北山錄 4.2.7

4.2.7

鑽仰群經。 斟酌雜論。 止青園寺。 初見泥洹經。 乃說頓悟成佛義。 籠罩舊說。 時以為邪說。 被遷擯於廬山。 及後分經至。 果稱闡提悉有佛性。 乃升座論義數番。 麈尾紛然而墜隱几乃卒。 言忍死以待經也。 故宋文重舉之）顏延之著離識論。 帝令慧嚴辯同異。 往復終日。 帝笑曰。 公等今日無媿支許之譚也。 支遁才章茂逸。 得僧會之風。 僧肇筆削奇邁。 又得支林之風。 安遠生叡之徒。 各擅其美。 自後緇列。 寡有紹其音徽者。 齊梁之後。 世尚紆麗。 詞虧體要。 致使求其雅言立意曾不及於漢魏之間箴論（若楊子雲之續虞箴等）而況於聖人經籍乎。 故懸象嶽瀆不以妍華為天地之文章。 以其能綱紀覆載為文章（懸象經天也。 嶽瀆締地也）。 人文安不然乎。 甞讀殷之盤銘曰。 苟日新日日新又日新。 孔丘誄曰。 旻天不憖遺耆老。 莫相子位焉。 嗚呼哀哉（孔丘卒。 魯哀公誄之曰。 旻天不弔不憖遺一老俾屏余一人以在位㷀㷀余在疚嗚呼哀哉。 尼父無自律文。 在左傳三十。 與今小異）斯文也天之將喪久矣。 不有盛德大業。 其孰能興之者焉（仲尼以天縱多能故哀誄之）肇著般若無知論（僧肇。 京兆人。 家貧傭書為業。 因得歷觀經史善莊老。 後見古維摩經云。 方知所歸矣。 羅什至從之翻譯。 著不遷等四論。 義熙十年卒於長安。 年三十一）劉遺民見而歎曰。 不意方袍復有平叔。 融講新法華經。 開為九轍號九轍法師。 什曰。 佛法之興融其人也（道融。 汲郡林慮人。 師愛其聰明。 先令外學。 令往林中。 借論語竟不齎歸。 於彼已誦。 師更以本覆之。 不遺一字。 至立年才解冠絕。 聞什至往諮稟。 什見而奇之。 卒於彭城。 年七十四矣）。 什譯中論始二卷。 融更剖扸。 預貫始終。 時師子國有一婆羅門。 乘駝負書而來。 請求捔試優劣。 優則行之。 秦人覩其口眼便辟。 將改吾觀（有迴敬之心也）什告融曰。 此外道聰慧殊人。 捔言必勝。 豈可使無上大道在吾徒為彼而屈。 如吾所觀。 在君一人而已。 融自顧才力可濟（濟成也）但患外道書籍未盡披讀。 乃密寫其目。 一覽而誦既刻日。 爰整其徒。 對𫾻于王庭。 彼外道恃其博知。 倍意攻融。 融出其所知。 討其所不知。 彼遽保其強誦。 而融列其所誦。 并諸夏群書。 編目尤廣。 其所誦梵志蹇而肆（肆放也。 蹇吃情放也）羅什濟詞而嘲之。 彼殞越而亡也（濟益也。 云逃也）昔符師征晉。 大事將去。 謝安知玄而舉之。 爰致大勳。 天下服其遠鑒。 而什之知融。 何莫安之儔歟。 故質斯興廢。 同在一舉耳（質形對也。 以什舉融。 可對安舉玄）融性不狎喧。 常登樓披翫。 僧叡初為僧賢弟子。 賢友僧朗。 講放光經。 亟遭叡譏難。 朗謂賢曰。 叡比格難。 吾累思不能通。 可謂賢賢弟子也。 叡魏郡人。 秦主問姚嵩曰。 叡公何如。 曰鄴衛之松柏。 興召見大賞悅。 勅給俸吏力車轝。 後謂嵩曰。 此乃四海之標領。 何獨鄴衛之松柏乎。 叡平生素不背西（願生西方也）曇影初從什。 什謂姚主曰。 昨見影公。 亦是此國風流標望之僧也。 宋僧導（京兆人。 十歲出家。 後著成實論䟽。 起壽春光山寺）止壽春。 孝武詔于京鑾輿降蹕。 導以孝建之初三綱更始。 悲不自勝（元嘉三十年。 太子劭弑文帝自立。 三月為武陵王駿與諸王殺之即帝位。 改元建武。 號孝武皇帝）帝亦哽噎勅開講。 帝及公卿會焉。 導曰。 昔王宮託生。 雙林見滅。 自爾已來歲逾于載。 淳源永謝。 澆風不追。 給苑丘墟。 鹿園蕪穢。 九十五種（外道之類。 或云九十六）以趣下為升高。 三界群生以火宅為淨土（法華經云。 三界無安猶如火宅）豈知上聖流涕大士悽惶者哉。 因則涕泗。

he delved into and looked up to the various sūtras, weighed and considered miscellaneous treatises, and resided at Qingtayuan Monastery. When he first saw the *Nirvāṇa Sūtra*, he propounded the doctrine of sudden enlightenment to achieve buddhahood, which eclipsed older explanations. At the time it was regarded as heterodox, and he was expelled and banished to Mount Lu. When the latter part of the sūtra arrived, it indeed affirmed that all icchantikas possess the buddha-nature. He then ascended the seat and expounded the doctrine for several sessions; his deer-tail chowry fell profusely, and he leaned upon the armrest and passed away. It is said that he endured death to await the sūtra. Hence Emperor Wen of Song repeatedly praised him.) Yan Yanzhi composed the *Treatise on the Separation of Consciousness* (*Lishi lun*); the Emperor ordered Huiyan to debate its similarities and differences, going back and forth for the entire day. The Emperor laughed and said: 'Today you gentlemen have nothing to feel ashamed of before the conversations of Zhi [Dun] and Xu [Xun].' Zhi Dun's literary brilliance was lush and unfettered, capturing the manner of Senghui. Sengzhao's editorial brush was wondrous and transcendent, also capturing the manner of Zhi Lin [Zhi Dun]. The disciples of An, Yuan, Sheng, and Rui each had their own excellence. From that time onward among the black-robed ranks, few have continued their virtuous legacy. After the Qi and Liang dynasties, the world valued tortuous ornamentation; the words lacked essential substance, so that even if one sought their refined expressions and established intentions, they did not equal the admonitions and treatises between the Han and Wei dynasties (such as Yang Ziyun's continuation of the *Yu Admonitions*, etc.), let alone the classical texts of the sages! Therefore, the hanging celestial images, the sacred peaks, and the great rivers do not take dazzling floweriness as the literary elegance of Heaven and Earth; it is by their ability to maintain order and overspread and bear [all things] that they constitute literary elegance (the hanging celestial images measure heaven, and the sacred peaks