Muntakhabu-t Tawáríkh of 'Abdu-l Kádir Badáúní (extracts)

Translation of Muntakhab al-tawarikh (Muntakhab al-tawārīkh)

Language: English
Date: 1873 CE
Translators: Henry Miers Elliot, John Dowson
Extent: 85 passages, 20,562 words
Text: complete digital text
Source: archive.org · The History of India, as told by its own Historians. The Muhammadan Period. The posthumous papers of Sir H.… · Public domain (published before 1930)

Text

1

[Text, vol. i. p. 227.] In A.H. 729 Tarmah Shirin the Mughal, brother of Katlagh Khwaja Mughal, King of Khurasan, who had on a previous occasion invaded Hindustan, advanced with a large army to the province of Dehli. He captured several forts, and committed ravages and massacres from Lahore, Samana, and Indri to the confines of Badaun, nor did he retreat till the victorious arms of Islam were arrayed against him. The Sultan pursued him as far as Kalanor, and leaving Mujiru-d din Aborja to dismantle that fortress, he returned towards Dehli.
At this juncture, it occurred to the Sultan to raise the taxes of the inhabitants of the Doab ten or twenty per cent., as they had shown themselves refractory. He instituted also a cattle-tax, and a house-tax, and several other imposts of an oppressive nature, which entirely ruined and desolated the country, and brought its wretched inhabitants to destruction.

2

[Text, vol. i. p. 327.] Rai Bikramajit, who succeeded his father Rai Man Singh in the possession of Gwalior, found himself unable to withstand the royal troops, and was obliged to surrender the lofty edifice of Badalgarh, one of the forts dependent on Gwalior, and built by Man Singh. On this occasion, a brazen figure which was worshipped by the Hindus fell into the hands of the Musulmans, which they sent to Agra. Sultan Ibrahim forwarded it to Dehli, and placed it before one of the gates of the city. Ten years before the compilation of this history, in the year 992, it was brought to Fathpur, where the compiler of this work saw it. Gongs, and bells, and all kinds of implements were subsequently manufactured from the metal of which it was composed. In those days Sultan Ibrahim, entertaining suspicions against his old nobles, fettered and imprisoned most of them, and transported others to various distant places.

Salim Shah, son of Sher Shah Sur.

3.1

[Text, vol. i. p. 384.] Salim Shah, in the beginning of his reign, issued orders that as the sarais of Sher Shah were two miles distant from one another, one of similar form should be built between them for the convenience of the public; that a mosque and a reservoir should be attached to them, and that vessels of water and of victuals, cooked and uncooked, should be always kept in readiness for the entertainment of Hindu, as well as Muhammadan, travellers. In one of his orders he directed that all the madad-ma'ash and aima tenures in Hindustan which Sher Shah had granted, and all the sarais which he had built and the gardens he had laid out, should not be alienated, and that no change should be made in their limits. He took away from the nobles all the dancing girls maintained in their courts, according to the common practice of India. He also took from them all their elephants, and let none of them retain more than a sorry female, adapted only for carrying baggage.

3.2

It was enacted that red tents should be in the exclusive use of the sovereign. He resumed, and placed under the immediate management of the State, the lands enjoyed by the troops, and established pecuniary payments in lieu, according to the rates fixed by Sher Shah. Circular orders were issued through the proper channels to every district, touching on matters religious, political and fiscal, in all their most minute bearings, and containing rules and regulations, which concerned not only the army, but cultivators, merchants, and persons of other professions, and which were to serve as guides to the officials of the State, whether they were in accordance with the Muhammadan law or not; — a measure which obviated the necessity of referring any of these matters to Kázis or Muftis.

3.3

In order that these circular instructions might be fully comprehended, the nobles in command of five, ten or twenty thousand horse, were ordered to assemble every Friday in a large tent, within which was placed, on an elevated chair, a pair of Salim Shah's slippers, and a quiver full of arrows. They then bowed down before the chair, one by one, according to their respective ranks; first of all the officer in command of the troops, and then the munsif, or amin, and so on; after which, with due respect and obeisance, they took their respective seats, when a secretary coming forward read to them the whole of the circular instructions above referred to, which filled about eighty sheets of paper. Every difficult point then at issue within the province was decided according to their purport. If any of the nobles committed an act in contravention of these orders, it was reported to the King, who forthwith passed orders directing proper punishment to be inflicted on the offender, as well as on his family. These rules were in force till the end of the reign of Salim Shah, and the compiler of this history witnessed the scene above described, when he was of tender age, that is, in the year 965 A.H., when he accompanied his maternal grandfather (may God extend his grace to him!) to the camp of Farid Taran, commander of 5000 horse, which was then pitched in the district of Bajwara, a dependency of Bayana. In the year 954 or 955 A.H.

3.4

(God knows which year is correct) Khwaja Wais Sarwani, who was appointed to command the expedition against 'Azam Humayun, fought with the Niazis on the confines of Dhankot, and was defeated. 'Azam Humayun, flushed with this success, pursued the Khwaja as far as Sirhind. Salim Shah despatched a large force against the rebels, and a battle ensued at the same place, in which the Niazis were defeated. Some of their women who were made captives were sent prisoners to Gwalior, and Salim Shah violated their chastity. He distributed among the vagabonds of his camp the tents, standards, and other spoil of the Niazis which had fallen into his hands, bestowing upon them the titles which were common among the Niazis; such as Saiyid Khan, 'Azam Humayun, Shahbaz, etc. He granted them kettle-drums, which were beaten at their respective gates at the stated times. These low persons used to beat their drums aloud, and claim the dignity of the dogs of the celestial sphere. These people, in conformity with the practice of making rounds, which is occasionally observed among the prostitutes of India, went every Friday night to do homage to Salim Shah, instead of saying their prayers. On their arrival at the palace, the heralds exclaimed, "Oh king, be gracious enough to cast Your Majesty's eyes upon such and such Niazi Khans, who have come to offer up prayers for your health and welfare." This proceeding exceedingly disgusted the Afghans, who were of the same tribe as the King.

