於地。 殼破鶵行。 遁乃感而蔬食(遁與師論卵生用未足殺之無罪。 以其慧辯師不能勝。 乃死之現形。 擲卵以悟之也)禮云。 國君春不圍澤。 大夫不掩群士不取麛卵。 遁若始乃未知。 既知矣則不違仁。 何俟師之誨焉(蓋師見其前猶未悟爾)有遺馬者養之曰。 吾愛其神駿。 聊復畜之耳。 有餉鶴者放之曰。 爾沖天之物。 寧為耳目之翫乎。 先經營餘姚塢山。 至於名辰獨還塢中。 或問其意曰。 謝安在昔數來相見。 輒移旬日。 今觸情舉目莫不興想。 孫綽比諸向子期(向秀字子期)以雅尚莊老風好同焉。 于法蘭(高陽人。 少有異操)隱居巖壑。 時氷雪甚。 有一虎入房。 蘭神色無忤。 後往江東。 將適西域至交州。 終於象林。 遁為贊曰。 于氏超世綜體玄旨。 嘉遁山澤。 明馴虎兇。 孫綽方於阮嗣宗。 俱以高尚不群也。 蘭之門于法開于道邃。 開之門于法威。 凡三世負盛譽。 開每與支遁爭即色空義。 蓋龍虎之勍敵也(廬間何默申明開難高平郗超宣述林解並傳於出也)孫綽為威贊曰。 易曰白馬(賁卦文也)詩員蘋藻。 班如在場。 芬若渟潦。 于威明發。 介然遐討。 有潔其名。 無愧懷抱。 開甞使威出都。 途經山陰。 算支遁講般若其辰所至處示其攻難。 威至郡果不出其計。 乃往復數番。 遁引退因厲聲曰。 君何足復受人寄載來耶。 後詔徵講放光經。 邃從蘭過江。 沒於交趾(南激之地。 通典云。 彼國人立足拇相交也)郗超圖像支遁贊曰。 英英上人。 識通理清。 朗質王瑩。 德音蘭馨。 孫綽比於阮威(咸字仲容。 家貧七月七日皆曬好衣。 咸於庭曬犢鼻[示*昆]。 或問之曰。 焉能免俗也)以其高風一致也。 剡山竺法崇(不詳何許人。 少入道唯專法華一經。 後著義䟽四卷行之)曾遊湘州麓山(今潭州也)山神化為大人。 詣崇請戒。 乃捨山為寺(居之少時。 治湘士。 後還剡之葛峴山。 茅庵泉飲而已)潛門人竺法義。 忽患心疾。 至念觀音。 夢被人破腸。 其疾乃愈(義年十二遇潛。 異之勸出家。 遊刃眾典。 九善法華。 卒東晉太元五年)傅亮云。 吾先君與義公遊處。 每聞觀音神異。 莫不大小肅然。 孝武徵出京就講(孝武。 晉簡文帝子。 名昌明。 立二十四年崩)古者出家從師命氏(取師之姓)道安受業佛圖澄。 澄姓帛。 安以師莫過佛。 遂通以釋氏為姓。 中夏沙門呼釋氏。 自安始也。 語曰。 學不師安義不中難習鑿齒與謝安書曰。 比見釋道安。 固是非常勝士。 師徒數百。 齋講不倦。 無變化伎術可以惑常人之耳目。 無重威篤罰可以整群小之參差。 而師徒肅肅自相尊敬。 洋洋濟濟由來未見。
'I have found it! It is at Shaqiu.' The Duke said, 'What kind of horse is it?' He replied, 'A yellow stallion.' But when it arrived, it was a black mare. The Duke said in anger, 'The one you sought could not even tell its coat color or whether it is male or female!' Bole sighed and said, 'Has he reached such heights as this? What he observes is the innate natural mechanism. He grasps the essence and forgets the coarse; he dwells on the internal and forgets the external. He sees what he needs to see, and forgets what he need not see.' When the horse arrived, it truly was a horse peerless under heaven.) Later [Zhidun] left Wozhou, and in Shanyin lectured on the Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa-sūtra, with Xu Xun serving as the discussion leader. When Dun clarified a doctrine, the assembly thought Xun would have no objection to raise; when Xun posed an objection, they likewise thought Dun would be unable to resolve it. (The Shishuo says: 'Xu Xun, styled Xuandu, was fond of wandering among mountains and rivers, easily traversing heights to live as a recluse in the dark caves of Yongxing. He regularly received gifts from the feudal lords of the four directions. Shanyin county was in Yuezhou; the orchid pavilion and winding stream of General of the Right Wang [Xizhi] are located here, and the small city of Goujian, King of Yue, still remains.') Emperor Ai summoned him to the capital. Wang Meng had prepared several hundred arguments beforehand, thinking that Dun would be unable to counter them. Dun said slowly, 'It has been many years since I parted from you; your words have not made the slightest progress.' Xi Chao asked Xie An, 'How does Master Lin's conversation compare to that of the Palace Attendant Ji [Kang]?' (Xi Chao was styled Jiabin. As General Huan Wen's Record-Keeper, he was short in stature, but resourceful and eloquent. Ji Kang was Palace Attendant.) An said, 'Ji could only barely manage [to keep up with him] with great effort.' He further asked, 'How does he compare to Yin Hao?' He replied, 'In continuous debate, I fear Yin would restrain Zhi [Dun], but [Zhi] would transcend him and soar straight upward; Yin would feel humiliated.' Later, Chao wrote in a letter to his relatives and friends: 'Master Lin's spiritual insight penetrates the profound, transcending all with unique awakening. In continuing and illuminating