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翻譯名義集 1.193

翻譯名義集 1.193

Language
Classical Chinese

1.193

彥琮法師云:「夫預翻譯,有八備十條:一、誠心受法,志在益人;二將踐勝場,先牢戒是;三文詮三藏,義貫五乘;四傍涉文史,工綴典詞,不過魯拙;五㦗抱平恕,器量虛融,不好專執;六沈於道術,淡於名利,不欲高衒;七要識梵言,不墜彼學;八傳閱《蒼》、《雅》,粗諳篆隸,不昧此文。十條者:一、句韻;二、問答;三、名義;四、經論;五、歌頌;六、呪功;七、品題;八、專業;九、字部;十、字聲。」《宋僧傳》云:「譯場經館,設官分職,可得聞乎?曰:此務所司,先宗譯主,即齎葉書之三藏,明練顯密二教者是也。次則筆受者,必言通華梵、學綜有空,相問委知,然後下筆。西晉偽秦已來立此員者,即沙門道含、玄賾、姚嵩、聶(女涉)承遠父子。至于帝王執翰即興,梁武、太后、中宗。又謂之綴文也。次則度語,正云譯語,亦名傳語,傳度轉令生解矣。如翻《顯識論》,沙門戰陀譯語是也。次則證梵本者,求其量果,密以證知,能詮不差,所顯無謬矣。如居士伊舍羅證譯毘柰耶梵本是也。至有立證梵義一員,乃明西義得失,貴令華語下不失梵義也。復立證禪義一員,沙門大通曾充之。次則潤文一位,員數不恒,令通內外學者充之。良以筆受在其油素,文言豈無俚俗,儻不失於佛意,何妨刊而正之。故義淨譯場,李嶠、韋嗣立、盧藏用等二十餘人次文潤色也。次則證義一位,蓋證已譯之文、所詮之義也。如譯《婆沙論》,慧嵩、道朗等三百人,考證文義,唐復禮累場充其任焉。次有梵唄者,法筵肇啟,梵唄前興,用作先容,令生物善。唐永泰中方聞此位也。次有校勘,清隨、彥琮覆疏文義,蓋重慎之至也。次有監護大使,後周平高公侯壽為總監校校,唐房梁公為奘師監護相。次觀楊慎交、杜行顗等充之。或用僧員,則隋以明穆、曇遷等十人,監掌翻譯事,詮定宗旨也。」《譯經圖紀》云:「惟孝明皇帝永平三年,歲次庚申。帝夢金人,項有日光,飛來殿庭。上問群臣。太史傅毅對曰:『臣聞西域有神,號之為佛。陛下所夢,其必是乎。』至七年,歲次甲子,帝勅郎中蔡愔(挹淫)、中郎將秦景、博士王遵等一十八人,西尋佛法。至印度國,請迦葉摩騰、竺法蘭,用白馬馱經,并將畫釋迦佛像,以永平十年歲次丁卯至于洛陽。帝悅,造白馬寺,譯《四十二章經》。至十四年正月一日,五岳道士褚善信等負情不悅,因朝正之次表請較試。勅遣尚書令宋庠引入長樂宮。帝曰:『此月十五日,大集白馬寺南門。』爾日,信等以靈寶諸經置道東壇上,帝以經像舍利置道西七寶行殿上。信等遶壇涕泣啟請天尊,詞情懇切,以栴檀柴等燒經,冀經無損,並為灰燼。先時升天、入火、履水、隱形,皆不復能,善禁呪者呼策不應。時太傅張衍語信曰:『所試無驗,印是虛妄,宜就西域真法。』時南岳道士費叔才等慚忸自感而死。時佛舍利光明五色直上空中,旋環如蓋,遍覆大眾,映蔽日輪。摩騰先是阿羅漢,即以神足游空,飛行坐臥神化自在。時天雨寶華及奏眾樂,感動人情。摩騰復坐,法蘭說法。時眾咸喜,得未曾有。時後宮陰夫人王婕(音接)妤(以諸)等一百九十人出家,司空楊城侯劉善峻等二百六十人出家,四岳道士呂慧通等六百二十人出家,京都張子尚等三百九十一人出家。帝親與群宮為出家者剃髮給施供養,經三十日。造寺城外七所安僧,城內三寺安尼。」具如漢明《法本內傳》(道家尹文操斥《法本內傳》是羅什門僧妄造。通惠辨云:「明帝夢金人事,出《後漢.紀》,此若虛妄,豈名信史耶。又《吳書》闞澤對吳主云:『褚善信、費叔才自感而死。』豈是羅什門徒所造?」)。

