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Muntakhab al-tawarikh 77: JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR PADSHAH.

Muntakhabu-t-tawārīkh (Ranking, Lowe, Haig) 77

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English

Contents

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR PADSHAH.

77.1.1

The Emperor of the time, the Khalif of the age, Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Akbar Padshah (may he ever be firmly seated on the throne of the Khalifate and the seat of clemency!) with the approval of Bairam Khan, the Khan Khanan, began to honour and adorn the throne of the Sultanate, under an auspicious star, on Friday the 2nd of the month Rabi‘ul-avval, in the year nine hundred and sixty-three (963) in the garden of Kalanor — which, to this day, they have not yet finished laying out. Then he sent messages of conciliation and courtesy to the Amirs of the frontier, so that the Khutbah was read also at Dihli. And they composed this hemistich, as giving the date: ‘More noble than all princes he.’ They composed also the following distich: — ‘Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Akbar, that prince of the age, At the date of [the death of] father said: Prince of the age am I.’ And another [mnemosynon] they found [for the date]: ‘The desire of fortune.’ Then the world began to blossom like a rose-garden, and pitiless Fate, binding up those wounds, said: — « “When Death removes a crown by force, At once another head is crowned ; When one old age completes its course, A younger rises from the ground.” »

77.1.2

(P. 9.) Before the decree for the accession went forth, Bairam Khan had by all the arts of finesse enjoined on Pir Muhammad Khan Shirwani, (who with an army had gone in pursuit of Sikandar in the Mountains of Sawalik, as far as the confines of the district of Dahmiri) not to allow the news of the death of the late Emperor to be spread abroad. Now Shah Abu-l-Ma‘ali, who was of noble Sayyid extraction, and of the country of Kashghar, in the symmetry of his limbs and the excellence of his valour was distinguished above all his compeers. To him the deceased Emperor had shown a special favour and a boundless condescension, so that he had honoured him by calling him his son. This man was a dullard. And in this place be it known concerning him that Bairam Khan had written an acrostic in twenty-four verses, of which the rhyme was 'azim and qadim, and the rhyming letter mim, in such a way, that the initial letter of the first hemistiches composed the words “ Hazrat Muhammad Humayun Padshah Ghazi” [“My Lord Muhammad Humayun Padshah Ghazi”] ; and the initial letters of the second hemistiches “ Shahzadah [prince] Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Akbar” ; and the final letters of the first hemistiches the words “ Mirza Shah Abu-l-Ma‘ali,” together with some epithet or other which I have forgotten ; and the sum of the twenty-four mims which closed the verses gave [24 x 40 =] 960 the date of the composition of the acrostic.

77.1.3

I have heard from trusty friends, that the last time the late Emperor honoured Qandahar with his presence, Shah Abu-l-Ma‘ali one evening, having drunk too much wine, slew in his bigotry a zealous Shi‘ah. When the heirs of the murdered man came to demand justice, and the Emperor sent for Shah Abu-l-Ma‘ali, he put on the dead man’s robe of black velvet lined with (P. 10) red and blue, and putting the hanger, burnished bright, the very same with which he had despatched him, under his skirt, swaggered drunken into the royal assembly, and denied the deed. Bairam Khan on the occasion quoted these lines: “ His dishevelled locks of hair To night-debauch confess ; Lo ! a blazing proof is there, The lamp beneath his dress.” The Emperor was exceedingly delighted; but the blood of that innocent one was hidden in the dust, and his murder was never proved. In short, when the royal Amirs summoned Abu-l-Ma‘ali to the assembly on the occasion of the Accession, he returned answer, that he had an excuse and could not come; the second time they sent the message, that the Council was sitting and waited his presence, again he made excuse and sent some message of empty compliments, which Bairam Khan, thinking it the best course to pursue, accepted. But, when he came afterwards, Bairam Khan gave the order to Tulak Khan Qurchi, a man of great bodily power, who at that moment appeared on the scene like a spider’s web [ready to catch a fly];

77.1.4

and, in accordance with a preconcerted plan, went unseen behind Abu-l-Ma‘ali and took him prisoner, and asked to be allowed to blot out his name from the tablet of existence. But the merciful Emperor disapproved of this design, and said that it would be a pity to shed the blood of a [possibly] innocent man on the very day of his Accession. So he sent him to Lahor. He escaped from that prison, and went to Kamal Khan the G’hakkar. Now at that time the government of that country was in the possession of Adam G’hakkar, uncle of Kamal Khan. The latter treated Abu-l-Ma‘ali with honour, and the two set off with an army with full preparations for the conquest of Kashmir. When he arrived at the frontier of Kashmir, a number of outlaws gathered round him. And, in the year 965, a party of the Chakks (which is a well-known tribe, and the dominant one in Kashmir) took him with them, with the intention of conquering Kashmir, and there he had a severe conflict with Ghazi Khan, the prince of the Chakks, and was defeated. After this Kamal Khan made an excuse for separating from him, so Abu-l-Ma‘ali disguised himself, and going to the district of Dibalpur, took refuge with a servant of Bahadur Khan who at that time held the government there. The man’s name was Tulak, and he had at one time been himself a servant of Shah [Abu-l-Ma‘ali]. So Tulak concealed him.