the Great Dharma so that the true principle would not be severed for hundreds of years, he is simply the one and only person.' When Dun was young, he held that eggs had no life. When his teacher debated with him, the teacher could not prevail over him. After the teacher died, his form manifested, throwing an egg onto the ground; the shell broke and a chick walked out. Dun was thereby moved to adopt a vegetarian diet. (Dun debated with his master that since an egg-born creature was not yet complete, killing it was without sin. Because of his sharp eloquence, his master could not prevail over him, so after death he manifested his form and cast down an egg to awaken him.) The Rites states: 'The ruler of a state does not surround the marshes in spring; a grand master does not capture a herd all at once; a shi does not take fawns or eggs.' If Dun did not know at first, once he knew, he did not transgress humaneness. Why wait for a master's admonition? (Presumably, the master saw that he had not yet awakened previously.) Someone gave him a horse, which he raised, saying, 'I love its spirited swiftness, so I keep it for a time, that is all.' Someone offered him cranes as a gift, and he released them, saying, 'You are creatures that soar into the heavens; how could you serve as toys for ears and eyes?' Previously, he had managed [his retreat at] Wushan in Yuyao; when a famous festival arrived, he returned alone to the wu. Someone asked his intention, and he said, 'In the past, Xie An frequently came to visit me, always staying for ten days. Now, wherever my feelings are touched and I raise my eyes, there is nothing that does not stir memories.' Sun Chuo compared him to Xiang Ziqi (Xiang Xiu was styled Ziqi) because of their elegant appreciation of Zhuangzi and Laozi and their shared inclinations. Yu Falan (a man of Gaoyang; when young he had extraordinary conduct) lived as a recluse among crags and ravines. At that time, snow and ice were severe, and a tiger entered his chamber. Lan's countenance showed no distress. Later he traveled to the East of the River, intending to go to the Western Regions; reaching Jiaozhou, he passed away at Xianglin. Dun wrote an encomium for him: 'Master Yu transcended the world, synthesizing the profound purport; joyfully withdrawing to mountains and marshes, he clearly tamed the fierce tiger.' Sun Chuo compared him to Ruan Sizong, both being of noble character and standing apart from the crowd. Among Lan's disciples were Yu Fakai and Yu Daosui; Kai's disciple was Yu Fawei. Across three generations, they bore great renown. Kai often debated the doctrine that form itself is empty with Zhidun; they were truly worthy adversaries like dragon and tiger! (He Mo of Lujian explained Kai's objections, while Xi Chao of Gaoping expounded Lin's explanations; both were transmitted widely.) Sun Chuo wrote an encomium for Wei, saying: 'The Changes speaks of a
4.2.4