and rivers bind the earth together). How could human culture be otherwise? I once read the basin inscription of Yin, which says: 'If on one day you can renew yourself, do so day after day, and yet again renew yourself.' Kong Qiu's eulogy states: 'Pitiless Heaven will not spare this venerable elder, leaving no one to support me on my throne! Alas, how sorrowful!' (When Kong Qiu died, Duke Ai of Lu eulogised him, saying: 'Pitiless Heaven has no pity, not sparing this one elder, leaving me, the solitary one, on the throne, sorrowing and burdened with grief. Alas, how sorrowful!' The father Confucius had no text of self-lamentation. This appears in the thirtieth year in the *Zuo tradition*, slightly differing from the present text.) For this culture, Heaven had long been on the verge of letting it perish; without grand virtue and great enterprises, who could have revived it? (Because Confucius was endowed by Heaven with many abilities, he mourned and eulogised him.) Zhao composed the *Treatise on Prajñā Being Free from Knowing* (*Bore wuzhi lun*) (Sengzhao, a native of Jingzhao, was from a poor family and made a living as a copyist; thus he was able to peruse the classics and histories, and was adept in Zhuangzi and Laozi. Later, seeing the old *Vimalakīrti Sūtra*, he said: 'Now I know where to return.' When Kumārajīva arrived, he followed him in translating, and composed four treatises including the *Immutability of Things*. In the tenth year of the Yixi reign era, he died in Chang'an at the age of thirty-one). Liu Yimin saw it and sighed: 'I did not expect that among the square-robed there would again be a Pingshu!' Dao Rong lectured on the new *Lotus Sūtra*, dividing it into nine tracks, and was called the Master of Nine Tracks. Kumārajīva said: 'For the flourishing of the Buddha-Dharma, Rong is the man!' (Dao Rong, a native of Linlü in Jijun; his master loved his intelligence and first had him study external texts. He sent him into the forest; Rong borrowed the *Analects* and never brought it back, but had already memorised it there. His master checked it against the text, and not a single character was missed. By the time he reached the age of thirty, his talent and understanding were matchless. Hearing that Kumārajīva had arrived, he went to consult and receive instruction from him. Kumārajīva saw him and considered him extraordinary. He died in Pengcheng at the age of seventy-four). When Kumārajīva translated the first two fascicles of the *Mūlamadhyamakakārikā*, Rong analysed and dissected it further, comprehending the beginning and end in advance. At that time, a brāhmaṇa from the Lion Kingdom (Siṃhala) came riding a camel loaded with books, requesting a contest of superiority and inferiority: if he were superior, his doctrine would be practised. The people of Qin saw his clever speech and obsequious gaze, and were on the verge of changing their outlook (they had minds of returning to revere him). Kumārajīva told Rong: 'This non-Buddhist's intelligence surpasses other men; in a contest of words he is sure to triumph. How could we allow the unsurpassed Great Way among our fellows to bend before him? In my view, it rests on you alone!' Rong considered that his talent and ability were sufficient to succeed (ji means to achieve), but only worried that he had not fully perused the non-Buddhist's books. He then secretly copied out their list of contents, memorising them at a single glance. When the appointed day arrived, he marshalled his followers to debate before the royal court. That non-Buddhist, relying on his extensive knowledge, attacked Rong with redoubled vigour. Rong brought forth what the other knew and questioned