3.5

The Niazi titles, and the standards and drums, which were granted to them by Salim Shah, are said by some historians to have been bestowed on them after the first battle. God knows whether this is correct or not. 'Azam Humayun, who was defeated in the last battle, was never able again to take the field. The ranks of the Niazis began to be thinned day by day, and they soon dispersed. In the first instance they took refuge with the Ghakars, in the neighbourhood of Rohtas, and then settled themselves in the hills in the vicinity of Kashmir. Salim Shah, with the view of suppressing for the future the disturbances excited by these insurgents, moved with an overwhelming force, and took up a strong position in the hills to the north of the Panjab, where, for the purpose of establishing posts, he built five fortresses, called Minkot, Rashidkot, etc. As he had no friendly disposition towards the Afghans, he forced them, for a period of two years, to bring stones and lime for the building of those fortresses, without paying them a single fulus, or jital. Those who were exempted from this labour were employed against the Ghakars, who resisted strenuously, and with whom they had skirmishes every day. At night the Ghakars prowled about like thieves, and carried away whomsoever they could lay hands on, without distinction of sex and rank, put them in the most rigorous confinement, and then sold them into slavery.

3.6

These circumstances sorely afflicted the Afghans, who felt that they were exposed to every kind of insult, but it was not in the power of any individual to lay their grievances before Salim Shah; until one day, when Shah Muhammad Farmuli, a noble noted for his hilarity and jocular speeches, who was a special companion of the King, took heart and exclaimed, "O my liege! two nights I dreamt that three bags descended from heaven; one containing ashes; another, gold; and the third, papers; the ashes fell upon the heads of the troops; the gold upon the houses of Hindus; and the papers fell to the lot of the royal treasury." Salim Shah did not take the allusion ill, and it had the effect of inducing him to promise that he would, on his return to Gwalior, order his accountants to disburse two years' pay to the troops, but his death, which occurred soon afterwards, prevented the fulfilment of this promise.

Sultan Muhammad 'A'dil, otherwise called 'Adali, son of Nizam Khan Sur.

4.1

[Text, vol. i. p. 413.] His real name was Mubariz Khan; but when he ascended the throne, with the accord of the ministers and nobles, he assumed the title of Muhammad 'Adil. The people, however, used to call him 'Adali, and went so far as to alter the letters of this name and convert it into Andhali, which means "blind." Ibrahim Khan, after an unsuccessful action at Khanwa, fled to Bayana, which is a strong fort in a commanding position. Himun immediately invested it, and skirmishes were of daily occurrence between the contending parties. The fort was well supplied with guns and ammunition, and Ghazi Khan, Ibrahim's father, who was in Hindun, used to throw supplies into it by way of the hills to the west of Bayana. Himun invested the fort for three months, and devastated the whole of the country in the neighbourhood, and my father's library in Basawar was almost entirely destroyed.

4.2

At this time a dreadful famine raged in the eastern provinces, especially in Agra, Bayana and Dehli, so that one sir of the grain called juwari rose to two and a half tankas, and even at that price could not be obtained. Many of the faithful closed their doors, and died by tens and twenties, and even in greater numbers, and found neither coffin nor grave. Hindus perished in the same numbers. The common people fed upon the seeds of the thorny acacia, upon dry herbage of the forest, and on the hides of the cattle which the wealthy slaughtered and sold. After a few days, swellings rose on their hands and feet, so that they died, and the date is represented by the words khashm-i izad, "Wrath of God." The author with his own eyes witnessed the fact that men ate their own kind, and the appearance of the famished sufferers was so hideous that one could scarcely look upon them. What with the scarcity of rain, the famine and the desolation, and what with uninterrupted warfare for two years, the whole country was a desert, and no husbandmen remained to till the ground. Insurgents also plundered the cities of the Musulmans.

4.3

Amongst the remarkable incidents of the year 962, during the war between Sikandar and Ibrahim, was the explosion in the fort of Agra, of which the following is a brief account. When the army of 'Adali Khan had left Agra, Ghazi Khan Sur sent his own officers with a garrison to protect the property, to keep the fort in a state of preparation, and to lay in provisions, for which purpose they had to examine the several storerooms and workshops. By chance, early one morning, as they were going their rounds with a lamp, a spark fell into a room filled with gunpowder. In the twinkling of an eye it ignited, and rising up to heaven, the earth quaked, so that the inhabitants of the city thought that the Day of Judgment had come, and prayed devoutly when they were roused thus suddenly from their slumbers. Planks, enormous stones and columns were sent flying several kos to the other side of the Jumna, many people were destroyed, and the limbs of men and of animals were blown away, full ten or twelve miles. As the name of the citadel of Agra was originally called Badalgarh, the date, 962, was found in the words Atash-i Badalgadh — "The fire of Badal."

