Storia do Mogor 211: NOTE ON THE DUTCH EMBASSY TO THE MOGUL IN 1688.
Storia do Mogor (Irvine) 211
- Language
- English
Contents
- 211.1 — 7 parts
- 211.2 — 3 parts
- 211.3 — 7 parts
- 211.4 — 7 parts
- 211.5 — 9 parts
- 211.6 — 7 parts
- 211.7 — 8 parts
NOTE ON THE DUTCH EMBASSY TO THE MOGUL IN 1688.
211.1.1
N. Manucci is wrong in the name of the envoy; it should be Bacherus, and not Bald. The only Balde or Baldaeus known is Philip Baldaeus, a Dutch chaplain, who died in 1672, the year his book appeared, being a description of the island of Ceylon, of Malabar, and Choromandel. There is abundant evidence of the mission of Johannes Bacherus in 1688. Let us take first the English records. Porto Novo reports to Fort St. George on November 27, 1687 (Factory Records, No. 30), that the Dutch are keeping high festival for four days on account of a qaul (written order) freeing them from customs duty for four years, and thenceforth to pay only half duties throughout the Gulkandah kingdom. We must remember that Gulkandah had just been absorbed into the Mogul empire. Fort St. George rejoins, December 9, 1687, that it understands not the festival, as the Dutch were already free of customs in Gulkandah; there must be something else behind. On January 17, 1688 (letter to Surat), the English say they heard that the Mogul had ordered the Dutch to send up an ambassador, and was demanding sums of money for the confirmation of their former privileges. Again, on September 13, 1688, they write that the Dutch Commissary-General (? Van Reede) at Pulicat (close to Madras) was preparing a great ' Pishkas ' for the Mogul, said to be worth 40,000 pagodas — elephants, horses, palkis, plate, jewels, etc. ' Heer John Vakeerus ' (Bacherus), the second in council, was to deliver it.
211.1.2
Daniel Chardin, brother of the traveller, wrote from Bhagnagar (Haidarabad) on February 11-21, 1687-8, saying that the Mogul had gone on to Bijapur, and that the Dutch had interviewed Ruhullah Khan, the new governor. D. Chardin on February 22 wrote again that the Dutch had not obtained their farman. On August 28, 1688, the Fort St. George authorities again speak of Hendrik van Reede, Dutch Commissary-General, proposing to send Johannes Bacherus to the Mogul from Pulicat with a very large present. It was said the Dutch were trying to get the English excluded from the Mogul's dominions by offering a payment of 8 lakhs of rupees a year. In a letter to the Court of Directors (Original Correspondence 5658) of January, 1689, it is stated that the Dutch envoy had started. On July 12 and 20, 1689, they speak of the ' late ' embassy, and assert that it met with no success, their ' present ' being plundered by the Mahrattahs. Pulicat Fort, held by the Dutch, was to be reduced to a mere factory (Fort St. George to Court, February 1, 1690, Original Correspondence No. 5698).
211.1.3
Thus far from the India Office records ; we will now turn to the Dutch records at the Hague. The instructions, forty-three pages in extent, were issued by Hendrik van Reede to Johannes Bacherus from Pulicat on September 22, 1688. Bacherus is described as the second on the Commission, then on a visit to the northern factories of Coromandel. On December 24, 1688, the envoy started from Masulipatam, and on January 26, 1689, van Reede reports to the Seventeen at Middleburg to that effect. We have a letter from the wazir, Asad Khan, of the 7th Zu,l Hijjah (September 20, 1689), the wdqi'ah entry in the Court official diary, 10th Zu,l Hijjah (September 23), and a second letter from Asad Khan of the 26th Zu,l Hijjah (October 9) ; then comes the farman, dated the 12th Muharram of the thirty-third year — i.e., 1101 H. (October 24, 1689). There is the subsidiary order or Hasb-nl-hukm of the wazir, 27th Muharram, 1101 H. (November 8, 1689), another order of November 11, and the diwan's (Bisharat Khan's) vise or executive order of the same date. The provisions of the farman are as follows : After reciting the petition of the envoy for a confirmation of the grant and privileges accorded in writing by 'Abdullah and Abu,l Hasan, the former rulers of Gulkandah, a renewed grant is made in the following detail. A gift is made of five villages, three at Pulicat (Ergam, Mansiewarom, Awieriwaka) and two at Masulipatam (Pallicol, Contera).