77.1.5

But it so happened that this Tulak had one night a quarrel with his wife, who being vexed with him, went in the morning to Bahadur Khan and told him that Tulak was concealing Abu-l-Ma‘ali in his house, and that they were plotting together against himself. Bahadur Khan, mounting his horse, had Shah Abu-l-Ma‘ali seized and sent him to Bairam Khan, and Tulak he ordered to be punished. Bairam Khan entrusted Shah to Wali Beg the Turkoman, and sent him off towards Bakkar [i. e., Mecca]. Wali Beg annoyed him very much by the way, and sent him towards Gujrat, that from thence he might go to Mekka. There he committed a murder, and fled and joined himself to ‘Ali Quli Khan. When Bairam Khan received information of this, he sent an order to ‘Ali Quli Khan that he should send him to Agra. At the time that, in accordance with this order, he arrived at Agra the power of Bairam Khan was already on the decline; Bairam Khan, then, with a view to dispelling the suspicions of the Emperor sent him for a time to the fortress of Biyana. And, when he professed a resolution of making a pilgrimage to Mekka, he again took him as the companion of his journey. But after a few days Abu-l-Ma‘ali separated from him also, and went to offer his adhesion to the Emperor. But, when of his extreme arrogance, he rode proudly up to him, this affair became the cause of his being imprisoned a second time, until he was sent to Mekka, as will be mentioned in its place.

77.1.6

It happened that, when, at the very time of the Accession, he fled from Lahor, Pahlawan Gul Guz his keeper committed suicide through fear of the Emperor's anger. After the settlement of the decree for the Accession the imperial armies were levied against Sikandar [who was] in the mountain district. Sikandar kept up the war for three whole months, but was at last defeated. At this time Raja Ramchand came from Nagarkot to pay his respects to Akbar, and had an interview with him. And the imperial standards on account of the rainy season, when they had arrived at Jalandhar, remained there five months.

77.1.7

Contemporaneously with the decease of the late king, and the Accession of the Emperor, Tardi Beg Khan commandant of Dihli had sent Mirza Abu-l-Qasim, the son of Kamran Mirza, with a number of royal Khans, and some picked elephants, in company with Khwaja Sultan ‘Ali Wazir Khan, and Mir Munshi Ashraf Khan, to pay their homage to the Emperor. In the same year Mirza Sulaiman came with Ibrahim Mirza with the intention of conquering Kabul, and Mun‘im Khan, being beseiged, sent particulars to the court. Then the Emperor appointed Muhammad Quli Khan Barlas, and Atka Khan, and Khizr Khan Hazarah with a company of men to bring the Queen Dowager and the other wives [of Humayun] who were in Kabul. Now before the arrival of this troop [at Kabul Mirza Sulaiman] had sent Qazi Nizam of Badakhshan (who was one of his most honoured Ulama and who afterwards was known simply by the title of Qazi Khan,) on an embassy to Mun‘im Khan to make proposals of peace, only on the condition that they should at once insert his name also in the Khutbah. Mun‘im Khan accepted the conditions, as being the best remedy for the general distress, and Mirza Sulaiman, being satisfied with this concession, returned to Badakhshan.

77.2.1

During the first days of the Accession ‘Ali Quli Khan, having received the title of Khan Zaman, led an army into the district of Sambhal against Shadi Khan the Afghan, who was one of the Amirs of ‘Adali.’ (P. 13.) And on the banks of the river Rahab he fought a severe battle against all Khān Zamān’s available force, which consisted of two or three thousand horse, and defeated him. Khān Zamān was making preparations to dislodge the enemy, when, in the mean-while, letters came from Dihli, Agra, and Atāwa, saying, that Hēmun Baqqāl with a murderous army, and elephants, and much wealth furnished by ‘Adali, having swept before him the Amirs from the frontiers of Hindustan, had arrived close to Dihli with the intention of offering battle. Then Iskandar Khan the Uzbek from Agra, and Qiyā Khān Kank from Atawa, and ‘Abdu-llah Khan the Uzbek from Kalpi, and Haidar Muhammad Khan from Biyana, and others from the frontiers, came to Dihli, and joined themselves to Tardi Beg Khan. But Khan Zaman, remaining on the same side of the river Jumna, was not able to form a junction with them. And Pir Muhammad Khan Shirwani, who had come from the imperial camp with a message to Tardi Beg Khan, went along with the victorious army.

77.2.2

Near to Toghlaq Ābād [the ancient fortress] in the environs of Dihli a sharp conflict occurred, and ‘Abd-ullah Khan the Uzbek, and La‘l Khan of Badakhshan, who were on the right wing, sweeping the hostile ranks before them, continued the pursuit as far as the towns of Houdal and Palwal, and took much spoil. But Hēmun, who with elephants huge as mountains had remained apart from the fray in the centre of the army, shouted out for Haji Khan who came up from the direction of Alwar, and then attacked Tardi Beg Khan, who had but a handful of men, and in a single charge swept him before him; but he turned back for fear of treachery, and did not pursue the Moghul. At the time of evening prayer, when the Amirs of the army returning from their pursuit [of the left wing of Hemun’s army] reached the camping-place, they, finding that Hemun himself had settled down there, having drawn out softly from the city of Dihli took immediately to flight. (P. 14.) But Hemun forbad his men to pursue them. And Khan Zaman by way of Mirat’h joined this army at Sirhind. The emperor when he heard this dreadful news appointed Khizr Khan Khwaja, the husband of Gulbadan Begum the emperor’s aunt, to meet Sikandar, and intending to extirpate Hemun he made his glorious entry into Sirhind. And there the scattered Amirs came to salute him. The Khan Khanan, who, although he was in disposition alienated from Tardi Beg Khan, still in spite of this used to call him “Toqan,” i.

77.2.3

e “Elder brother,” perceiving the cause of the defeat of that army to have been the treachery of Tardi Beg, and having succeeded in impressing this on the emperor’s mind by bringing Khan Zaman, and many others, as witnesses to substantiate his accusation, obtained a sort of permission to put him to death. So at the time of afternoon prayer he went to the house of Tardi Beg Khan, and taking him with him, brought him to his own abode into the tent, and afterwards at the time of evening prayer he rose up on the pretence of performing the ablutions, and gave to some men, who were held in readiness for the purpose, the signal to slay him. So they made an end of Tardi Beg Khan. And in the morning, when Khwaja Sultan ‘Ali and Mir Munshi did not come to the Diwan, he, suspecting them also of treachery, had them imprisoned together with Khanjar Beg, a relation of Tardi Beg Khan. But some time after they regained their liberty.