其人內外群書皆略遍觀。 陰陽計數亦皆通會。 佛經妙義固所遊刃。 翻覆籌算無可比肩。 恨足下不同日而見也。 慧遠初為儒。 年過乎弱冠。 遇道安於太行恒山。 喜曰。 以為真吾師也。 常欲總攝綱維。 以大法為己任。 以夜續晝。 貧旅多闕。 曇翼每給以燈燭之費。 安聞之曰。 道士誠知人矣。 甞他日安歎曰。 使道流東土其在遠乎。 遠後盛德既彰。 聲華洽聞。 外國咸稱漢有大乘道士。 每東向廬山稽首焚香遐誠展敬。 羅什入關。 遠致書通好。 什答書其卒章曰。 經云末後東方有護法菩薩。 勗哉仁者善弘其事。 殷仲堪之荊州至山。 與遠臨北㵎談易移景不倦。 盧循初據江州。 以父嘏同為書生。 歡然篤舊。 有諫者曰。 循為國冠。 與之厚得不疑乎。 遠曰。 我佛法中情無取捨。 豈不為識者所察。 洎宋武討循。 左右曰。 遠公素篤循交。 裕曰。 遠公世表之人。 心無彼此。 乃齎書遺錢米。 遠講喪服記。 宗雷並執卷(宗炳雷次宗)。 雷後著義疏。 首稱雷氏宗炳嘲之曰。 昔與足下共。 於釋和尚間面受此義。 今便題卷首稱雷氏乎。 慧持形長八尺。 常躡屣衲衣半脛。 將入蜀。 兄止之曰。 人生愛聚。 汝獨樂離如何。 持曰。 若滯情愛聚本不應出家。 今既割欲求道。 正以西方為期耳。 同學慧永於西林嶺上別立一室欲禪。 輒往居焉。 常有一虎在屋。 賓至則使去。 於一日會何無忌於虎溪。 遠從徒百餘莊而肅。 永獨衲衣草屨荷鍚提鉢。 松下飄然而來。 時以清散之風多於遠也。 其門德行有道祖僧迁道流。 富有才思。 遠每謂祖等曰。 夫易悟盡如汝輩。 則吾不復憂後生矣。 (孔子曰。 聞義不能徙是吾憂也)其後迁流夭世。 遠曰。 此子並才義英茂清悟日新。 使此長往一何痛哉。 有慧要者。 患山中無刻漏。 乃於水上立十二葉芙蓉。 因波轉以定十二時。 晷景無差耳(又甞作木鵡。 令飛數百步。 有張山人者。 廣政中於蜀主殿前立渾儀樓。 注以水銀。 令木人執二時牌子。 隨水銀轉對殿報時。 晷刻不差。 張山人。 名思訓。 本遂州人。 後入京。 係司天監)有僧澈者。 善篇牘。 甞至山南攀松而嘯(盧山南也)於是和風遠集。 眾鳥悲鳴。 超然有勝氣。 退而諮於遠曰。 律禁管絃歌舞。 一吟一嘯可得為乎。 遠曰。 以亂意言之皆為違法。 澈聞唯而止。 其姑道儀見於高尼傳也(尼傳四卷)議者以為佛圖澄之門豫樟杞梓也(即安公是)道安之門崐藍琮璧也(琮璧美王出於崐山藍田 遠公是也)羅什之門瑚璉簠簋也(生肇等也。 殷瑚夏璉周簠簋也)慧遠之門犀象齒革也(道祖等。 象之是犀之革也)慧光之門孔翠羽毛也(光姓楊。 定州人。 師佛陀出家。 俊異朗悟。 所習諸經便為人說。 師為出家更多頴俊。 時俗呼為聖沙彌。 尤攻律部。 造䟽注經甚多。 門學如林。 入室九人。 道暉為首。 儒生馮袞也)玄奘之門沈檀蘭蕙(窺基。 字洪道。 造百本䟽)去聖逾遠。 道德降矣。 藝行美矣(晉宋之代。 多脩禪觀。 得道者多。 隋唐已降。 慧學者多。 藝解美矣。 得道者少)將非泉涸之魚失江湖之所在多其昫沫耶(逐聲教而依蕩。 隨慧解以澆漓)宋人魏人南北兩都(宋劉氏都江南。 魏元氏都洛邑)宋風尚華。 魏風猶淳。 淳則寡不據道。 華則多遊於藝(晉宋高僧。 藝解光時。 弘闡法教。 故曰華也。 元魏高僧以禪觀行業據道。 故曰渟然在人不在他也)夫何以知觀乎。 北則枝葉。 生於德教。 南則枝葉生辭行。 昔臧氏宰漆雕氏。 以大蔡繁簡知臧氏之優劣(臧氏魯大夫。 漆雕開魯賢人。 宰家宰也。 臧氏世貯大蔡之龜。 文仲賢三年一十。 武仲二年一卜。 已下一年一卜。 簡少也。 繁多也。
‘This man has perused roughly all books, both inner and outer. He has also thoroughly mastered the calculations of yin and yang. With the subtle purports of the Buddhist scriptures he moves with consummate skill; in weighing, examining, and calculating, no one can stand shoulder to shoulder with him. I only regret that you, sir, cannot meet him on the same day.’ Huiyuan was initially a Ruist. When he had passed his capping age, he met Dao'an at Mount Taihang and Mount Heng. Delighted, he said, ‘This is truly my master!’ He always wished to take comprehensive charge of the guiding principles [of the Dharma], making the Great Dharma his own responsibility. Continuing through the night into the day, a poor traveler with many wants, Tanyi constantly provided him with the expenses for lamps and candles. Dao'an heard of this and said, ‘That man of the Dao truly knows men!’ On another day Dao'an sighed, saying, ‘If the Dao is to flow through the Eastern Land, will it not rest with Yuan?’ Later, when Yuan's abundant virtue had become renowned and his glorious reputation was widely heard, all the foreign lands said that Han had a Mahāyāna man of the Dao; whenever facing east toward Mount Lu, they would bow their heads, burn incense, and show respect with distant sincerity. When Kumārajīva entered the Pass, Yuan sent a letter to establish friendly relations. In the closing section of his reply, Kumārajīva wrote: ‘The scripture says that in the final age there will be a Dharma-protecting bodhisattva in the east. Exert yourself, benevolent one, and properly propagate this affair!’ When Yin Zhongkan was going to Jingzhou, he came to the mountain; sitting with Yuan overlooking the North Torrent, he discussed the *Book of Changes* as the shadows shifted, untiring. When Lu Xun first occupied Jiangzhou, because his father Ga had been a fellow student with Yuan, Yuan cordially rekindled the old friendship. Someone admonished him, saying, ‘Xun is a bandit of the state; if you are close with him, will you not incur suspicion?’ Yuan said, ‘In our Buddha-Dharma, the mind has no grasping or rejecting; how could this not be observed by the discerning?’ When Emperor Wu of Song launched an expedition against Xun, his attendants said, ‘Master Yuan has always maintained close ties with Xun.’ Liu Yu said, ‘Master Yuan is a man beyond the mundane realm, whose mind has no “this” or “that.”’ He then sent a letter bestowing money and rice. When Yuan lectured on the *Sangfu ji*, Zong Bing and Lei Cizong both held texts (Zong Bing and Lei Cizong). Later, Lei composed a subcommentary and titled its opening under the name of the Lei clan. Zong Bing mocked him, saying, ‘Formerly I was together with you, sir, and we received these purports face-to-face from Master Shi. Now are you directly titling the head of the roll under the name of the Lei clan?’ Huichi was eight spans tall; he always wore slippers and a patched robe reaching only halfway down his calves. When he was about to enter Shu, his elder brother stopped him, saying, ‘In human life, people love coming together; how can you alone delight in parting?’ Chi said, ‘If my feelings were attached to loving assembly, I should not have left the household in the first place. Now, having severed desires to seek the Dao, I take the Western Land as my goal.’ His fellow student Huiyong built a separate cell on the ridge of Xilin, wishing to practice dhyāna, and immediately went to live there. A tiger always stayed in the room; when guests arrived, he would make it leave. One day he met He Wuji at Tiger Brook: Yuan was followed by more than a hundred disciples, solemn and disciplined, while Yong alone, in a patched robe and straw sandals, carrying his pewter staff and holding his bowl, drifted along under the pines. At the time, people considered his free and detached manner to surpass that of Yuan. Among those of virtuous conduct in his circle were Daozu, Sengqian, and Daoliu, who were richly endowed with talent and intellect. Yuan would often say to Daozu and the others, ‘If those of easy understanding were all like you people, then I would no longer worry about the younger generation!’ (Confucius said, ‘Hearing what is right and being unable to move toward it—that is my worry.’) Later, when Qian and Liu died young, Yuan said, ‘These men were brilliant in talent and meaning, and their lucid awakening grew daily. That they have departed forever—what sorrow!’ There was a certain Huiyao who, distressed that there was no water clock in the mountains, placed a twelve-petaled lotus on the water, determining the twelve double-hours by the turning of the waves, so that the sun's shadow never erred (he also once made a wooden parrot and made it fly several hundred paces. There was a Mountain Man Zhang who, during the Guangzheng era, erected an armillary tower before the hall of the Ruler of Shu; filling it with mercury, he had wooden figures hold tablets for the twelve double-hours, turning with the mercury to report the time facing the hall, without a moment's error. Mountain Man Zhang was named Sixun, originally from Suizhou; later he entered the capital and was attached to the Astrological Bureau). There was a certain monk named Che who was skilled in literary compositions. He once went south of the mountain, climbed a pine tree, and gave a long whistle (south of Mount Lu). Thereupon a gentle breeze gathered from afar, and numerous birds sang sorrowfully; it had a transcendent and exquisite atmosphere. He withdrew and inquired of Yuan, saying, ‘The Vinaya prohibits wind and string music, singing and dancing; may one make a single chant or whistle?’ Yuan said, ‘In terms of scattering the mind, they are all contrary to the Dharma.’ Hearing this, Che answered respectfully and stopped. His paternal aunt Daoyi appears in the *Biographies of Eminent Nuns* (*Biographies of Nuns*, in four fascicles). Commentators consider the school of Fotudeng to be camphor trees, catalpas, and rotas (namely Master Dao'an); the school of Dao'an to be the jade cong and discs of Mount Kunlun and Lantian (cong and discs of fine jade come from Mount Kunlun and Lantian; Master Yuan is such); the school of Kumārajīva to be sacrificial jade vessels, the houlian, fu, and gui (Daosheng, Sengzhao, and the others; the hou of the Yin, the lian of the Xia, and the fu and gui of the Zhou); the school of Huiyuan to be rhinoceros horns and elephant tusks, hide and leather (Daozu and the others; tusks of elephants and hide of rhinoceroses); the school of Huiguang to be the plumage of peacocks and kingfishers (Guang was surnamed Yang, from Dingzhou. He left the household under Master Buddhabhadra. Outstanding, radiant, and keenly perceptive, whatever scriptures he studied he immediately explained to others. His master ordained even more eminent and gifted disciples; worldly people called him the “Holy Śrāmaṇera.” He especially applied himself to the Vinaya section, composing many subcommentaries and annotations on scriptures. His disciples were like a forest; nine entered his inner chamber, with Daohui at their head, and the Ruist scholar Feng Gun); and the school of Xuanzang to be aloeswood, sandalwood, epidendrums, and thoroughworts (Kuiji, courtesy name Hongdao, composed one hundred subcommentaries). As we move further from the sages, virtue and the Way decline, while arts and practices become refined (in the Jin and Song dynasties, many cultivated dhyāna-contemplation, and those who attained the Way were numerous; from the Sui and Tang downward, scholars of doctrinal understanding were many, and artistic understanding was refined, but those who attained the Way were few). Is this not like fish when the spring dries up, having lost the great rivers and lakes, being rich only in moistening foam? (Chasing sounds and teachings to rely on wandering, following intellectual comprehension to become degenerate). Between the men of Song and the men of Wei, of the southern and northern capitals (the Liu-Song made their capital south of the Yangzi; the Yuan-Wei made their capital in Luoyang), the Song style favored ornamentation, while the Wei style remained pure. When pure, few fail to base themselves on the Way; when ornamental, many disport themselves in the arts (eminent monks of the Jin and Song illuminated their age with artistic understanding and broadly expounded the Dharma teachings, hence they are called ornamental; eminent monks of the Yuan-Wei, by virtue of dhyāna-contemplation and operational conduct, based themselves on the Way, hence they are called pure; it lies in the person, not anywhere else). How do we know this? In the north, branches and leaves grew out of virtuous instruction; in the south, branches and leaves grew out of rhetoric and external actions. Anciently, when a member of the Zang clan served as steward to the Qidiao clan, by the frequency or rarity of consulting the great tortoises of Cai, people knew the superiority or inferiority of the Zang clan (the Zang clan were grandees of Lu; Qidiao Kai was a worthy of Lu; ‘steward’ means the household steward. The Zang clan stored for generations the tortoises of Great Cai: Wenzhong was worthy, divining once every three years; Wuzhong divined once every two years; from then downward, they divined once a year. ‘Rare’ means few; ‘frequent’ means many).
