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貞元新定釋教目錄 8.15

貞元新定釋教目錄 8.15

Language
Classical Chinese

8.15

無量義經一卷(第二出見僧祐錄荊州隱士劉虬為序)
右一部其本見在。
沙門曇摩伽陀耶舍。齊言法生稱。中印度人。
悟物居情道利無捨。以高帝道成建元二年
辛酉。於廣州朝亭寺譯無量義經一部。耶舍
手善隷書口解齊言傳受經人。武當山沙門
慧表永明三年齎至楊都。繕寫流布。
五百本生經一卷(見僧祐錄祐云未詳卷數房云一卷)
他毘利律一卷(齊言宿德律見僧祐錄祐未詳卷數房云一卷)
右二部二卷其本並闕。
沙門摩訶乘。西域人也。栖心妙道結志弘通。
以武帝𭭻永明年中於廣州譯五百本生經等
二部。
善見律毘婆沙十八卷(或云毘婆沙律亦直云善見律見道慧宋齊錄及僧祐錄)
右一部一十八卷其本見在。
沙門僧伽跋陀羅。齊言眾賢。西域人。懷道
放曠化惠無窮。師資相傳云。佛涅盤後優
波離既結集律藏訖。即於其年七月十五日
受自恣竟以香華供養律藏。便下一點置律
藏前。年年如是。優波離欲涅盤持付弟子
陀寫俱。陀寫俱欲涅盤付弟子須俱。須俱
付弟子悉伽婆。悉伽婆付弟子目揵連子帝
須。目揵連子帝須付弟子旃陀跋闍。如是師
師相付至今三藏法師(不出其名)三藏將律藏至廣
州臨上舶反還去。以律藏付弟子僧伽跋陀
羅跋陀以武帝永明六年戊辰(房云己巳)共沙門
僧禕。於廣州竹林寺譯出。名為善見律毘婆
沙。因共安居。以永明七年己巳歲(房云庚午)七月半
受自恣竟。如前師法以香華供養律藏訖。即
下一點。當其年計得九百七十五點。點是一
年。趙伯休梁大同元年。於廬山值苦行律師
弘度。得此佛涅盤後眾聖點記年月訖。齊永
明七年。伯休訪弘度云。自永明七年已後云
何不復見點弘度答云。自此已前皆是得道
聖人手自下點。貧道凡夫止可奉持頂戴而
已。不敢輒點。伯休因此舊點下推至梁大同
九年癸亥歲。合得一千二十八年。昇依伯休
所計推至大唐開元十八年庚午之歲。合
得一千二百一十六年。若然則是如來滅度
遠近參差未堪取行(此墨點記與法顯所傳師子國佛牙精舍唱記年歲全
懸。此云優婆離律藏竟自恣了已手自下點年年如是展轉相付流傳至今者。此或不然。尋此善見婆沙。非是波離
所集。乃是部分已後二十部中隨彼所宗釋一家義撮要而解。非全部毘尼也。即此撰集後年下一點。此或如然。若
言優波離手自下點者。未可即為指南也)。
妙法蓮華經提婆達多品第十二(一卷今編入妙法華經在第
五卷初沙門法獻於于闐國得一卷梵本來道慧宋齊錄僧祐錄云於高昌郡譯梵本未詳孰正)
觀世音懺悔除罪呪經一卷(永明八年十二月十五日譯見僧祐錄及
寶唱錄)
右二部二卷(提婆達多品見在觀世音呪經闕本)。
沙門達摩摩提。齊言法意。西域人。悟物情深
隨方啟喻。以武帝永明八年庚午。為沙門法
獻於楊都瓦官寺譯提婆達多品等二部。獻
時為僧正。初獻以宋元徽三年遊歷西域。於
于闐國得經梵本并及佛牙。有迦毘羅神衛
護還宋。經至齊永明中共沙門法意譯出。佛
牙安置鍾山上定林寺(佛牙可長三寸圍亦如之色帶黃白其牙瑞䆘凸若
今印文而溫潤光潔頗類珠玉謹案內經佛有四牙一在忉利天一在龍王宮一在師子國一在烏萇國此即烏萇國牙
也後忽失之乃現于闐獻於于闐請還)到梁普通三年正月忽有數人。
並執器仗初夜扣門。稱臨川殿下奴叛。有人
告云。在佛牙閣上請開閣捨視。寺僧從其
言。主師至佛牙座前。開函取牙作三禮已。錦
巾盛牙繞山東去。後尋却得還安定林。隋文
併陳仍在鍾岳。至仁壽三年。內使令豫章王
暕。從楊州將獻文帝。其年五月十五日勅送
東禪定寺供養。佛牙靈異具如僧祐佛牙記。
此不復廣。其東禪定寺。即今大莊嚴寺是也。
須達經一卷(一名須達長者經出中阿含第三十九卷異譯見長房錄及高僧傳祐云建武二年出)
百喻經四卷(亦云百句譬喻經或五卷天竺僧伽斯那撰永明十年九月十日譯見僧祐等並云
譯成十卷此之四卷百事足矣)
十二因緣經一卷(第五出與貝多樹下經同本祐云建武二年出見高僧傳及房錄)
右三部六卷(前二部五卷見在後一部一卷闕本)。
沙門求那毘地。齊言德進。中印度人。弱齡從
道師事天竺大乘法師僧伽斯那。聰慧強記
勤於諷習。所誦大小乘經十餘萬言。兼學世