77.2.4

Then Hemun in Dehli gave himself the title of Bikramajit, who was a great Raja in Hindustan, from whom the people of Hind take their era, he lived 1600 odd years ago. When he had done his best there, to subvert the ordinances of Islam he came with 1500 elephants of war, and treasure without end or measure, and an immense army, to offer battle at Panipat. He sent on his artillery before him, (P. 15) and the opportunity presenting itself to a company of the great Amirs, such as Khan Zaman, Iskandar Khan and others, who were advancing as vanguard, they took it at Panipat after some fighting. And Hemun raising the hopes of the Amirs of the Afghans, whose leader was Shadi Khan Muswani, with a suitable augmentation and a gift of lands, opening the door of his treasuries, and giving great largesses, tried to console the army for the loss. But the Afghans, since they were sick of his usurpation, began to pray for his fall, and in impromptus kept saving things to this effect: “Welcome a vicissitude even against ourselves;” consequently without delay he started from Panipat mounted on an elephant called “Haway,” and came to the district of Kharaganda (where there is now a famous caravanserai), and on the morning of Friday the 10th of the sacred month Muharram 964 A. H., (which day is also called Rozi 'ashura) : — “To friends it is a blessed date, But unto foes unfortunate!” — fighting and slaughter began between the Amirs of the vanguard and the hosts of Hemun.

77.2.5

The Emperor and the Khan Khanan on that day were drawn up in three divisions, and kept sending help to one another until news of the victory were received. And Hemun, whose army was all dispirited, and who set all his hopes on the elephants, surrounded by his chiefs charged the imperial hosts, and threw both right and left wings into great confusion. Then, at last, through the efforts of the archers and the scimitar-strokes of some avenging veterans that breach was healed, and the wavering fortunes of the day were retrieved. Then Hemun, bringing up all his mountain-like elephants to bear upon one point, charged the centre where the Khan Zaman was stationed. But the soldiers of Islam received him with a shower of arrows, and Hemun in those circumstances, with his head bare, like one bitten by a mad dog, kept shouting his battle cry “give and take,” and (P. 16) also repeating a charm which he had learnt. Suddenly the arrow of death which no shield can ward off, struck his squinting eye so that his brain passed clean out from the cup of his head, and he became unconscious. The troops near him, who still held out, when they saw this take place, fled. The army of the people of Islam pursued, and a general carnage ensued: and Shadi Khan Muswani, who was in the van of the army, was slain. Shah Quli Khan Mahrum happened to meet with Hemun’s elephant, and the elephant-driver said to him, “Do not kill me! Hemun is riding upon my elephant.” So they brought him as he was to the camp.

77.2.6

And Shaikh Gada-i Kamboh and the others, said to the Emperor, “Since this is your Majesty’s first war against the infidels, you should flesh your sword in this unbeliever, for such an act would have great reward.” But the Emperor replied, “Why should I strike him now that he is already as good as dead? If sensation and activity were left in him I would do so.” Then the Khan Khanan was the first to strike his sword into him, as an act of religious warfare, and following his example, Gada-i Shaikh, and the others, deliberately made an end of him. Thus was fulfilled the saying, “What is the good of killing one who is going to be burnt?” And they found this mnemosynon for the date:— “If through treachery, deceit, and fraud great Dehli fell, By Fate’s decree, into the hand of Hindu Hemun; Muhammad Akbar, that Shah whose glory reached the sky, By help of God captured that black-faced Hindu Hemun. Creation’s scribe on lasting tablet with pen of power Wrote concerning that day: He seized Hindu Hemun.”

77.2.7

Nearly 1500 elephants, and treasure and stores, to such an amount that even fancy is powerless to imagine it, were taken as spoil. And Pir Muhammad Khan, and Husain Khan, (P. 17) a relation of Mahdi Qasim Khan, and many others, in consort with Sa'id Khan the Moghul, pursued the fugitives from Dihli, and passing from Alwar they came up to the wife of Hemun, who had with her elephants laden with gold. She herself gained the mountain and jungle ground in the district of Kuwa (?) and Bajwara, but left the gold behind, the greater part of which the rustics of the country of Bajwara seized; still the part which fell into the hands of the army of the Faithful was so great that they gave it away by shieldfuls, and “nizar-i-zarha” “scattering of gold pieces” was found to give the date (961). And on the road, which the Queen took, there had fallen such quantities of coins and ingots of gold, that for many a year travellers and passers-by used to find them. In this manner the treasures, which Sher Shah and Aslim Shah and ‘Adali had amassed through a course of years, were dissipated:—

77.3.1

“O mortal! eat, dress, scatter, give, For life must needs end in the grave: When one in other spheres doth live, It leeks not all that this world gave! O lay not up the hoarded gold, For many with excessive toil Have hoarded up, with greed untold, Wealth, which another seized as spoil.” When, the second day after victory, the Emperor came to Panipat, he had a minaret built of the heads of the slain. From Panipat, His Majesty came without delay to Dihli, and caused the Khutbah to be proclaimed once more from the pulpit; there he stayed one month, and illustrious Amirs were appointed as governors of Agra, Sambhal, and other towns. Then news came to Dihli, that on the confines of Chamyari, a place within 20 kuroh of Lahor, Khizr Khan had been defeated before Sikandar, and had arrived at Lahor. His Highness had scarcely departed for Jalandhar, when Sikandar had once more betaken himself to the mountains of Sawalik. Be it understood, that with reference to the occurrence of events I desire from this point to omit trifling occurrences, and to occupy myself solely with events of general importance, in fact, mounted on a single horse to give the reins to the steed of my pen upon this open race-course, and to finish succinctly the history of these 40 years, from the accession of Akbar; but success depends upon God! In this year Sikandar shut himself up in the fortress of Mankot, and the great Amirs day by day kept attacking him and pressing him sore.