Dharma Master Yancong said: “Now, to participate in translation, there are eight qualifications and ten requirements. First: accepting the Dharma with a sincere mind, with one's intention set on benefiting others. Second: when about to enter the supreme arena [of translation], first firmly observing the precepts. Third: the text encompassing the three pitakas, and the meaning penetrating the five vehicles. Fourth: broadly engaging with literature and history, being skilled in composing classical phrases without excess clumsiness. Fifth: harboring impartiality and forgiveness, with a magnanimous and adaptable capacity, not fond of dogmatism. Sixth: immersed in the way of cultivation, detached regarding fame and profit, without desire for ostentation. Seventh: needing to know the Sanskrit language so that mastery of that learning does not decline. Eighth: reading the Cang[jiepian] and [Erya], having a rough familiarity with the seal and clerical scripts, not being ignorant of this [Chinese] writing. The ten requirements are: 1. phrasing and rhyme; 2. question and answer; 3. names and meanings; 4. sutras and treatises; 5. praises and verses; 6. dhāraṇī efficacy; 7. chapter titles; 8. specialised study; 9. character radicals; 10. phonetics.” The Song Biographies of Eminent Monks states: “May we hear of the official roles and division of responsibilities in the translation arenas and scripture halls? It answers: Regarding the oversight of this duty, the foremost is the Chief Translator (yizhu), namely the Tripiṭaka master who brings the palm-leaf manuscripts and is thoroughly versed in the exoteric and esoteric teachings. Next is the Scribe (bishou), who must be conversant in both Chinese and Sanskrit, comprehending both existence and emptiness; after mutual inquiry and detailed comprehension, he then puts brush to paper. Since the Western Jin and the illegitimate Qin dynasties, those who were appointed to this post included the Śramaṇas Daohan, Xuanze, Yao Song, and Nie Chengyuan and his son. As for emperors and rulers taking up the brush themselves, there were Emperor Wu of Liang, Empress Wu, and Emperor Zhongzong. This is also called ‘composing the text’ (zhuiwen). Next is the Interpreter (duyu), properly called the ‘translator of speech’ (yiyu), and also called the ‘transmitter of speech’ (chuanyu), who transmits and conveys it so as to produce understanding. For instance, when translating the Treatise on the Revelation of Consciousness, the Śramaṇa Candana served as interpreter. Next is the Certifier of the Sanskrit Text (zheng Fanben), who seeks its valid cognition (pramāṇa) and fruit, certifying and discerning it in detail, so that the expressing text is without discrepancy and the expressed meaning is without error. For instance, the Upāsaka Īśvara certifying the translation of the Sanskrit text of the Vinaya. There was even the post of Certifier of the Sanskrit Meaning (zheng Fanyi) established, who clarified the merits and defects of the Western meanings, placing value on Chinese renderings not missing the Sanskrit meaning. Further established was the post of Certifier of Chan Meaning (zheng Chan'yi), in which the Śramaṇa Datong once served. Next is the Polisher of the Text (runwen), whose numbers were not fixed, appointed from among scholars conversant in both Buddhist and non-Buddhist lore. Truly, since the scribe writes upon paper or silk, how could the phrasing be free of colloquialisms? If it does not stray from the Buddha's intent, what harm is there in editing and correcting it? Thus, in the translation arena of Yijing, over twenty people such as Li Qiao, Wei Sili, and Lu Zangyong took turns polishing the phrasing. Next is the Certifier of Meaning (zhengyi), who verifies the translated text and the meaning expressed. For instance, when translating the Vibhāṣā-śāstra, three hundred people such as Huisong and Daolang verified the text and meaning; during the Tang, Fuli repeatedly filled this post across multiple arenas. Next are the Changers of Sanskrit Hymns (Fanbai): when the Dharma feast first opens, Sanskrit chanting arises before it, used as an opening overture to cause beings to produce goodness. It was only during the Yongtai era of the Tang that this post was heard of. Next is Collation (jiaokan): Qingsui and Yancong re-examined the text and meaning with the utmost prudence. Next is the Grand Overseer (jianhu dashi): in the Northern Zhou, Lord Hou Shou of Pinggao served as Chief Inspector of Collation; in the Tang, Duke Fang of Liang served as the Overseer Prime Minister for Master Xuanzang. Next, one observes that Yang Shenjiao, Du Xingyi, and others filled this role. Or where members of the Saṅgha were employed, in the Sui, ten monks such as Mingmu and Tancheng oversaw and managed translation affairs and determined the doctrinal tenets.” The Graphic Chronicle of the Translation of Scriptures states: “In the third year of the Yongping era of Emperor Xiaoming, the year of Gengshen, the Emperor dreamed of a golden man with a halo of sunlight behind his neck, flying into the palace courtyard. His Majesty asked the assembly of ministers. The Grand Astrologer Fu Yi replied: ‘Your subject has heard that in the Western Regions there is a spirit named the Buddha. What Your Majesty dreamed must surely be this.’ In the seventh year, the year of Jiazi, the Emperor ordered Gentleman-in-Attendance Cai Yin, General of the Gentlemen of the Household Qin Jing, Erudite Wang Zun, and others—eighteen persons in all—to journey west in search of the Buddha’s Dharma. Arriving in India, they invited Kāśyapa Mātaṅga and Dharmaratna to use white horses to carry the scriptures and also bring a painted image of Śākyamuni Buddha, arriving in Luoyang in the tenth year of Yongping, the year of Dingmao. The Emperor was delighted, built the White Horse Monastery, and translated the Scripture in Forty-Two Sections. On the first day of the first month in the fourteenth year, Daoists of the Five Sacred Peaks, Chu Shanxin and others, were resentful and displeased; during the New Year court audience, they submitted a memorial requesting a contest. An edict sent Song Xiang, Director of the Department of State Affairs, to usher them into Changle Palace. The Emperor said: ‘On the fifteenth day of this month, let there be a great assembly at the southern gate of White Horse Monastery.’ On that day, Shanxin and others placed various Lingbao scriptures on an altar to the east of the road; the Emperor placed the scriptures, images, and relics on a seven-jeweled traveling pavilion to the west of the road. Shanxin and others circumambulated the altar, weeping and entreating the Heavenly Venerables with earnest words, burning the scriptures with sandalwood firewood and the like, hoping the scriptures would remain undamaged; yet they all turned to ashes and cinders. Their former abilities to ascend to heaven, enter fire, tread on water, and become invisible all failed them; when masters of incantations shouted commands, there was no response. At that time, Grand Tutor Zhang Yan addressed Shanxin, saying: ‘Your trial showed no efficacy, proving it to be false; you ought to take refuge in the true Dharma of the Western Regions.’ Thereupon the Daoist of the Southern Sacred Peak Fei Shucai and others died of self-induced mortification from shame. At that moment, the Buddha's relics emitted five-colored radiance rising straight into the air, swirling like a parasol, covering the entire multitude and outshining the disk of the sun. Mātaṅga had previously attained arhatship, so by his spiritual foot [powers] he journeyed through the air, flying, sitting, and reclining with sovereign supernatural transformations. At that time, heavenly jewel blossoms rained down and music played, moving people's hearts. Mātaṅga sat down again, and Dharmaratna preached the Dharma. The assembly all rejoiced, having attained what was unprecedented. Then, one hundred and ninety women of the rear palace, including Lady Yin and Lady of Handsome Fairness Wang, went forth into homelessness; two hundred and sixty nobles, including Minister of Works and Marquis of Yangcheng Liu Shanjiun, went forth; six hundred and twenty Daoists of the Four Sacred Peaks, including Lü Huitong, went forth; and three hundred and ninety-one people from the capital, including Zhang Zishang, went forth. The Emperor personally, along with the palace ladies, shaved the hair of those going forth and provided offerings to them for thirty days. He built seven monasteries outside the city to house monks, and three monasteries inside the city to house nuns.” It is detailed in Han Ming's Esoteric Account of the Origin of the Dharma. (The Daoist Yin Wencao denounced the Esoteric Account of the Origin of the Dharma as a false fabrication by monks of Kumārajīva's lineage. Tonghui refuted this, saying: ‘Emperor Ming's dream of the golden man appears in the Records of the Later Han; if this were false, how could it be called reliable history? Moreover, in the Book of Wu, Kan Ze addressed the Lord of Wu, saying: “Chu Shanxin and Fei Shucai died of self-induced mortification.” How could this have been fabricated by the disciples of Kumārajīva?’).

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