典明解陰陽。其候時逆占多有徵驗。故道術
之稱有聞西域。建元初來至江淮止毘耶離
寺。執錫從徒威儀端肅。王公已下競相請謁。
初僧伽斯那於天竺國。抄集修多羅藏十二
部經中要切譬喻。撰為一部。凡有百事。以教
授新學。毘地悉皆通誦兼明義旨。以武帝永
明十年壬申秋九月譯為齊文。即百喻經也。
復出須達及十二因緣經。自宋大明已後譯
經殆絕。及其宣流法寶世咸美之。毘地為人
弘厚有識度。善於接誘。勤躬行道夙夜匪懈。
是以外國僧眾萬里歸集。南海商人悉共宗
事。供贈往來歲時不絕。性頗畜積富於財
寶。然營建法事已無私焉。於建鄴淮側造正
觀寺。重閣層門殿房整飾。養徒施化德業甚
著。以中興二年冬卒。
摩訶摩耶經一卷(第二出一名佛昇忉利天為母說法亦直云摩耶經或二卷見王宗寶
唱法上等三錄)
未曾有因緣經二卷(度羅睺羅沙彌序亦直云未曾有經第二出見始興錄)
右二部三卷其本並在。
沙門釋曇景。不知何許人。於齊代譯摩耶經
等二部。群錄直云齊世譯出。既不顯年。未詳
何帝。
腹中女聽經一卷(第五出與無垢賢女經等同本房云見古錄)
右一部一卷闕本。
沙門釋法化。以廢帝寶卷永元年中。誦出胎
中女聽經一部。眾錄相承並云誦出未詳誦
意。依而列之以有先譯故免疑失(長房內典錄云。齊時
江州沙門道政刪改彌勒成佛經一卷。此不然如後大乘錄中廣述。房等復云。齊代沙門法度於楊都出灰河經一卷。
毘跋律一卷。今以灰河經出雜阿含。其毘跋律隋法經錄云。法度偽造以濫律名。今廢不立。房等又云。齊代沙門釋法
尼譯益意經二卷。今以此經即是齊末梁初僧法尼閉目誦出者。今見有本文理差舛不可流行。若言齊末出者。祐
錄何故不載。今編疑部。正錄不存。房等又云。齊代沙門道備出九傷等經五部五卷。群錄注疑。今依舊為定)。

*Wuliangyi jing* (Sūtra of Immeasurable Meanings), in one fascicle (second translation; found in Sengyou's catalogue; with a preface by the hermit Liu Qiu of Jingzhou).
The above one work: its text is presently extant.
The śramaṇa Dharmagatayaśas, called "Fashengcheng" in the Qi language, was a native of Central India.
He was awake to the needs of sentient beings in his inner sentiments, never abandoning what would benefit the path. In the second year of the Jianyuan era of Emperor Gao (Daocheng), *xinyou*, he translated one work, the *Wuliangyi jing*, at Chaoting Monastery in Guangzhou. Yaśas was skilled in the clerical script with his hand, understood the Qi tongue with his mouth, and imparted the sūtra to others. In the third year of the Yongming era, the śramaṇa Huibiao of Mount Wudang brought it to Yangdu, copying and circulating it.
*Wubai bensheng jing* (Sūtra of the Five Hundred Jātakas), in one fascicle (found in Sengyou's catalogue; You says the number of fascicles is unclear, Fei [Changfang] says one fascicle).