77.3.2

And especially Muhammad Husayn Khan, a relation of Mahdi Qasim Khan, was so persevering in those attacks that if Rustam had been alive, he would certainly have acknowledged his merits. Moreover his brother Hasan Beg was killed:— “Upon the top of thy mountain Hasan was slain, Greater than of Karbala of thee is the bane.” And this perseverance, which was observed on the one side by the Emperor, and on the other by Sikandar, was the reason of the high estimation in which Husayn Khan was held, and raised him day by day to a higher rank, so that valuable lands were made over to him in fief, till at last he came into the government of Lahor, and in many places defeated the rebels. When eventually the siege turned out of long duration, and corn became dear among the garrison, and the Amirs of Sikandar one by one deserted him, and came to the imperial court, as for instance Sayyid Mahmud Barha, and others, he brought forward proposals of peace, and sent his son ‘Abd ur-Rahman, together with Ghazi Khan Sur, with a present of elephants to visit the Emperor, through the intervention of Atka Khan and Pir Muhammad Khan, on the 27th of Ramzan in the year 964, and surrendered the fort. Then Akbar issued his firman that Jounpur should be given temporarily to Sikandar in fief, and that as soon as the Khan Zaman should deliver the country before him [i. e. Bengal] out of the hands of the Afghans, he should (P. 19) take his place. So Sikandar skirting the mountains came to Jounpur.

77.3.3

And when the Khan Zaman received possession of Jounpur, Sikandar on the authority of a firman asked for the district of Gour that he might bring it under his command. There all sorts of accidents befel him, and after some time through the game of Fortune such a position of the pieces came about that he even attached himself again to his old friends, and fickle Fate folded for him the carpet of gladness: “Fate’s chequered board is not ever kind, Nor can seed of joy be always sown, These possessions must be all resigned, Except mere dregs of joys which once were known.”

77.3.4

It may here be mentioned that during the siege Muhammad Quli Khan Barlas, and Atka Khan, and the other Amirs brought the Balqis of her day, the Queen Dowager and other ladies veiled with the veil of chastity, from Kabul to the camp. And on the 2nd of Shavval in the year nine hundred and sixty-four (964) the imperial army moved towards Lahor. And during this march ill-feeling arose on the part of the Khan Khanan against Atka Khan on account of one of the Emperor’s elephants having run into the Khan Khanan’s tent; but Atka Khan came to Lahor, and bringing all his sons with him to the Khan Khanan’s tent, took an oath on the Glorious Word [that the affair was a mere accident], so all suspicion was removed. In this year, through the intervention of Mulla ‘Abdullah Sultanpuri, Sultan Adam G’hakkar hastened to the Court to give in his adherence. And between the Khan Khanan and him a bond of brotherly love was formed, and in the presence of the Emperor himself a quarrel which had existed between Kamal Khan and his brother’s son ended in a settlement. Then Sultan Adam returned to his usual place of abode loaded with honours and presents.

77.3.5

After the passing away of the rainy season the imperial royal army marched towards Dihli. And while camping at Jalandhar the nuptial bond was tied between the Khan Khanan and Her Highness Salimah Sultan Begam, daughter of Mirza Nur-ud-din Muhammad, and sister’s daughter to the deceased Emperor, when a great feast was prepared, and gifts and largesses were distributed. And on the 25th of the month Jamada II in the year 965 the royal cavalcade alighted at Dihli. And in those days the Khan Khanan used to come two days a week to the court of judicature, and in conjunction with the nobles, used to settle the important affairs of the kingdom. Now, among the incidents which happened at that time, was the story of the affection of the Khan Zaman for Shahim Beg. In brief it is as follows: In attendance on the late Emperor were two men of good looks, good disposition, and approved manners, belonging to the corps of the Qurchis, the one Khushhal Beg, and the other Shahim Beg son of the Sarbanbashi of Shah Tahmasp [of Persia]. Both of them were preeminent for beauty of disposition and appearance, the beau ideal of the age, and paragons in the practice of valour. Now the Khān Zaman, before his appointment to proceed towards Sambhal, cast secretly a glance at Shāhim Beg, and his extempore poem on the subject is as follows: —

77.3.6

“Of men and things there is no mark upon the board of life, To me, love’s pupil, naught but love for thee doth life impart. Who else, as I for love of thee, lives such a weary life, Grief’s my friend, blood’s my drink, pain’s my sweetmeat, my food’s my heart.” Now, when after the decease of the late Emperor he became an attendant on his present Majesty, he remained faithful to Shahim Beg, who was one of the Qurchis of the palace; and from the district of Lak’hnou he sent persons secretly to Dihli, to fetch Shāhim Beg from thence to join him. So the Khan Zaman, following the manners of Transoxiana, manifested wonderful affection for Shahim Beg, and called him “my king,” and gave himself up entirely to humouring him, and many times waited on him like an ordinary servant, and remained, while serving him, standing in his presence, and the like. Now I have heard from Mir Abu-l-Ghays Bokhari of Dihli (the mercy of God be upon him!), whose disciple Shahim Beg had after a manner been, that at the time when Shahim Beg came from the imperial camp to Jounpur, agreeably with the age of youth, which “has just left the Presence of My Lord,” was much occupied in prayer with the congregation, and in thanksgiving and reading the Qorān, and private prayer, and continual sanctity, and never turned his eye to unlawful things. And the Khan Zaman, through imitation of him, became adorned with scrupulous regard for the Law, and the practice of holiness.