4.4

While Himun was encamped before Bayana, the people died with the word "bread" upon their lips, and while he valued the lives of a hundred thousand men at no more than a barley-corn, he fed his five hundred elephants upon rice, sugar, and butter. The whole world was astounded and disgusted. Himun, once every day, eat with his own followers in public, and calling the Afghans to his own table, he would invite them to eat, telling them to take up large handfuls, and he would shamefully abuse any one whom he saw eating slowly, and say, "How can you with such a slender appetite expect to fight with any rascally Mughal?" As the Afghans had now nearly lost their power, they could not muster spirit enough to reply to the unclean infidel; and laying aside the bluntness and hastiness for which they are so celebrated, they consented, whether from fear of consequences or hope of reward, to swallow his foul language like so many sweetmeats, adopting the following verses as their maxim: "Place not your hands submissively on my feet; Give me only bread, and lay your slipper on my head."

5

Reign of Akbar.

6

[Text, vol. ii. p. 24. Year 964.] Khán-zamán in these few years, with a small force, fought bravely against the numerous forces of the Afghans, and obtained the victory over them. The history of his campaigns is a bright page in the annals of the time. At the battle of Lucknow Hasan Khán Bachgotí came up against him with 20,000 men, and Khán-zamán had not altogether more than 3000 or 4000. When the enemy passed the river Karwí and attacked Bahádur Khán, he himself was engaged taking a meal. When he was told that the enemy was at hand, he called for the chess-board and played at his ease. Afterwards being told that a foreign army was driving back his forces, he called for his arms. His tents were being plundered, and his whole army was in confusion. He ordered Bahádur Khán to retire; then he, with a few men, beat his drums and fell upon the enemy. He overpowered them, and drove them for seven or eight kos. Many of them were slain, and heaps were formed of the corpses.
So also at Jaunpúr he fought with the Gaurian who called himself Sultán Bahádur, and had issued coin and caused the khutba to be read in his name in Bengal. This man advanced against Jaunpúr with about 30,000 horse, and the men of Khán-zamán were completely routed. When Khán-zamán arose from his repast, he found the enemy engaged upon their meal or occupied in plundering. The Khán fell upon them with a small party of men, completely routed the Afghans, killing many and making many prisoners. He obtained such booty that his army wanted for nothing. The victories which he and his brother achieved could have been accomplished but by few. These two brothers had many noble qualities; but the mark of rebellion was upon them, so that in the end all their exploits came to the dust.

7

[Text, vol. ii. p. 31.] [In the year 966 the fort of Gwalior was taken. A slave of 'Adali's named Buhail Khan (Suhail), being besieged in the fort, made terms and surrendered the keys. The date was found in the words, Fath bah kil'ah Gwalior. In this same year another slave of 'Adali's, named Sangram Khan, sold the fort of Rantambhor into the hands of Sarjan Rai Hada. The facts of the matter are, that shortly before this, when His Majesty took up his abode at Agra, he sent a party of amirs, such as Hindu Beg Mughal, to reduce this fort. These amirs drove Sangram Khan before them, and ravaged the country round the fortress; but they were unable to accomplish their object.]

Affairs of the Author.

8.966

[Text, vol. ii. p. 32.] In A.H. 966, I left my home at Basawar, and went to Agra, for the purpose of completing my education. I became acquainted with Mihr 'Ali Beg, and lived in his house. The Beg pressed most earnestly upon Shaikh Mubarak Nagori, my tutor (the peace of God be upon him!), and Muluk Shah, my father (God sanctify his tomb!), his desire that I should accompany him on his projected expedition, and threatened that he would not depart, unless this request was conceded. These two dear guardians, moved by their friendly feelings, being persuaded that it was to my advantage to go, consented to the arrangement, and to please them, though an inexperienced traveller, and though compelled for the time to relinquish my usual studies, I started, in the height of the rains, on this perilous journey. Passing through Kanauj, Lucknow, Jaunpur, and Benares, and seeing all that was to be seen, and holding interviews with several holy and learned personages, I crossed the river Ganges, and arrived at Chunar in the month of Zi-l ka'da, A.H. 966.