*Tabili lü* (Thera-vinaya), in one fascicle (in the Qi language, *Xiude lü* [Elders' Vinaya]; found in Sengyou's catalogue; You did not clarify the number of fascicles, Fei says one fascicle).
The above two works in two fascicles: their texts are both lost.
The śramaṇa Mahāyāna was a man of the Western Regions. He rested his mind in the wondrous Way and resolved his will on broad propagation. During the Yongming era of Emperor Wu (Ze), he translated two works, including the *Wubai bensheng jing*, in Guangzhou.
*Shanjian lü piposha* (Samantapāsādikā Vinayavibhāṣā), in eighteen fascicles (also called the *Piposha lü*, or simply *Shanjian lü*; found in Daohui's *Song-Qi lu* and Sengyou's catalogue).
The above one work in eighteen fascicles: its text is presently extant.
The śramaṇa Saṅghabhadra, called "Zhongxian" in the Qi language, was a man of the Western Regions. Embracing the Way with an expansive spirit, his converting benevolence was limitless. According to the lineage transmission between masters and disciples: After the Buddha's parinirvāṇa, once Upāli had finished compiling the Vinaya Piṭaka, on the fifteenth day of the seventh month of that very year, having concluded the *pravāraṇā* ceremony, he made offerings of incense and flowers to the Vinaya Piṭaka and then made a single dot before the Vinaya Piṭaka. It was done thus year after year. When Upāli was about to enter nirvāṇa, he entrusted it to his disciple Dāsaka. When Dāsaka was about to enter nirvāṇa, he entrusted it to his disciple Sonaka. Sonaka entrusted it to his disciple Siggava. Siggava entrusted it to his disciple Moggaliputta Tissa. Moggaliputta Tissa entrusted it to his disciple Caṇḍavajji. In this way, master after master transmitted it up to the present Tripiṭaka master (his name is not given). When that Tripiṭaka master brought the Vinaya Piṭaka to Guangzhou and was about to board the ship to return, he entrusted the Vinaya Piṭaka to his disciple Saṅghabhadra. In the sixth year of the Yongming era of Emperor Wu, *wuchen* (Fei says *jisi*), together with the śramaṇa Sengyi, Bhadra translated it at Zhulin Monastery in Guangzhou, naming it *Shanjian lü piposha*. They then spent the retreat together, and in the seventh year of the Yongming era, *jisi* (Fei says *gengwu*), at the middle of the seventh month, having completed the *pravāraṇā*, he followed the former masters' method and, after offering incense and flowers to the Vinaya Piṭaka, he made a single dot. Counting up to that year, he obtained 975 dots; each dot being one year. In the first year of the Datong era of the Liang, Zhao Boxiu met the ascetic Vinaya master Hongdu on Mount Lu, and obtained this record of the years marked with dots by the various sages after the Buddha's nirvāṇa down to the seventh year of the Qi's Yongming era. Boxiu questioned Hongdu, saying: "Why have no more dots been seen since the seventh year of the Yongming era?" Hongdu replied: "Before this, all were sages who attained the Way, who placed the dots with their own hands. A poor monk like me is an ordinary person; I may only venerate and uphold it on the crown of my head, but would not dare make a dot casually." Boxiu therefore calculated down from this old dot to the ninth year of the Datong era of the Liang, the *guihai* year, making a total of 1,028 years. [Zhi]sheng, following Boxiu's calculation, extrapolated down to the eighteenth year of the Kaiyuan era of the Great Tang, the *gengwu* year, making a total of 1,216 years. If this is so, then the accounts of the distance in time since the Tathāgata's parinirvāṇa diverge, and this cannot yet be taken as standard. (This ink-dot record diverges completely from the count of years announced at the Tooth Relic Vihāra in the Lion Country (Śrī Laṅkā) transmitted by Faxian. That which says Upāli, having concluded the Vinaya Piṭaka and finished the *pravāraṇā*, placed a dot with his own hand, and that this was done year after year, transmitted successively down to the present day—this may not be so. If one investigates this *Samantapāsādikā*, it is not what was compiled by Upāli, but was composed after the schism into the twenty schools, explaining the doctrine of a single school according to its tenets and providing an abridged commentary; it is not the complete Vinaya. If it means a dot was placed each year after this work was compiled, that might well be so. But if one claims that Upāli placed the dots with his own hand, it cannot yet be taken as a reliable guide.)