77.3.7

And, to please Shahim Beg, he deputed officers to go into his own camp that, enforcing the observance of things commanded by the Law, and preventing the committal of such things as are forbidden, they might abolish all wanton and forbidden practices. And Mir Sayyid Muhammad Makki, (who understood the seven manners of reading the Glorious Word, and with whom the writer of these pages had learnt to read the Qoran at Sambhal in the time of Islim Shah), he retained with orders to instruct Shahim Beg with extreme and boundless care. But, since the asceticism of youths is of unstable equilibrium, this piety was in a short time changed to the opposite : — “ Long time on my patience I myself did pride, In practice of patience I displayed myself. Love entered in, how could patience then abide ! Then thanks be to God ! that I have proved myself.” Shahim Beg became attached to a dancing-girl named Aram Jan, who was very fascinating, and graceful in her movements ; apropos of which :

77.4.1

“No one can force th’ affections of the heart, Nor count on winning or by grace or art : Many of beauteous form, and glances sweet, Pour forth their heart-blood at the loved one’s feet : Many a one of fairest cheek, and mild, Has been despised by him on whom she smiled.”

77.4.2

Shahim Beg could not rest till he had gained her, and although the Khan Zaman possessed this girl in lawful marriage, he gave her up to him. He was perfectly happy with her for some days, and then he gave her up, and made her over to ‘Abd-ur Rahman bin Mu’ayyid Beg, who had a desperate fondness for her. When news of the Khan Zaman [’s misconduct] came to the court, the Emperor’s wrath knew no bounds, and an order went forth from Agra and Dihli to Jounpur addressed to the Khan Zaman to seek Shahim Beg, and another was issued to the fief-holders of that district, to the effect that, if the Khan Zaman should be dilatory in this matter, an Aghrugh, i. e., a meeting, should sit upon him, and bring him to punishment. Then the Khan Zaman sent a confidential servant of his, Barj ‘Ali by name, to the court to gloss over those faults of his, and to retrieve his shattered fortunes. He was first of all to repair to the dwelling of Pir Muhammad Khan, (P. 23) who was the Khan Zaman’s plenipotentiary, and whose abode was upon a tower, and to deliver his message. It may be that harsh language was contained in the letter, for Pir Muhammad Khan threw him down from the top of the tower, so that he was dashed to pieces. Pir Muhammad Khan with hardness of heart laughingly said, ‘ This little fellow has become a victim to his name.’ When the Khan Zaman heard this news he set his heart on getting rid of Shahim Beg, and extemporised the following : —

77.4.3

“ When Union turns away, and leaves the country, The [cold] wind of absence knows no bounds. My breast is burning with desire for Union, [But] my place of resort is the shop of the stitcher of fur.” And so, in accordance with the exigencies of the moment, he gave him leave to retire to the district of Sarharpur, (which is about 18 cosses from Jounpur, and was fixed the fief of ‘Abd-ur-Rahman Beg) that he might occupy himself there for a time in the pleasures of the chase, and return as soon as the wrath of the Emperor should be abated. So Shahim Beg, in company with ‘Abd-ur-Rahman Beg, spent his time at that town, where there was an artificial lake of pure water, and a most pleasant garden, and a beautiful building in the middle of the lake, (and a most delightful and tranquil spot it is !) ; until on a certain day they had a wine-party and became exceedingly elevated, when — in accordance with the following : “ Singing and love and constant drinking Are all three things which to madness tend ; When wine and love their arms are linking, God be our refuge ! for bad’s the end” — he asked ‘Abd-ur-Rahman Beg for A'ram Jan.

77.4.4

He brought forward the excuse that he was married to her, and so Shahim Beg became enraged with him, and all that friendship in a moment ended in hatred “ Many have I observed, through the freaks of fickle Fate, Turned from hate to friendship, or again, from love to hate,” and through pride and drunkenness of wine and youth he gave his orders, and had ‘Abd-ur-Rahmân seized; and, on the ground that Arâm Jân had first been his, he demanded her from the house of ‘Abd-ur-Rahmân, and kept her with him. But Muayyid Beg, the younger brother of ‘Abd-ur-Rahmân Beg, from a strong feeling of his brother’s wrongs, assembled a body of men, and attacked the balcony, where Shâhim Bêg and Arâm Jân were together. Shâhim Bêg rose to drive them back, and a fray ensued, in which insane affair an arrow reached a mortal part of Shâhim Bêg, and he died. The following hemistich they composed as giving the date: — “He cried ah! and said: Shâhim is become a martyr.” Be it observed that, when the numerical value of “ah” is subtracted from that of “Shâhim Shahîd shud” we get 963, the date. But, it is a disputed point, whether that fatal accident befel Shâhim Bêg in this year, or the year before; probably the latter: but God knows. Then ‘Abd-ur-Rahmân fled to the court, where he was favourably received.

77.4.5

The Khân Zamân bade put on mourning and pursued ‘Abd-ur-Rahmân Bêg to the water of the Ganges, but being unsuccessful he returned disconsolate [to Jounpur] with weeping eye and parched heart: — “In grief the Sun dropped blood at dawn, Moon tore its face, Zohrah its tress, Night put on mourning black, and Morn Raised a cold sigh, and rent its dress.” During these few years the Khân Zamân with a small force had several brilliant engagements with the numerous forces of the Afghans, and obtained the victory over them. The history of this gems of battles forms a model page in the annals (p 25) of the time. Amongst them is the battle of Lak’hnou, in which Hasan Khán Bachgoti brought 20,000 men against the Khán Zamán, who had not assembled more than 3,000 or 4,000. Up to the moment when the enemy crossed the river Karwi and attacked Bahádur Khán, the Khan Zaman himself was engaged in taking a meal. When news was brought that the enemy was advancing to the attack, he called for a chess-board and kept playing at his ease. When he was told that the foreign troops had driven back his own men, he then at last called for his arms, and put them on. And, while the enemy was plundering his tents, and his whole army was in confusion, he ordered Bahadur Khan to retire; then he, with a handful of men, with drums beating, fell upon the enemy, repulsed them, and pursued them to a distance of seven or eight cosses. The slain he piled up in heaps, and then returned victorious.