4.2.5
知其優勝劣弱也)今奚獨不若於憑乎其象(奚何也。 臧氏以蔡龜之象而知優劣。 何不以淳華而知其師訓也)文章之家屈宋楊馬遞相祖迷(屈平。 宋玉。 楊子雲。 馬長鄉。 皆祖述文章之士)雖欲速鞭難其齊足。 故道德言行古今殊世。 厥若坡陀矣(不齊貌)浸微矣(漸次貌)夫琢奇璞為美器。 良工之能也。 構貞材為廣廈。 哲匠之力也。 授專門以成德。 仁師之訓也。 故鳥可以擇木。 魚可以擇泉。 臣可以擇君。 弟子可以擇師。 夫不能為臣而求能為君。 不能為子而求能為父。 不能為弟子而求能為師者難矣(忖己度事可矣)故為人在恕己也。 然父子天屬也。 其有不象者(父子之道天性也。 若禹鮌不象者也)君臣國體也。 故有象不象者(澆之元凱為象也。 四兇為不象也)師資義會也。 安得有不象者乎。 如舜生均。 文王生武王。 父子象不象也(舜大聖。 生商均不肖。 為父子不象也。 文王聖。 生武王亦聖。 為父子之象也)庭堅為虞臣。 飛廉為紂臣。 驩兜為堯臣。 龍逢為桀臣。 君臣象不象也(庭堅皐陶也。 與虞舜為象。 飛廉與紂為象也。 驩兜與堯。 龍逢與桀。 為君臣不象者也)仲尼之門。 顏閔尚於仁義。 鬼谷之門。 蘇張尚於譎詐。 克象也(蘇秦張儀並師鬼谷子。 學縱橫[椑-(白-日)]闔之術也)故仲尼之門。 三尺童子猶恥言其霸。 昔釋公道行乎關右。 廬山化被於江左。 法汏亮直於晉世(法汏與道安同行。 道安往襄陽。 汏至荊州。 桓溫迎之。 身長八尺。 風恣可觀。 與道恒法師論議而破之。 興瓦官寺。 王珣謝安常禮焉)道生果斷於宋年(謂定言一切眾生皆得成佛於宋代)夫何象也歷觀前往。 孰能不由道德之室而至於大名乎(楊雄云。 師者人之摸範也。 不摸不範。 不可以為師也)禮云。 善歌者使人繼其聲。 善教者使人繼其志也。 故不能繼釋氏聖人而能繼釋氏之君子。 何莫由師之道焉。 夫澄至安。 安至遠。 遠至曇順。 順至僧慧。 凡五世。 價重帝王。 風動四方。 事標史冊(書曰四方風動唯乃之休)其或立德也(謂禪觀之行者)立功也(翻譯流傳)立言也(講說著述)為天下之人也。 僧會支遁為天下之人。 而一會一遁其後篾聞也。 然有至乎累世者。 或青出於藍。 或氷出於水。 但為一方之賢。 未果為天下之賢者也。 故為弟子者患師不得於安遠。 為師者亦患弟子不至於安遠。 夫鼓鍾于宮。 聲聞于外。 懸象在天。 光流于下。 琴瑟在御。 知音難閟。 氷雪載駕。 遺躅寧隱(此上喻好事匿于內光華彰干外必有跡也)如彼德行秉躬語默信時(既蘊德行不言。 人自信。 若桃李之自蹊也)雖高岸已谷。 松柏已朽。 而徽華弗蔽。 洋洋乎盈耳哉(洋洋美譽也)曹馬之年(魏晉之代也)經論權輿。 源流混淆(教法初來。 若混淆之濁水流泛未廣)宣唱者但包括大義翫味玄旨。 至於剖析名相罔有攸據(罔無。 攸所也。 教文多闕)豈非聲教所覃未備者歟。 安公初見譯諸部小論。 蹈詠稱慶。 以為幸覩三藏全矣。 而未知但滄溟畎澮耳(畎澮田畔。 溝渠喻所覩者也。 滄溟喻未覩者也)雖上士假微詮以悟旨。 而中則實未多也。 北涼浮陀跋摩譯阿毘曇毘婆沙(此云覺鎧。 西國人。 蒙遜子茂處請譯於姑臧。 凡一百卷)學者挹其波瀾浩若無涯涘矣。 後秦佛陀耶舍善大毘婆沙。 時號赤髭也(此云覺明。 罽賔國人。 婆羅門族。 年十三隨師日誦三萬言。 誦大小乘經數百萬。 性度簡慠。 不為諸僧所遇。 羅什於沙勒甚相隆厚。 自龜茲至長安。 譯十住經大毘婆沙等。 姚爽疑其所誦。 令誦於羌籍藥方可五萬言。 二日誦。 就覆之不誤一字)卑摩羅叉善十誦。 時號青眼也(此云無垢眼。 罽賔國人。 苦節律藏。 與羅什相遇。 什禮為師。
[how can one] know their superiority or inferiority, their strength or weakness?) Now why do [people] alone not rely upon their likeness? (Note: "Xi" means "why." The Zang clan knew superiority and inferiority from the omens of the Cai tortoise; why not know their teacher's instruction by their simplicity or brilliance?) The masters of literary compositions—Qu [Yuan], Song [Yu], Yang [Xiong], and [Sima Xiang]ma—successively took one another as their ancestral models, yet strayed into confusion (Note: Qu Ping, Song Yu, Yang Ziyun, and [Sima] Changqing were all scholars who followed ancestral models in writing compositions); though wishing to whip [their horses] fast, it was difficult to match their pace. Therefore, virtue, conduct, words, and deeds differ across ancient and modern ages; they are indeed uneven (Note: "uneven appearance") and have gradually declined (Note: "appearance of gradual succession"). Now, carving an extraordinary unworked gem into a fine vessel is the skill of a good artisan; constructing resilient timber into a great hall is the strength of a wise builder; transmitting a specialized lineage to perfect virtue is the instruction of a benevolent teacher. Hence, birds may select their trees, fish may select their springs, ministers may select their lords, and disciples may select their teachers. Now, one who cannot be a minister yet seeks to be able to be a lord, who cannot be a son yet seeks to be able to be a father, or who cannot be a disciple yet seeks to be able to be a teacher—this is difficult indeed! (Note: It is fine to gauge oneself and evaluate affairs.) Thus, conducting oneself lies in applying reciprocity to oneself. Yet father and son are a natural kinship; there are those who do not resemble each other (Note: The way of father and son is innate nature; like Yu and Gun, they did not resemble each other); ruler and minister are the constitution of the state, hence there are those who resemble and those who do not (Note: Shun's Eight Prudent Ones and Eight Harmonious Ones were resembling; the Four Calamities were non-resembling); teacher and pupil are an association based on