8.p2

Jamal Khan sent some of his dependents to meet Mihr 'Ali Beg, and they conducted him to Jamal Khan's house. The palaces of Sher Shah and Salim Shah, and all the ammunition and resources of the fort were shown to him, and he was apparently received with the utmost hospitality and kindness. When the farman was read, which was intended to conciliate Jamal Khan, by conferring upon him five parganas of Jaunpur in in'am tenure, in lieu of the fort of Chunar, Jamal Khan showed that he had further expectations, and placed the most unheard-of difficulties in the way, seeking to delay Mihr 'Ali until an answer should be received to the representation which he had made to Court. He insidiously wrote also, at the same time, communications both to Khan-zaman and to Fath Khan Afghan, who was in the fort of Rohtas with a considerable force, holding out to them separately promises of the fort.
When Mihr 'Ali was aware of the perfidy practised by Jamal Khan, and being not without suspicions of the fidelity of Fath Khan, he feared they would league together for his injury, and so he left the fort under pretence of taking an airing, and crossing the river in considerable alarm, proceeded direct to Agra, leaving me in the fort. As I thought it best to temporize with Jamal Khan by way of making my own escape, I proposed to him that I should try and bring back Mihr 'Ali, and effect a reconciliation. To this he acceded, and in the evening I got into a boat with the intention of crossing the river. It so happened that the boat fell into a raging whirlpool under the hill near the wall of the fort, and a fierce wind arose which made the vessel shiver. If the mercy of God, the ruler of earth and water, had not acted as my sail, the bark of my hope would have been dashed to atoms by the whirlpool of calamity against the hill of death.
In the jungle which lies at the foot of the Chunar hills, Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus, one of the greatest saints of India, had resided for twelve years in the practice of asceticism, consuming the leaves and fruits of the forest as his food; and so celebrated was he for the fulfilment of his blessings, that even powerful kings used to come and visit him, and pay their respects. I fell in with one of his dependents, and arrived at the hermitage. He himself was not there, for in this very year he had proceeded from Gujarat to Agra, where he arrived in great pomp and circumstance, accompanied by several disciples, and gave considerable satisfaction to the Emperor by the principles and faith which he professed. * *
Shaikh Gadai, with that spirit of jealousy, spite, and malice which is a peculiar failing of the saints of Hindustan, was vexed at this intrusion of a rival, and looked upon Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus as one shopkeeper does on another, who commences the same trade, in the storey directly over his head. Wise men know well the truth of the adage, "Two of a trade never agree." Khan-i khanan, who was much attached to Shaikh Gadai, did not receive Shaikh Muhammad with that degree of respect and favour which was his due. On the contrary, he assembled divines and learned men, in order to ridicule the treatise of the Shaikh, in which he had said that he had in his waking moments had an interview and conversation with God, who assigned him a superiority over the Prophet Muhammad. He had written other nonsense equally pernicious and blasphemous. He sent also for the Shaikh, and made him the butt of his contumely—so that the Shaikh, much chagrined, retired to Gwalior, where he engaged himself in the pursuits of his holy calling, and contented himself with the proceeds of a jagir, which yielded a kror (of tankas).
[Text, vol. ii. p. 53.] [On 27th Rajab of this year (969 A.H.) my father Muluk Shah (may God be merciful to him!) died in Agra of dysentery. I carried his bier to Basawar, and there buried him. I found the date of his death in the words Jahan-fazl.]
[Text, vol. ii. p. 63.] At the time when the compiler of this work resided at Agra, for the purpose of finishing his education, Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus one day passed by in great state, and accompanied by acclamations which rent the air. He was clothed in the garb of a fakir. I was at first anxious to pay my respects to him; but when I learnt that he was in the habit of rising to receive the salutations of Hindus, that desire vanished, and I was deprived of the satisfaction I had anticipated. Another day, I saw him in the bazar at Agra, with multitudes of people thronging before and behind him, and he was so constantly occupied in returning the salutations of the people on all sides of him, that he could not sit up erect during the whole time of his airing. Although he was eighty years old, his countenance was wonderfully fresh, and his whole appearance betokened anything but old age and debility. The mercy of God be upon him!
[Text, vol. ii. p. 64.] On the 20th of the blessed month Ramazan of this year (970 A.H.) I heard at Sansawan, in Sambal, of the death of my maternal grandfather in Basawar. He had taught me several sciences, and I was much attached to him. He had many claims upon the respect of men of letters. The date of his death is represented by the letters composing the words, Fazil-i Jahan, "The excellent of his time."

9

[Text, vol. ii. p. 125.] In A.H. 977 the pargana of Lucknow was transferred from the possession of Husain Khan Kashmiri to that of Mahdi Kasim Khan, who had just returned from Mecca, and had paid his respects to the Emperor at Rantambhor. Husain Khan was highly indignant at this, and exclaimed, "Our friendship is broken, we shall meet no more till the day of judgment." He then abandoned in disgust (his wife) the daughter of Mahdi Kasim, notwithstanding he loved her, and took the daughter of his uncle Ghazanfar Beg. After a while, leaving his wife in distress, and the daughter of Mahdi Khan with her brothers in Khairabad, he set forth from Lucknow with the design of breaking down the idols and of demolishing the idol temples. For he had heard that their bricks were made of gold and silver, and other false reports of their unbounded treasures had come to his ears. He proceeded through Oudh, towards the Siwalik hills. The hill-men, as is their custom, abandoned the lower hills after a slight resistance, and fled for security to higher elevations, of which the ascent was very dangerous. Husain Khan arrived at last at the place where Sultan Mahmud, nephew of Pir Muhammad Khan, was slain. He read the fatiha for the pure spirits of the martyrs who fell there, and repaired their dilapidated tombs. He then ravaged the whole country as far as the kasbah of Wajrail, in the country of Raja Ranka, a powerful zamindar, and from that town to Ajmir, which is his capital. In that place are to be found mines of gold and silver, silks, musk, and all the productions of Tibet, from which country he was only distant two days' journey;—when, on a sudden, as has been frequently observed in those mountains, the neighing of the horses, and the sound of the kettle-drums, as well as the voices of his followers, caused the clouds to collect, and so much rain fell, that neither corn nor grass was to be procured. Famine stared the army in the face, and although Husain Khan, with the most undaunted intrepidity encouraged his men, and excited their cupidity by representing the wealth of the city and the country, in gold, jewels and treasure, they were too much disheartened to second his resolution, and he was compelled to retreat.
On their retreat the Káfirs, who were in possession of the passes, showered down stones and arrows tipped with poisoned bones upon them. They also blocked up the way, and most of the bravest of his warriors drank the cup of martyrdom. Many of the wounded, who escaped at the time, died five or six months afterwards from the effects of the poison.
Husain Khán returned to Court, and requested that Kánt and Gola might be conferred upon him in jagir, in lieu of the one he held before. This was graciously acceded to. Several times he made incursions to the foot of the hills with various success, but he was never able to penetrate into the interior. Many fine fellows, who had escaped half-dead from his first expedition, now felt the malarious influence of the climate, and died off, but not in battle. After some years Husain Khán, contrary to the advice and remonstrances of his friends, mustered his forces for a final struggle to get possession of the hills, and perished in the attempt, as, please God, will be mentioned in its proper place. About this time I went, after taking leave of Husain Khan, from Lucknow to Badaun, where I formed a suitable nuptial alliance for my brother, Shaikh Muhammad, whom I loved from my very soul, nay, better than my own soul, for he was endowed with every excellent and angelic quality. Three months did not elapse before he died, he, as well as 'Abdu-l Latif, the light of my eyes, the earliest fruits of the garden of my life (my first-born), who, when time cast an evil eye upon him, was carried off, in the twinkling of an eye, from the cradle to the tomb, and I was suddenly reduced from the happiest to the saddest of men. God created me, and to God shall I return !