77.4.6

So, also, at Jounpur he fought with the Bengali, who called himself Sultan Bahadur, and had issued coin, and caused the Khutbah to be read in his name in Bengal. This man advanced upon Jounpur with between 30,000 and 40,000 horse, and the followers of the Khan Zaman were completely routed. When the Khan Zaman rose from table, the enemy found the cloth spread just as it was, and began to plunder. But afterwards the Khan Zaman with a small body of men brought destruction on the fortune of the Afghans, slaying many and taking many prisoners; and such an amount of booty did he take, that his army was completely set up in stores. And, in truth, such was his kingly good fortune, that he, and his brother with his own troop, obtained such a series of victories on the eastern side of Hindustan, as has fallen to the lot of but few. And, had they not shown the stain of rebellion upon the forehead of loyalty, these two brothers would have been on the path to a royal distinction. But, in the end, they sank all that perseverance and energy in the dust of (P. 26) degradation :— “For fifty years one may maintain a name, But one base act will cover it with shame.” And the rest of their acts will be mentioned in the years before us, if God, He is exalted, will it. And in this year the Khān Khānān brought to punishment Muṣāḥib Bēg, the son of Khwājah Kalān Bēg, a man who was not free from evil qualities, and inward vice.

77.4.7

And on the 17th of the sacred month of Muḥarram in the year 965, which coincides with the 3rd year from the Accession, the royal train adorned the city of Āgra. And in this year took place the appointment, removal, rise, and fall of Pīr Muḥammad Khān: and this is how it came about. Pīr Muḥammad Khān from being a Mullā had become an Amīr, and had been advanced to such a degree, that he became closer and opener of every important affair of state, and finance, as vicegerent of the Khān Khānān. All the Pillars of the State used to go to his house, and but few obtained admittance. His opulence had reached to such a pitch that one day, in the course of going from Dihlī to Āgra, when the Khān Khānān went on an hunting expedition with Pīr Muḥammad Khān, the Khān Khānān asked his private purveyors: “Is there no provision in store, for we are hungry?” and Pīr Muḥammad Khān on the spur of the moment said: “If you will be pleased to alight, whatever may happen to be at hand shall be served.” So the Khān Khānān with his suit alighted under a tree, and 3000 drinking cups, and 700 porcelain dishes of various colours were brought out from the travelling-stores of Pīr Muḥammad Khān. Though the Khān Khānān was astonished, he let no sign of his astonishment escape him, but great jealousy found its way into his heart— “Perhaps in this place you may chance to fail to see, How many envious foes, and jealous friends there be.”

77.5.1

When they arrived at Agra, Pir Muhammad Khan was indisposed for some days, and the Khan Khanan came to visit him. One of the servants, who was in the habit of keeping off people, both great and small, came to stop him, and said : “ Be pleased to wait until your request has been made known, when you have made application you may come in on this the astonishment of the Khan Khanan knew no bounds, and he said : — “ For a wilful fool there is no cure !” When this came to the ears of Pir Muhammad Khan, ill as he was, he came running, and “ after the destruction of Bozrah” begged forgiveness, saying : “ Forgive me, for my Porter did not know you.” The Khan Khanan answered : “ Nor you either !” In spite of this, when the Khan Khanan came in, not one of Pir Muhammad’s household was dismissed except Tahir Muhammad Sultan his chamberlain, who had obtained that position with great difficulty. Praise be to God ! for if the fortunes of that man be such what shall I say of myself ! — “ O go not to the Sultan’s Court, For there indeed thou ’lt profit naught. Let the gruff Porter’s stern rebuff For wisdom’s warning be enough.” And the Khan Khanan, after he had sat down for a moment, came out again, and Pir Muhammad was left to meditate upon the affair.

77.5.2

After two or three days the Khan Khanan sent to Pir Muhammad Khan the following message, by the hand of Khwajah Amina (who afterwards became Khwajah Jahan), and of Mir ‘Abd-ullah Bakhshi, and a number of courtiers : “ You will remember that you came to Qandahar in the position of an unfortunate student, and that when we found that you possessed ability and the quality of fidelity, and when also some worthy services had been performed by you, we raised you, a mere student and beggar, from the lowest step among the degraded, to the highest grade among the exalted in Sultanship and Khanship, and to the post of an Amir of Amirs; but, since the carrying of a high position is not in your capacity, nothing but a suspicion of rebelliousness and baseness remains in you. So we will take away from you for a time the insignia of your pride, that your base disposition and inflated brain may come to their senses. Now it is right that you should surrender the standard, and kettle-drum, and paraphernalia of pomp.” So Pir Muhammad Khan, in accordance with this command, surrendered on the spot to some of the Khan’s people those accessories of conceit (which have carried a host of ignorant men off their balance, and do so still, and have driven, and still do drive them, from the path of manliness and generosity, and have made, and still make, them associates of the Ghuls of the desert), and became the same Mulla Pir Muhammad that he was before; nay he became poorer still:—

77.5.3

“Whatever the rolling heaven gives is but a loan, In a mill the white is but contingent to the stone.” Soon after this they sent the Mulla to the fortress of Biyanah, and there he was confined. And from this place he wrote numberless pamphlets on the subject of proof by tamanu', which is that made use of in the verse of the Qoran [XXI, 22]: “If there were in them gods beside God, verily both heaven and earth would come to ruin,” and is a well known method of argument among logicians: and others besides addressed to the Khan Khanan, and thus made endeavours at reconciliation, and liberating himself; but all was in vain:— “ The heart’s a glass, if broken, how repair the ill ! It is no earthen cup to be cracked and patched at will. After some days they sent him from Biyanah by order of the Khan Khanan, on a pilgrimage to the sacred Mekka : and he was still in Gujrat, when the decline of the Khan Khanan’s power began. Then he returned, and came to pay his homage to the Emperor, and having obtained the name of Nasir-ul-mulk, he was appointed to go in pursuit of the Khan Khanan, as shall be recorded in its proper place if God (He is exalted!) will. (P. 29) And the office of vicegerent of the Khan Khanan was transferred from Pir Muhammad Khan to Haji Muhammad Khan Sistani, who was also one of the Khan’s followers. And the following line is applicable to this occurrence ; — “ The dog sits down in the sausage-seller’s place.”