principle—how could there be any who do not resemble each other? For instance, Shun fathered Jun, and King Wen fathered King Wu: father and son resembling or not resembling (Note: Shun was a great sage, yet he fathered Shangjun who was unworthy; this was father and son not resembling. King Wen was a sage, and he fathered King Wu who was also a sage; this was father and son resembling). Tingjian was a minister to Yu [Shun], Feilian was a minister to Zhou, Huandou was a minister to Yao, and Longfeng was a minister to Jie: ruler and minister resembling or not resembling (Note: Tingjian was Gaoyao; he resembled Yu Shun. Feilian resembled Zhou. Huandou and Yao, and Longfeng and Jie, were cases of ruler and minister not resembling). In the school of Zhongni [Confucius], Yan [Hui] and Min [Ziqian] esteemed benevolence and righteousness; at the gate of Guigu, Su [Qin] and Zhang [Yi] esteemed cunning and deception; they fully resembled [their masters]! (Note: Su Qin and Zhang Yi both studied under Guiguzi, learning the arts of the vertical and horizontal alliances and opening and closing.) Hence, in the school of Zhongni, even a three-foot-tall boy would be ashamed to speak of hegemony. In the past, Master Shi's [Dao'an's] practice of the Way prevailed to the right of the pass (Guanxi); Lushan's transformation covered the left of the river (Jiangzuo). Fatai was upright and straightforward in the Jin dynasty (Note: Fatai traveled together with Dao'an. Dao'an went to Xiangyang; Fatai went to Jingzhou, where Huan Wen welcomed him. He was eight feet tall, with an impressive bearing. He debated with Dharma Master Daoheng and defeated him. He revitalized Waguan Monastery; Wang Xun and Xie An frequently paid him homage); Daosheng was resolute in the Song years (Note: Refers to his definitive assertion during the Song dynasty that all sentient beings can attain Buddhahood). How they resembled [their predecessors]! Looking throughout the past, who could ever reach great renown without proceeding from the chamber of morality and virtue? (Note: Yang Xiong said: "A teacher is a person's model and pattern. Without modeling and patterning, one cannot be a teacher.") The *Book of Rites* says: "A good singer makes others continue his song; a good teacher makes others continue his aspiration." Therefore, one who cannot succeed the sages of the Śākya clan, but can succeed the noble men of the Śākya clan—how could this not be due to the way of the teacher? Now, from [Fotudeng]cheng to [Dao]an, from [Dao]an to [Hui]yuan, from [Hui]yuan to Tanshun, and from [Tan]shun to Senghui, there were five generations in all; their worth was valued above emperors and kings, their influence moved the four quarters, and their deeds are recorded in the historical annals (Note: The *Book of Documents* says: "The four quarters are moved by your wind; this is solely your excellence"). In some cases, they established virtue (Note: Refers to practitioners of dhyāna contemplation); in some cases, they established merit (Note: Translating and propagating); in some cases, they established words (Note: Lecturing and writing)—they were men of the world! [Kang] Senghui and Zhi Dun were men of the world, but after the single Hui and the single Dun, scarcely anything was heard. Yet among those whose lineages lasted for successive generations, some were like green emerging from blue, or ice coming from water; they were merely the worthies of a single region, and did not become worthies of the entire world. Therefore, one who is a disciple worries that his teacher will not equal Dao'an or Huiyuan; one who is a teacher also worries that his