*Miaofa lianhua jing*, Chapter Twelve, "Devadatta" (in one fascicle; now incorporated into the *Miaofa lianhua jing* at the beginning of the fifth fascicle; the śramaṇa Faxian obtained an Indic text in one fascicle from the kingdom of Khotan and brought it back; Daohui's *Song-Qi lu* and Sengyou's catalogue say the Indic text was translated in Gaochang commandery; it is unclear which is correct).
*Guanshiyin chanhui chuzui zhou jing* (Guanshiyin Sūtra of the Incantation for Repenting and Eliminating Sins), in one fascicle (translated on the fifteenth day of the twelfth month of the eighth year of the Yongming era; found in Sengyou's catalogue and Baochang's catalogue).
The above two works in two fascicles (the "Devadatta" chapter is presently extant; the *Guanshiyin zhou jing* is lost).
The śramaṇa Dharmamati, called "Fa-yi" in the Qi language, was a man of the Western Regions. Understanding the sentiments of living beings deeply, he provided metaphors according to circumstances. In the eighth year of the Yongming era of Emperor Wu, *gengwu*, he translated two works, including the "Devadatta" chapter, for the śramaṇa Faxian at Waguan Monastery in Yangdu. Xian was Buddhist Rectifier (Saṅghanāyaka) at the time. Earlier, in the third year of the Yuanhui era of the Song, Xian had traveled through the Western Regions and obtained the Indic text of the sūtra as well as a Buddha tooth in the kingdom of Khotan. The deity Kapila protected him as he returned to the Song. In the Yongming era of the Qi, he translated the sūtra together with the śramaṇa Fayi. The Buddha tooth was installed at Upper Dinglin Monastery on Mount Zhong. (The Buddha tooth is about three inches long, and similarly in circumference; its color tinged with yellow and white. The tooth's auspicious marks are concave and convex like modern seal carvings, and it is warm, lustrous, smooth, and clean, rather like pearls and jade. Upon careful examination of the inner scriptures, the Buddha has four teeth: one in Trāyastriṃśa Heaven, one in the Dragon King's palace, one in the Lion Country, and one in Udyāna. This is the tooth from Udyāna. Later it was suddenly lost, and then appeared in Khotan; Xian requested it in Khotan and brought it back.) In the first month of the third year of the Putong era of the Liang, several men suddenly knocked on the gate in the early night holding weapons. They claimed that an enslaved servant of His Highness, Prince of Linchuan, had rebelled, and that someone reported he was up in the Buddha Tooth Pavilion; they asked to open the pavilion to inspect it. The monastery monks complied with their words. The leader went before the seat of the Buddha tooth, opened the casket, took the tooth, bowed three times, wrapped the tooth in a brocade cloth, and went east around the mountain. Later, it was pursued and recovered, and returned to Dinglin. When Emperor Wen of the Sui annexed the Chen, it was still on Mount Zhong. In the third year of the Renshou era, the palace commissioner, Prince of Yuzhang (Jian), brought it from Yangzhou to present to Emperor Wen. On the fifteenth day of the fifth month of that year, it was decreed to be sent to East Chanding Monastery for offerings. The miraculous marvels of the Buddha tooth are detailed in Sengyou's *Foya ji* (Record of the Buddha Tooth), and will not be expounded further here. That East Chanding Monastery is the present Dazhuangyan Monastery.
*Xuda jing* (Sudatta-sūtra), in one fascicle (also called *Xuda zhangzhe jing*; extracted from fascicle thirty-nine of the *Madhyamāgama*, a different translation; found in Changfang's catalogue and the *Gaoseng zhuan*; You says it was produced in the second year of the Jianwu era).
*Baiyu jing* (Sūtra of a Hundred Parables), in four fascicles (also called *Baiju piyu jing*, or in five fascicles; composed by the Indian Saṅghasena; translated on the tenth day of the ninth month of the tenth year of the Yongming era; found in Sengyou and others, who all say the translation was completed in ten fascicles, but these four fascicles are sufficient with one hundred parables).
*Shi'er yinyuan jing* (Sūtra on the Twelve Causes and Conditions), in one fascicle (fifth translation; same text as the *Beiduo shu xia jing*; You says it was produced in the second year of the Jianwu era; found in the *Gaoseng zhuan* and Fei's catalogue).
The above three works in six fascicles (the first two works in five fascicles are presently extant; the latter one work in one fascicle is lost).