211.1.4
At Pulicat the following concessions are made in respect to the Dutch share in customs and their right to coin. On goods over a candy in weight, liable to 4 1/8 pagodas of duty, the county officials are to take 2 1/4, and the Dutch Company 1 7/8 pagodas; but goods liable to less than that amount, according to the Mutasaddis' (native officials') weights, shall be divided, half to the emperor and half to the Dutch. At Eragam and Mansiewarom the division was to be : Customs of 4 1/8 pagodas and over to pay three-fourths to the Mogul, one-fourth to the Dutch. Customs of 4 pagodas to pay 1 1/2 pagodas to Dutch. Customs of less than 4 pagodas to pay half to Mogul, half to Dutch. On cloth brought in from villages, when the bale contains 20 pieces of 72 cobidos (cubits) each, 3 1/8 pagodas are to be paid, the king taking half and the Dutch half. If the goods are afterwards sold, the same tax shall be paid and divided as before. If goods so bought are liable to over 4 pagodas, the division shall be three-fourths to the king and one-fourth to the Dutch. Ground-rents on inhabited land to be equally divided. All dues on goods brought in ships from abroad to be equally divided. When the Dutch bring their own money to be coined, the mint tax, which is 1/2 per cent., shall be equally divided ; if the money is not theirs, the Dutch will only receive one-third of the dues.
211.1.5
Masulipatam. — The Dutch Company are freed from certain dues : (1) Cabaratn, a sort of ground-rent ; (2) Baatpoelerij, an imposition on exported goods ; and (3) Molliwidaal, road dues. Formerly, on every two ox-loads to Haidarabad the freight was 4 pagodas (2 of which went to the governor) ; now 5 are demanded. A return to the old rate is asked. The emperor ordered that the Company must make the best terms it could with the carriers, but the governor's 2 pagodas were remitted. Fort Palliacatta. — For a long time this had been the sole property of the Company, and no other Europeans had any share. Petty disputes were decided by the king's officers and the employes of the Company; those of more importance were referred to 'Abdullah and Abu,l Hasan. The emperor orders the same practice to continue, but great and weighty causes must be sent to Haidarabad to be there decided by the emperor's representative. For the villages of Gollepalem and Gondewarom close to Daatcherom the Company paid yearly, by way of lease, the sum of 150 pagodas. This was allowed to remain on the old footing.
211.1.6
Narsapur. — Here there was a piece of land used for storing timber, and a smith's shop, where various things required for ships were stored, and the workpeople who resorted there had been free of dues for a long time; nor was anyone allowed to hinder others from settling there, the said people being, like the Narsapur dwellers, in the service of the Company. Yearly from each household 3 pagodas were collected. The demand is conceded by the emperor to the Dutch on the old footing. In the village Mansiewarom (subordinate to Masulipatam) forty households of washermen used to pay each 3 pagodas a year. There are now six families left. When the water rises they go to wash in Suguram (or Sury) village, and ought not to be hindered. The request is granted. Certain taxes or dues were remitted, viz. : 1. A tax on coolies whose wages are paid by the merchants, provided they are permanently in the Company's service. 2. The tax of Callagads, or writers' fees. 3. Rahdari, or road tax, inland in going from Bimlipatnam to Siccacol. 4. Rahdari on travellers from Eloer, Ragiemandree, Daatcheram, Palicol, and Nagelwance. 5. Rahdari from Masulipatam and Paliacatta, going and coming. 6. Tolls or other imposts upon any victuals for the Company's own use, coming either by water or land. 7. Tolls on all merchandise or wares sent out by the Company and brought in by it from abroad and here sold.
211.1.7
8. Mint. — The charges of the Taksāl, or Mint, on the coining, whether of gold or silver, together with the exchange on Palliacat and Chinapatnam (? Madras) pagodas, are remitted. 9. On ghaza-am [ghiza-i-'am] — that is, grain and all such wares — the dealers had to pay the king, causing prices to rise. From all such dues the Company and their servants are exempted. The farman bears the titles and attestations of Asad Khan, the wazir. The correspondence is continued in twenty-four more letters, beginning with Laurens Pit and Council at Pulicat to the Seventeen at Middelburg (a long letter), dated January 6, 1690, and ending with the Governor-General's letter from Batavia to the same body, dated March 26, 1691.
211.2.165
There is also mention of the Bacherus embassy in D. Havart, 'Op en Ondergang van Coromandel' (1693), Part II., 165.
211.2.1678
It is not difficult to have a valid farman, but if the officials are not your friends, it serves you very little. This is why those who want to carry out their business must always make some presents to these men, a custom followed throughout India. For I have always noted that in order to succeed well, you must gain the goodwill of the employes, for they do and undo everything with their masters, as to them seems fit.
The figure opposite is a representation of the seal with which the Mogul attests all the farmans and the grants that he accords. Usually the seal is stamped in ink, and below it the king, dipping his hand into a red liquid, impresses its shape upon the document to be dispatched. This serves as a still more authentic confirmation of the favour or gift that he makes. This ceremony is only employed in matters of importance, for in other cases they use another small seal, with which letters and dispatches are sealed [33].