what he did not know. The other hurriedly relied on his powerful memorisation, but Rong recited what he had memorised along with the myriad books of the Chinese realm, cataloguing them with far greater breadth. What the brāhmaṇa recited became halting yet unchecked (si means unrestrained; he was stammering yet emotionally unrestrained); Kumārajīva supplied words to mock him, and he collapsed and fled (ji means to add; it means he fled). In the past, when Fu Jian's army campaigned against the Jin, the great affair was about to be lost; Xie An recognised [Xie] Xuan and appointed him, thereby achieving great merit, and all under Heaven submitted to his farsighted discernment. Now, Kumārajīva's recognition of Rong—how is it not of the same kind as An's? Thus, weighing this rise and fall, both depended on a single appointment (zhi means facing each other; comparing Kumārajīva's appointment of Rong to An's appointment of Xuan). By nature, Rong was not fond of bustle, and often climbed into a tower to read and enjoy texts. Sengrui was originally a disciple of Sengxian. Xian's friend SenglFormat was lecturing on the *Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra*, and was repeatedly challenged and refuted by Rui. Lang told Xian: 'Rui's recent objections—I have pondered them repeatedly and cannot resolve them; he can truly be called a wise disciple of a worthy master!' Rui was a native of Weijun. The Lord of Qin asked Yao Song: 'What kind of person is Master Rui?' He replied: 'The pine and cypress of Ye and Wei.' Yao Xing summoned him, was greatly pleased, and decreed that he be provided with stipended attendants and a carriage. Later he said to Song: 'This is the exemplar of the Four Seas; how could he merely be the pine and cypress of Ye and Wei?' Throughout his life, Rui never turned his back to the West (wishing to be reborn in the Western Pure Land). Tan Ying at first followed Kumārajīva. Kumārajīva told the Lord Yao: 'Yesterday I saw Master Ying; he too is an exemplary and prominent monk of this state.' Sengdao of the Song (a native of Jingzhao, who went forth at the age of ten, later composed a commentary on the *Satyasiddhiśāstra*, and founded the Guangshan Temple in Shouchun) resided in Shouchun. Emperor Xiaowu issued an edict summoning him to the capital, and the imperial retinue halted its journey [to visit him]. Because the Three Bonds were being started anew at the beginning of the Xiaojian era, Dao was overcome with grief and could not contain himself (in the thirtieth year of Yuanjia, the Crown Prince Shao assassinated Emperor Wen and set himself up; in the third month, he was killed by Jun, the Prince of Wuling, and other princes, who assumed the imperial throne, changed the era to Jianwu, and was titled Emperor Xiaowu). The Emperor was also choked with tears, and ordered him to begin lecturing. The Emperor and the dukes and ministers assembled. Dao said: 'In the past, [the Buddha] took birth in the royal palace, and manifested extinction in the Twin Trees. Since then, the years have exceeded their count; the pure source has forever departed, and the decadent customs cannot be reversed. The Jetavana is a desolate mound, and the Deer Park is overgrown with weeds. The ninety-five varieties [of non-Buddhists] (the categories of non-Buddhists; some say ninety-six) take rushing downward as ascending high; the sentient beings of the three realms take the burning house as a pure land (the *Lotus Sūtra* says that there is no peace in the three realms, just like a burning house). How could they understand why the supreme Sage sheds tears, and the Great Being is filled with sorrow?' Thereupon his tears streamed down.