The śramaṇa Guṇavṛddhi, called "Dejin" in the Qi language, was a native of Central India. From an early age, he followed the Way, serving the Indian Mahāyāna master Saṅghasena. Intelligent and strong of memory, he diligently recited and practiced, chanting over one hundred thousand words of Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna scriptures; he also studied secular canons and clearly understood yin and yang. His prognostications regarding weather and future events frequently proved effective; thus his reputation for arts of the Way was heard in the Western Regions. At the beginning of the Jianyuan era, he came to the Jiang and Huai rivers and stayed at Piye-li Monastery. Holding his staff and attended by disciples, his deportment was dignified and austere. From princes and dukes on down, people vied to invite and visit him. Formerly, Saṅghasena in India had compiled essential parables from the twelve divisions of the sūtra collection, composing a single work containing a total of one hundred stories to instruct beginners. Vṛddhi thoroughly memorized all of them and understood their meanings. In the autumn, the ninth month of the tenth year of the Yongming era of Emperor Wu, *renshin*, he translated it into the language of the Qi; this was the *Baiyu jing*. He also translated the *Xuda jing* and the *Shi'er yinyuan jing*. Since the Daming era of the Song, the translation of scriptures had nearly ceased; when he promulgated the Dharma treasure, the world universally praised him. Vṛddhi was generous, profound, and of broad stature, skilled in guiding and welcoming others. Diligently practicing the Way himself, he was unflagging night and day. Therefore, foreign monks gathered from ten thousand miles away, and merchants of the Southern Seas all revered and served him; offerings and gifts came and went without cease throughout the year. By nature he accumulated quite a lot, being rich in goods and treasures; yet for the construction of Dharma services, he kept nothing for himself. He built Zhengguan Monastery beside the Huai river in Jianye, with multi-storied pavilions, tiered gates, and halls and rooms neatly adorned. In maintaining disciples and dispensing teachings, his virtuous deeds were exceedingly renowned. He died in the winter of the second year of the Zhongxing era.
*Mohe moye jing* (Mahāmāyā-sūtra), in one fascicle (second translation; also called *Fo sheng Daoli tian wei mu shuofa*, or simply *Moye jing*; or in two fascicles; found in the three catalogues of Wang Zong, Baochang, Fashang, and others).
*Weicengyou yinyuan jing* (Adbhuta-nidāna-sūtra), in two fascicles (preface on ordaining the novice Rāhula; also simply called *Weicengyou jing*; second translation; found in the *Shixing lu*).
The above two works in three fascicles: their texts are both extant.
The śramaṇa Shi Danjing: it is not known where he was from. During the Qi dynasty, he translated two works including the *Moye jing*. The various catalogues simply say they were translated during the Qi era, and since they do not specify the year, it is not clear under which emperor.
*Fuzhong nü ting jing* (Sūtra of the Girl in the Womb Listening [to the Dharma]), in one fascicle (fifth translation; same text as the *Wugou xiannü jing* and others; Fei says it is found in the ancient catalogues).
The above one work in one fascicle is lost.
The śramaṇa Shi Fahua: during the Yongyuan era of the Deposed Emperor Baojuan, he recited from memory one work, the *Taizhong nü ting jing*. The various catalogues hand down in succession that it was recited from memory, but the meaning of this recitation is not clear. It is listed here accordingly; because there was an earlier translation, it is spared from suspicion or omission. (Fei Changfang's *Neidian lu* says that in the Qi era, the śramaṇa Daozheng of Jiangzhou abridged and revised the *Mile chengfo jing* in one fascicle. This is not so, as will be explained in detail in the Mahāyāna catalogue below. Fei and others also say that in the Qi dynasty, the śramaṇa Fadu translated one fascicle of the *Huihe jing* and one fascicle of the *Piba lü* in Yangdu. Now, the *Huihe jing* comes from the *Saṃyuktāgama*, and regarding the *Piba lü*, the Sui dynasty Fajing catalogue says Fadu fabricated it, using it to usurp the name of vinaya; it is now abolished and not included. Fei and others also say that in the Qi dynasty, the śramaṇa Shi Fani translated the *Yiyi jing* in two fascicles. Now, this sūtra is the one recited from memory with closed eyes by the monk Fani at the end of the Qi and the beginning of the Liang; its extant text has contradictory phrasing and cannot circulate. If it were produced at the end of the Qi, why did Sengyou's catalogue not record it? It is now placed in the section of doubtful works and does not remain in the main catalogue. Fei and others also say that in the Qi dynasty, the śramaṇa Daobei translated five works in five fascicles, including the *Jius hang jing*; the various catalogues note these as doubtful, and they are now settled according to the old status.)

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