10

[Text, vol. ii. p. 136.] In the year 979 A.H. the palace at Agra and the palace at the new town of Fathpur were completed. * * * At the close of the month of Ramazan of this year, Shaikh Salim Chishti, of Fathpur, died. He was one of the chief saints of Hindustan, and his sayings are worthy of commemoration. I will hereafter give a notice of him, please God, in the supplement to this history.
During this year an unfortunate accident befell the author, of which the following are the particulars. At the period when Kant and Gola was held in jagir by Muhammad Husain Khan, and when it pleased fate to associate me with him for some time, as I was appointed Judge of that district, I went on a pilgrimage to Makanpur, a dependency of Kanauj, where is the tomb of the holy Shaikh, Badi'u-l Hakk wau-d din Shah Madar (may God sanctify his tomb !). This son of man, through the disposition which he inherited from his sinful and ignorant nature (which he imbibed with his mother's crude milk, and which is the cause of shame and reproach), and through innate darkness and ignorance (which are the source of presumption and baseness, and which came down to him by inheritance from father Adam), the eyes of his wisdom were covered with a film of lust, and he was inclosed in the net of lasciviousness, so that he committed all of a sudden, as was of old forewilled by Providence, a gross impropriety within that shrine. Since the chastisement as well as the mercy of God was upon me, I received upon earth the punishment of my sin, by his ordaining that several connexions of the girl whom I fell in love with should inflict nine sword wounds upon my head, hands, and shoulders. They were all slight, but one penetrated the bone of my skull, and reached to the brain, exposing me as a brainless fellow, and another partially severed the veins of the little finger of my left hand. I fainted away, and appeared to be travelling to another world. May God bless my resurrection !
I met with an excellent surgeon in Bangarmau, who closed my wounds within a week, and in the midst of my pain and illness, I made a vow, that if I recovered I would go to Mecca — a vow which I have not yet been able to perform, but which I hope, God willing, to do before I die, and before any obstacle intervenes to prevent the execution of that excellent resolve. The rest is with God!
Afterwards, I arrived at Kant and Gola, and had no sooner bathed after my recovery, than I was again laid on my bed by sickness, the wound having become ulcerous from the effect of excessive cold. Husain Khan (may God bless him with eternal Paradise! for he showed himself more than a father or a brother to me) administered some medicine, in the shape of a plaster and electuary, both made from the wood of the tamarisk, and enabled me to proceed on my journey to Badáún. There another surgeon took off the dressings, and re-opened the wound on my head. I was nearly expiring from the intensity of the pain. * * *
During this year a dreadful fire broke out at Badáún, and an immense number of Musulmans and Hindus perished in the flames. Carts full of the remains of those who were burnt were driven down to the river, and no one could tell who was a believer, and who an infidel. Many who escaped being burnt rushed to the ramparts, and were so scorched by the flames, that men and women precipitated themselves from the wall in despair. Some had their skins burnt and disfigured. Water seemed only to add fuel to the flames. All this I witnessed with my own eyes, and heard the noise of the flames with my own ears. Some it warned, others it destroyed. A short time before this, a half-witted fellow came from the Doab, whom I took into my own house and society. He said to me one day in private, that I ought to flee out of that city, as some infliction of Providence was about to befall it. But I paid no attention to him, as he was a frequenter of taverns.

11

[Text, vol. ii. p. 146.] One day in the year 980, the King went to look at the fort of Surat, and gave orders to repair the portions that had been battered and destroyed. During his inspection he saw the large mortars, which had been despatched with a powerful fleet and army by Sulaiman Sultan, the Turkish Emperor, to assist in capturing the harbours of Gujarat, and had been left on the sea-shore, covered with rust, because Sulaiman Aga, the admiral, had abandoned the enterprise through meeting with some obstacle. There they remained, until Khudawand Khan was had them carried into the fort of Surat, at the time it was building. The few which remained had been taken to Junagarh by the Governor. The King inspected them, and gave orders that some of them, which were not wanted there, should be sent to Agra.
The reason assigned for Khudawand Khan's building the fort of Surat is, that the Firingis used to oppress the Musulmans in every kind of manner, devastating the country, and tormenting God's servants. At the time of laying the foundations of the fort, they tried to throw every obstacle in the way, by firing cannon from their ships, but all without effect.
That expert engineer laid the foundations of one side within the sea, dug a deep ditch round the two sides which faced the land, and built the walls with stones and burnt bricks. The wall was thirty-five yards long. The breadth of the four walls was fifteen yards, and their height twenty yards, and the breadth of the ditch was twenty yards. All the stones, the joints and interstices were fastened together with iron clamps, and made firm with molten lead. The battlements and embrasures are lofty, and so beautiful that every one was astonished at beholding them. On the bastions, which projected into the sea, was erected a gallery (ghurfa), which the Firingis, especially the Portuguese, profess to say is an invention of their own. When the Musulmans began to erect this chaukandi, the Firingis exerted every kind of opposition to obstruct it; and when they found they could not prevail by force, they offered large sums of money to prevent its being built: but Khudawand Khan, through the regard which he bore to his own religion, sternly refused, and plied the work till it was finished, in contemptuous defiance of the Christians.