77.5.4

And Shaikh Gada-i Kamboh, son of Jamal Kambo-i (a poet of Dihli, who after the second defeat in India during the time of the exile at Gujrat had come to the Khan Khanan) through the influence of the latter, they put over the heads of all the magnates of Hindustan and Khurasan, and appointed him to the high office of Çadr. And the Khan Khanan, nay even the Emperor himself, was often present at his house at singing parties, where the most abject flattery rained down on all sides, and which became a regular hypocrisy-shop. And, — since, from the time of the establishment of Islam in Hindustan, God (praise to Him, and glorious is His Majesty!) has created the great Shaikhs of this country, just the opposite in nature to the secular princes, viz., always peasantnatured, servile in disposition, and low-minded, and since their pomp and glory has never consisted in smiting with the sword, but in flattering others, in spiritual hypocrisy, and ignominy, and the garb of dignity and honour has ever been too strait for the stature of their ambition — the chief Imams, at this exaltation of Shaikh Gada-i, about the eminence of whose family they had stories, went mourning from house to house, and so the Arabic Proverb “ The death of the great has exalted me” became verified : — “ At my rival’s insolence I’m mightily surprised, O may that beggar Gada-i ne’er be highly prized.”

77.5.5

And he drew the pen of obliteration through the grants of land and pensions of the old servants of the crown [Afghans, Blochm.], and to every one who bore the disgrace of coming to his levees he gave a sayurghal, but not unless. But still, compared with this [niggard] age, in which demurs are made to the giving of a single acre of land (P. 30), or even less, as madad i ma‘ash, one might call Shaikh Gada-i a very “world-giver.” Then the princes and nobles of the kingdom, as many as came, flew into a rage at the advancement, honour, and unseasonable exaltation of Shaikh Gada-i, and some of them consoled themselves with these words : — When a fool is exalted through riches, In the assembly, above the wise and excellent, He is still the last in all good qualities, As though the accusative were to prevent the nominative. If an Emperor sit humbled, It is neither disgrace to him, nor praise to you. Dost thou not see that the Sura Ikhlas Comes after “ May the hands of Abu Lahab perish ?” And my Sayyid Ni'mat-i Rusuli, who has been mentioned, repeated the distich, and made it well known in mosques and monasteries. And in the mosque, and in Shaikh Gada-i’s own tribunal they wrote up his disgraceful deeds, until he came to read them and had them erased. Still it was no good: and this is one of the lampoons: “Mention not Gada-i’s name, eat not his bread Since beggary is bad, Gada-i’s face is black.”

77.5.6

And some instances of his insincerity, and stupidity, and evil goings-on with respect to the servants of the Emperor were exposed, which will be mentioned in their proper place. And in these days the king studied under that paragon of greatness Mir ‘Abd-ul-Latif, who is one of the great Sayfi-Sayyids of Qazwin, and who came from the country of ‘Iraq to India in the year 963, and with him he began reading the Diwan of “mystic language.” And ‘Abd-ul-Latif’s able son (an Amir endowed with excellent qualities, and commendable dispositions, in whom is reflected the truth of the Arabic proverb: “A well-bred son takes after his noble parents,” whose name is Mir Ghiyas-ud-din, and surname Naqib Khan, a very miracle of knowledge in manners and customs, chronology, biography, and all subjects of conversation, one of the wonders of the day, and a blessing of the blessings of the age, a second Preserved Tablet, and who bears to myself, the writer of these pages, the relation of co-temporary, fellow-student (P. 31) and co-religionist, is at present in attendance on His Majesty, giving all his attention to reading history, and all books of verse and prose, both day and night. And in the year 966 the capture of the fort of Gwalyar took place. A ghulam of ‘Adali, Buhail Khan by name, who was beseiged therein, sued for quarter and gave up the keys.

77.5.7

The date will be found contained in the words Fath-i bab-i kil‘ah-e Gwaliar, “The opening of the gate of the fortress of Gwalyar.” And in this same year Sangram Khan, also a ghulam of [the late] ‘Adali, sold the fortress of Rantambhor into the hand of Rai Surjan Hada. The facts of the case are as follows. Before the Emperor made the city of Agra the goal of his prosperous journey, he had appointed some of the Amirs, such as Hindu Beg Moghul, &c., to reduce the fort of Rantambhor. They beseiged Sangram Khan and ravaged the environs of the fortress, and the surrounding district, but were unsuccessful in their main object. But when Biyanah was given as a fief to Habib ‘Ali Khan, one of the followers of the Khan Khanan, and Basawar, and Todah Turk ‘Ali, which is better known as Todah Bhyun, were given to Chaghatai Khan, then Habib ‘Ali Khan was honoured with the command of the army, and, superseding the Amirs of the surrounding district, was appointed to undertake the seige. When he had beseiged the place for the space of one year, and reduced the garrison to great straits, Sangram Khan made proposals of peace, and sending a messenger of entreaty with a view to acting upon the Khan’s feelings, asked for special conditions for his own personal advantage. The Khans chose my father, and that pilgrim to the two sacred precincts, Haji Bhikan Basawari, and sent them to arrange this important matter.