disciples will not reach the level of Dao'an or Huiyuan. Now, when the bells and drums are struck in the palace, their sound is heard outside; when the celestial bodies hang in the heavens, their light flows down below; when the zither and lute are played, it is hard to conceal them from those who understand the tone; when ice and snow carry the carriage, can the remaining tracks be hidden? (Note: The above are metaphors for good deeds hidden within, whose luster manifests outside, inevitably leaving traces.) Like those virtuous deeds held within one's person, their speech and silence were trusted by the era (Note: Having stored virtue within, even without speaking people naturally place trust, like peaches and plums that naturally form a path below them). Though high cliffs have already turned into valleys and the pines and cypresses have rotted away, their illustrious splendor cannot be obscured; how melodiously it fills the ears! (Note: "Melodiously" refers to fine reputation.) In the years of Cao and Ma (Note: The Wei and Jin dynasties), scriptures and treatises were at their inception, and their origins and currents were mingled and turbid (Note: When the teachings first arrived, like turbid water mingling and flowing, they were not yet widespread). Those who proclaimed them merely embraced the general meaning and savored the mysterious import; as for analyzing technical terms and characteristics, they had nothing to rely upon (Note: "Wang" means none; "you" means place/basis. The doctrinal texts had many omissions). Was this not because the propagation of the voice of teaching was not yet complete? When Master [Dao]an first saw the translations of the various minor treatises, he danced and chanted in celebration, thinking he was fortunate to have seen the complete Tripiṭaka, yet unaware that it was merely field ditches compared to the vast ocean (Note: Field ditches and canals are metaphors for what was seen; the vast ocean is a metaphor for what had not yet been seen). Although persons of superior capacity may utilize subtle words to awaken to the import, those of middling capacity in truth did not gain much. When Buddhavarman of the Northern Liang translated the *Abhidharma-vibhāṣā* (Note: Translated here as Juekai [Armor of Awakening]. A Westerner. Commissioned by Mengxun's son Maochu to translate it in Guzang, in one hundred fascicles), scholars drew from its waves, which were as boundless as if without shores. Buddhayasas of the Later Qin was skilled in the *Mahāvibhāṣā*; at that time he was called the "Red Beard" (Note: Translated here as Jueming [Clarity of Awakening]. A native of Jibin, of the Brahmin caste. At age thirteen he followed his teacher and daily recited thirty thousand words, memorizing millions of words of Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna scriptures. His disposition was austere and aloof, so he was not well received by the assembly of monks. Kumārajīva treated him with great esteem in Kashgar. From Kucha he went to Chang'an, translating the *Daśabhūmika-sūtra*, *Mahāvibhāṣā*, etc. Yao Shuang doubted his memorization and had him recite a Qiang register of medicinal prescriptions consisting of about fifty thousand words; after two days of recitation, when tested against the text, not a single word was mistaken). Vimalākṣa was skilled in the *Daśabhāṇavāra-vinaya*; at that time he was called the "Blue-Eyed" (Note: Translated here as Wugouyan [Stainless Eye]. A native of Jibin, who maintained strict discipline in the Vinaya Piṭaka. He met Kumārajīva, who honored him as his teacher).
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