Husain Khan Tukriya.

12.1

[Text, vol. ii. p. 151.] In 980 A.H. Husain Khan Mahdi Kasim Khani, jagirdar of Kant and Gola, had gone off to quell the insurgents of Badaun and Pattiali, before he heard of Ibrahim Husain Mirza's arrival in the neighbourhood of Dehli. In the mean time, Makhdumu-l Mulk Maulana 'Abdu-lla Sultanpuri and Raja Bihar Mal, who were entrusted with the chief direction of affairs during the King's absence in Gujarat, wrote to Husain Khan from Fathpur, to inform him that Ibrahim Husain Mirza had experienced two defeats, and was then in the vicinity of Dehli, and that as no person of importance was now present to defend the capital, he ought to hasten to Fathpur without delay. He accordingly prepared to obey their summons, and was well on his road, having arrived at the village of Oudh, in Jalesar, when he learnt that the Raja of Awesar still continued the depredations which he had practised since the accession of the King, in the neighbourhood of Agra, and had become a predatory robber (kazzak). He had been engaged in several hard conflicts with some loyal nobles, and had slain many excellent men, and at that time he was concealed in the jungle of the village of Naurahi, in the pargana of Jalesar.

12.2

We had scarcely time to ponder on this intelligence, when all of a sudden, while we were marching at mid-day on the 15th of Ramazan, the men being off their guard, and going on in separate parties, most of them, also, being exhausted with the fast, an attack was made upon us, with matchlocks and arrows. The Raja of Awesar had formed stages of wicker-work on the tops of the trees, and from this secure position several of our men were killed and wounded. At the very commencement of the attack, a ball struck Husain Khan below the knee, grazed his thigh, and, passing through the saddle, was spent upon the head of his horse. He was very nearly fainting and falling from his saddle, but his self-possession enabled him to keep his seat by clinging to the pommel. I threw water on his face, and his immediate attendants, not aware of the accident, at first thought that his fasting had worn him out. I then seized hold of his bridle, for the purpose of carrying him for safety behind a tree out of the storm of arrows, when he opened his eyes, and, contrary to his usual habit, looked sternly at me, and made signs that there was no need to hold his reins, but that we should dismount and join in the fray. We accordingly alighted, leaving him there to take care of himself.

12.3

The contest then raged with fury, and many were killed on both sides. At last, towards evening, victory inclined to our party, which was the smallest, and the infidels were put to flight like so many sheep, but not before our sipáhís were so tired, that they could scarcely wield a sword or shoot an arrow. We had all been so jammed together in the forest, that we could with difficulty tell friend from foe. Some of our men had strength of mind and body enough, to deserve the reward, both of engaging in holy war, and of maintaining a strict fast. I, on the contrary, in my weakness, at last took a cup of water to moisten my throat, for the want of which some poor fellows died. Several excellent friends of mine attained martyrdom in repelling this attack.

12.4

After this victory, Husain Khán returned by rapid marches to Kánt and Gola, and strengthened those places. Shortly after, Ibráhím arrived in the pargana of Lakhnor, fifteen kos from Sambal. As Husain Khán was still suffering from the effects of his wound, he was obliged to be carried on a litter, but nevertheless he advanced to Báns Bareillí, in order to force Ibráhím to action, and from Bareillí he made Sambal in one day by a forced march. Ibráhím, alarmed at this exhibition of confidence and courage, thought it better to decline an action, and retreated by way of Amroha, in the environs of Lakhnor, leaving a distance of seven kos between him and his opponent. Had Husain Khán been compelled to fight in his then wounded state, God knows what would have happened! It was one of the Mirzá's mistakes that he did not attack Husain Khán while he was in this weak state.

12.5

[Mu'ínu-d dín Khán Farankhudí, governor of Sambal, with a large party, and several other amírs and jágírdárs of the neighbourhood, who had taken refuge in the fort, when they heard at midnight the roll of the drums of Husain Khan, they thought the Mirza was upon them, and were quite overpowered by fear. But when the cry arose that Husain Khan had come to their assistance, they came out joyfully to meet him. Next day we went to the abode of Shaikh Fathu-lla Tarbati, one of the vicars of Shaikhu-l Islam Fathpuri, and there held a council. It was then considered advisable that all the amirs of the neighbourhood of Dehli who had turned out against the Mirza should go with Tolak Khan Korchi and * * to the pargana of Ahar on the Ganges, and there wait for us; then, after the junction of the forces, further operations might be decided on. Husain Khan exclaimed, "Good God! The Mirza came here with a small party of horse, and although your numbers more than doubled his, you took refuge in the fort of Sambal; and now twenty or thirty amirs and old soldiers with a large force are so dismayed that you want to shelter yourselves in the fort of Ahar, which is a mere rat's hole. This will encourage the Mirza to make further attacks upon the Imperial territories. Now there are two courses open, one of which we must follow. You must cross the Ganges, and, under the cover of that old fort, must intercept the Mirza, and prevent his getting over the Ganges.