77.5.8

After much altercation Sangram Khan agreed to surrender the fortress on certain conditions, among which was one that he should receive part-compensation in the shape of ready-money, goods, and the most valuable of the furniture (P. 32) of his own house. But when the Amirs, since they had not the money to pay down, practised delay and procrastination in the matter, and moreover there was some idea of after all taking the fortress by assault, then Sangram Khan gave up the fortress to Rai Surjan, and got all he wanted from him: and this unfortunate army after so many years of effort got no thanks. Then Sangram Khan in company with Hajji Khan Alwari went to Gujrat. And Rai Surjan strengthened the fort with the stores of provisions and arms. Thus by means of riches and address he became master of some also of the pargannas in the vicinity of the fortress. Then Habib ‘Ali Khan and the Amirs, after spending some time in ravaging the country, separated and returned to their fiefs.

77.6.1

In this year Jamal Khan, a ghulam of [the late] ‘Adali, who had become possessed of Chunar, sent a representative to court, to intimate that if they could send a man fitted to be trusted with the affair he would surrender to him the fortress, on which the Khan Khanan sent back, in company with Jamal Khan’s representative, Mihr ‘Ali Beg Silduz, (who afterwards attained the rank of Khan, and was made governor of the fortress of Chitor), with a farman containing friendly terms. And in those days I left home and, going from Basawar to Agra with the intention of pursuing my studies, made acquaintance with Mihr ‘Ali Beg, and remained at his house. And he greatly importuned my late teacher Shaikh Mubarak of Nagor (the mercy of God be upon him!), and my deceased father Shaikh Mulukshah (may he rest in peace!), to allow me to be his travelling companion, and carried the matter to such a pitch that he declared that he would lay aside the business of his journey, if I could not go with him. And both of these valued persons, whom I have named, in their generous friendship towards me, thinking it best for me to go, would take no refusal. So I, to gratify my teacher, although it was the height of the rainy season, and I was an inexperienced traveller, abandoning my studies, mounted the dangers of the journey. And passing through Kanouj, Lak’hnou, (P.

77.6.2

33), Jounpur, and Benares, having seen the wonders of the world, and having been in the company of some of the great Shaikhs and Doctors of that part of the country, after crossing the river Ganges I came to Chunar in a month Zi-l-qa‘dah in the year nine hundred and sixty-six (966). Jamal Khan sent some of his people to meet Mihr ‘Ali, and bring him to his house. There he received him with fitting hospitality and shewed him the palaces of Sher Shah and Salim Shah, and all the defensive munitions of the fort. But when the farman of conciliation, containing a grant of five pargannas in the neighbourhood of Jounpur in exchange for the fortress of Chunar, was read, Jamal Khan showed that he had further expectations, and proposing the most impossible terms endeavoured to detain Mihr ‘Ali in inactivity until an answer to his representation should arrive from the court. Meanwhile he artfully held communication both with Khan Zaman and Fath Khan Afghan Tabni (?) who with all his force was at the fortress of Rohtas, holding out to them separately promises of the fortress. Then Mihr ‘Ali, when he became aware of the treachery and perfidy of Jamal Khan, and when also a suspicion as to Fath Khan’s fidelity found way into his mind, fearing lest they should league together for his injury, left the fort unattended, on the pretext of taking exercise. So leaving me in the fortress, he crossed the Ganges in the greatest perturbation.

77.6.3

Then insinuating myself into Jamal Khan’s good graces, and promising him to bring back Mihr ‘Ali, and restore peace and quiet, in the evening I got into a boat with the intention of crossing the river. It happened that my boat fell into a terrible whirlpool at the foot of the hill which adjoins the wall of the fortress, and a dreadful hurricane arose, which made the boat shake in every timber, and if the mercy of the Creator of land and sea had not been my shelter, the bark of my (P. 34) hope in that whirlpool of calamity would have been dashed to atoms on the hill to death:— “I came into a sea whose waves were man-devouring, No boat in that sea, no sailor, it is wonderful!” And in the jungle at the foot of the Chunâr hill I came to the dwelling and abode of Shaikh Muhammad Ghous, one of the great Shaikhs of India, and a man of prayer. One of his followers met me, and showed me a cave where the Shaikh had lived for twelve years as a hermit, subsisting on the leaves, and fruit of the desert trees. So celebrated had he become for the fulfilment of his blessings, that even powerful and absolute monarchs used to bow the head of sincerity and courtesy in his honour. After that Mihr ‘Alî returned to Agra, Fatū a ghulām of ‘Adalī got into his possession the fortress of Chunār.

77.6.4

In 966 A. H. the aforenamed Shaikh with disciples and followers arrived with state and pomp at Agra, coming from Gujrāt. The Emperor received him with frank confidence. But his arrival was displeasing to Shaikh Gadā-ī who on account of jealousy, hypocrisy, and envy (which to the saints of Hindūstān, in their feelings towards one another, are the very necessaries of life), looked on his arrival as a case of opening a shop in the story above his own shop:— “The truth of this proverb wisdom will see, That, ‘Two of a trade can never agree.’”

77.6.5

And the Khān Khānān, on account of the influence which Shaikh Gadā-ī exercised over his mind, did not receive Shaikh Muhammad in such a friendly manner as he ought to have done. On the contrary he held many preconcerted conversaziones, in which he brought forward the Shaikh to be a butt for the arrows of contumely, by bringing on the tapis a treatise of his, in which, describing the circumstances of his own exaltation, he says that in his waking moments he had had an interview and conversation with the Lord of Glory (glorious is His Majesty!), who assigned to him a superiority over the Repository of Prophecy, (may (P. 35) God bless him, and his family, and give him peace !), and which contained other such follies equally contemptible and reprehensible both in thought and expression. So the Shaikh much chagrined retired to Gwalyar, and occupied himself in the pursuits of his holy calling, contenting himself with a jagir which yielded a million sterling !

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