12.6

I will follow up in his rear, and we shall see what will happen. Or I will hasten over the Ganges, and head the Mirza, while you pursue him. This seems to be our duty." But they could not agree upon any course until Husain Khan, driven by necessity, went off in haste with the horsemen he had to the amirs at Ahar, and inveighed loudly against their going into the fort. He brought them out, and again held a council with them. "The enemy," he said, "is in the heart of the country, and is like a hare in the midst of a camp. If we follow him up sharply, we may settle his business, and take him alive. The glory of this victory will be yours." The soldiers said, "Under the orders of Makhdumu-l Mulk and Raja Bihar Mal, we have driven the Mirza out of the Delhi territory, and have come into Sambal. Mu'inu-d din Ahmad Khan is the master and Jagirdar of this province, and he is now responsible. Our orders were to protect Dehli, not to make war upon the Mirza, for there are risks in such a course."

12.7

Intelligence now arrived that the Mirza had attacked Amroha, and having crossed the Ganges at the ford of Chauhala, was marching rapidly towards Lahore. Husain Khan, convinced of the apathy of the amirs, separated himself from them immediately, and made a forced march to Garh-muktesar, in order to arrest the Mirza. Of the royal amirs, Turk Subhan Kuli and Farrukh Diwana were the only ones that accompanied him. A letter now reached him from the amirs of Panjab, urging him to come speedily and join them. The Mirza, like the rook on a cleared chess-board, now came into the heart of the country, plundering and ravaging the towns in his way. When he was at Payal, his men committed such atrocities upon Musulman people as cannot well be described. In that town twelve virgins were ravished with such violence that several of them died. Other places fared in the same way. Husain Khan followed the steps of the Mirza, and the amirs came after him, until they reached Sirhind. Here they became refractory, and would go no further. But Husain Khan was not content to remain. With the small force under his command, not exceeding 200 men in all, and with the two persons (above named), he marched rapidly from Sirhind to Ludhiyana. There he learnt that on the Mirza's approaching Lahore, the garrison had closed the gates against him. Upon this the Mirza went to Sher-garh and Jahni.

12.8

Husain Kuli Khan, who was besieging Nagarkot and the fort of Kangra, heard of these movements of the Mirza's; so he patched up a treaty with the Hindus. He received five mans of gold as tribute from the people of Nagarkot, and had the khutba read in His Majesty's name. He then marched away along with Mirza Yusuf Khan, Masnad-i 'Ali, Fattu (Katlu) the slave of 'Adali, Ism'ail Khan, Raja Birbal and other amirs, and proceeded in pursuit to Sankra. When Husain Khan heard of this movement, in that madness which a thousand times had got the better of his judgment, he swore an oath that he would not eat food until Husain Kuli joined him. Crossing the Biyah at the ford of Talwandi, he made a forced march to Sher-garh, one of the dependencies of Jahni. There he paid a visit to Shaikh Daud Kadiri Jahni-wal. When food was served, he excused himself from eating on account of his oath. The Shaikh observed that it was easy to atone for an oath, but silly to distress one's friends. The Khan instantly called for a slave, and having set him free, thus atoned for his oath. Then he partook of the food, and benefited by the gracious words which he heard. He remained there that night. The monastery of the Shaikh provided entertainment for all the party, and his fields furnished grass and corn for the horses.

12.9

Three days afterwards I came from Lahore to Sher-garh, and stayed there four days, seeing and hearing things which had never entered into my imagination. I was anxious to withdraw from the world, and to devote myself to the sweeping of the monastery. But the Shaikh would not allow me, and told me I must go to Hindustan. So I took my leave in a very forlorn and distressed state. * * * One stage from Talwandi, Husain Khan addressed a letter to Husain Kuli Khan, saying that he had come four hundred kos by forced marches, and begging for one day's delay, so that he might join him, and share in the victory to be won. Husain Kuli Khan said, "Very well," and sent the messenger back. On the same day he hastened on to the town of Tulamba, four kos from Multan, and attacked the Mirza, who was out hunting, and quite unaware of his approach. Some of the Mirza's men were preparing to march, and others had dispersed, and were not in condition to fight. Mas'ud Husain Mirza, younger brother of Mirza Ibrahim Husain, took the initiative, and attacked the forces of Husain Kuli Khan; but his horse stumbled and fell upon the broken ground, and he was taken prisoner. When Mirza Ibrahim Husain returned from hunting, all chance was gone; and although he fought well, and made several charges, he was unable to gain any success; so he turned his reins and fled.

12.10

The day after the victory Husain Khan arrived at Tulamba, with eighty or ninety men, and drums beating. Husain Kuli Khan showed him the battle-field, and told him of each man's exploits. Husain Khan then said, "As the enemy has escaped alive, you must pursue him and take him prisoner, for the business is not yet completed." Husain Kuli Khan replied that he had come from Nagarkot by forced marches, that his forces had suffered many hardships in that mountainous country, and were not in condition. A complete victory had been secured, and now there was an opportunity for other friends. Husain Khan now hoped that his turn was come, and that the hardships and the forced march of five hundred kos had opened a way for him, so he took his leave, and pressed forward. Some men, who were worn out with fatigue, he sent to Lahore with the elephants and drums. With a small party of men he took up the pursuit of the Mirza. There was but a short distance between him and the unfortunate Mirza, when one night the Mirza and about four hundred horsemen halted on the banks of the Biyah and Sutlej, where the rivers unite. The j'hils, who are a low class of Multan peasants, having collected together, made a night attack upon him, and assailed him with arrows. The Mirza, with a party of men, some wounded and some disabled, did what they could to beat off their assailants; but the j'hils came on successfully.

12.11

At length an arrow, guided by fate, struck the Mirza at the back of his head, and came out through his throat. Unable otherwise to help himself, he changed his clothes, and his men left him. They fled, sorely distressed, in every direction. But wherever they went, they were marks for the arrows of death, and met their fate. One or two old slaves of Mirza Ibrahim, having dressed him in the garments of a kalandar, were desirous of getting him out of the way of danger. His helplessness was so great that they took him for refuge to the dwelling of a darwesh named Shaikh Zakariya. Outwardly the Shaikh applied ointment to his wounds, but privately he sent information to Sa'id Khan at Multan. The Khan sent a slave named Daulat Khan to bring in the Mirza a prisoner. Sa'id Khan wrote a despatch, and sent it to the Emperor as he was coming to Ajmir on his return from Gujarat.

12.12

Husain Khan, when he heard of the capture of the Mirza, hastened to Multan, and saw Sa'id Khan. He made a difficulty about seeing the Mirza, and said: "If when I see him, I salute him, it will be inconsistent with my duty to the Emperor, and if I do not salute him, it will be uncourteous, and the Mirza will say to himself — 'See this uncircumcised fellow, who, when he received quarter at the siege of Satwas, made obeisances without end, and now that evil days are fallen upon me treats me cavalierly.'" The Mirza heard these ceremonious words of his, and said "Come and see me, and without obeisance, for I waive it." Notwithstanding he made his bow, and saw him. The Mirza, with an anxious look, said, "I had no intention of rebellion and disturbance. When the matter took a serious turn, I took my own course, and threw myself into a foreign country. But they would not allow me to stay there. If it was my fate that this defeat should fall upon me, would to God that I had received it at your hands, that it might have been the cause of the advancement of you, who are my co-religionist, and not from Husain Kuli Khan, who is alien in religion and sect!" Husain Khan then returned to Kant and Gola, and soon afterwards he heard that the Mirza had died in prison.

12.13

Husain Khan proceeded from Kant and Gola to Court. Husain Kuli Khan also came to Fathpur from the Panjab, bringing Mas'ud Husain Mirza, with his eyes fastened up, and a number of the Mirza's men as prisoners. They were nearly three hundred persons, and they were brought before the Emperor, with skins of asses, hogs, and dogs cast over them, some to be put to death with divers tortures, and some to be set at liberty. * * Sa'id Khan also sent the head of Mirza Ibrahim Husain from Multan, having had it cut off for the purpose after his death.]

13

[Text, vol. ii. p. 163.] [In this year (980) died Sulaimán Kirání, ruler of Bengal, who had assumed the title of Hazrat-i 'álá. He had conquered that mine of infidelity, the city of Katak and Banáras, and had made Jagannáth a home of Islám. His authority extended from Kámrú (Kámrúp) to Orissa. His son Báyazíd succeeded him; but in the course of five or six months, the Afgháns put him to death, and his brother Dáúd bin Sulaimán attained the sovereignty.]

14

[Text, vol. ii. p. 173.] About this time (Zí-l hijja, 981 A.H.), Shaikh Abú-l Fazl, son of Shaikh Mubárak Nágorí, the star of whose knowledge and wisdom was brilliant, came to Court, and received many marks of distinction.

15

[Text, vol. ii. p. 173.] In 981 fine spacious palaces were built on the road to Ajmír. His Majesty's devotion induced him every year to go on a pilgrimage to that city. So directions were given for building a palace at every stage between Agra and Ajmír, and for erecting a pillar and sinking a well at every kos. Some hundreds of thousands of stags' horns, which had been killed in the course of His Majesty's life, were placed upon the pillars as a memorial for the world. Would that, instead of these, gardens or saráís had been formed!

16

[Text, vol. ii. p. 174.] [Dáúd was now at Hájípur, and at the instance of Katlú Khán, governor of Jagannáth, he threw into prison his amiru-l umara Lodi, who had been ruler of Orissa, but who had since taken a hostile course, and had set himself up in opposition in the fort of Rohtas. He got Lodi into his power by holding out the bribe of an elephant. They tell the story that one day Daud went out hunting with a small escort, and that Lodi, with ten thousand horsemen of Sulaiman's, formed the design of putting down Daud. But Daud went back to the city, assembled his forces, and scattered Lodi's followers. By his crafty management, he got Lodi into his power, and appropriated all that he possessed. Lodi, knowing his death to be certain, did not withhold his advice from Daud. He said, "Although I know that you will be very sorry after my death, and that you will derive no benefit from it, still I will give you one counsel, which if you act upon you will prove victorious. My advice is, that you place no reliance upon that peace which I effected not long ago by means of two lacs of rupees. The Mughals will never let you alone for this trifling sum. Be beforehand with them, and make war with them immediately, for there is nothing like the first blow." Daud thought he had an evil design in what he said, and, proud of the hollow peace which he had made with Khan-khanan, but which was no better than a shadow, he put the devoted Lodi to death. Thus he struck his own foot with the axe, and at the same time uprooted the plant of his prosperity with the spade of calamity.

17

[Text, vol. ii. p. 176.] On Safar 23rd, a.h. 982, His Majesty arrived at Payag (Prayaga), which is commonly called Illahabas, where the waters of the Ganges and Jumna unite. The infidels consider this a holy place, and with the object of obtaining the rewards which are promised in their creed, of which transmigration is one of the most prominent features, they submit themselves to all kinds of tortures. Some place their brainless heads under saws, others split their deceitful tongues in two, others enter hell by casting themselves down into the deep river from the top of a high tree. Here His Majesty laid the foundations of an Imperial city, which he called Ilahabas.

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