After this digression, which I have thought necessary to make to display the bad faith of the Moguls and their officials, and the very little reliance to be placed upon their word, I go on with the relation I began about the prince and his conduct in paying his army, et cetera.
When any general or great commander quits the service, either from old age or any other reason, the king as a favour continues always to pay to him an allowance for his support. But there is no fixed rule. To some less, to some more, is assigned, according to the king's inclination towards them. For example, Shaistah Khan had two brothers, one called Bamenear (Bahman-yar) and the other Faracfal (? Farrukh-fal). The first was incapacitated by hernia, and the other declined to serve, being very misshapen. The king allowed to these gentlemen one hundred thousand rupees. Yet to the son of Ja'far Khan, called Namdar Khan, who declined service upon the death of his father, Ja'far Khan, because he considered the post offered him was above [query read ' beneath '] him, he gave no more than ten thousand rupees. The reason was that Namdar Khan was the son of one of Ja'far Khan's wives, named Farsanah Begam, who had been the wife (I should say the mistress) of Shahjahan, as I have stated in my First Part (I. 129). They even said that he was son of that prince ; as for myself, I have no doubt about it, for he was very like Prince Dara.
This gentleman (Namdar Khan) was a great friend of mine, and as I knew him intimately, I may say that his qualities and his actions were altogether those of royalty ; he was also a great soldier. But all that did not prevent the king, when this great man fell ill of a cancer which formed in his throat, from sending his physicians to cure him, and forbidding anyone else to approach him, of which he died in the year 1678.
211.2.p3
The soldiers, eunuchs, and servants of the queens and princesses are more regularly paid, and do not endure so much as the other soldiers. They never go on active service unless the king and the princes of the blood royal are going. But, since on those occasions the wives, daughters, and concubines accompany them, these troops also follow the campaign. These ladies travel generally in the rear of the army, riding on the greatest elephants, which are followed by others bearing the gold coin and precious stones that these princes carry also with them, to be made use of in case of disgrace or misfortune. They say that since Taimur-i-lang, in all the generations of the Moguls, no queen has been made a prisoner in war, except Humayun's queen, who was taken by Sher Shah, the Pathan ; and even that prince sent her back to the king as far as Persia, where he had gone, which I have already mentioned, if I mistake not, in my First Part (I. 70).
Most of the horses used by the Mogul come from the regions of Balkh, Bukhara, and Kabul. Thence come every year more than one hundred [34] thousand, and on them the king makes a great profit by the duty he imposes. At the crossing of the Indus alone a payment of twenty-five per cent. on their value is made. The best are chosen for the king's service, the usual number taken being twelve thousand. Among them are some selected for his own stable, and the others he uses as presents to the great lords of his court. There also come from those regions many camels loaded with fruit, such as melons, pears, seedless pomegranates, raisins, and other dried fruits.
The horses are called Turki; they are courageous in war, can stand much fatigue, and never forsake their masters unto death.
The policy of the present Mogul is so fine and so delicate as to surpass that of all his predecessors; and he has had peculiarly hard work to maintain himself on the throne up to this time against the wish and the will of several persons. First, there are his children, upon whom he always keeps a vigilant eye, so that they may commit no treason similar to that he did to his father. It is for this reason that formerly, besides the spies he kept to report all that was passing, he used at night to go in person incognito into the house of Shah 'Alam to spy out what was going on there.
The prince, on the other hand, detected the movements and ruses of his father, and set his own wits to work. He had cunning spies to inform him of all he (Aurangzeb) projected. One night it happened, when there was very bright moonlight, the prince was enjoying himself with some ladies who were his mistresses: they came and warned him that the king, his father, was coming to visit him. As soon as he heard this news he promptly rose, and having hidden the ladies in different places, he went into a room and set to work reading the Quran aloud, as is the custom. Aurangzeb came in, and finding Shah 'Alam thus occupied, said to him that what he was engaged in did not suit the season, which invited rather to delectation than the reading of the Quran.
Shah 'Alam replied that what he read appeared to him more lovely than the moon, and afforded him more delight than the light of the sun. The father was charmed at this answer, and as a mark of his satisfaction thereat he augmented the prince's allowance, and gave him more frequent tokens of the esteem in which he held such virtue.
Several times Shah 'Alam's favourites, seeing the manner in which his father acted, coming and going just as he pleased, asked him (Shah 'Alam) to allow them to kill him (Aurangzeb). To incite him to this, they brought up the example of the king, who had acted thus towards his own father and brother. They said that after the death of the old fellow he could [35] easily crown himself as king. But the prince would never give his consent, saying that if he did so, his children would one day treat him the same, and thus this pernicious custom would be established in the family from generation to generation. This is why he hoped that God would never allow him to imitate his father in that respect; and, what was more, he was still a young man.
When this prince reached the age of twenty-five, he knew quite well he was endued with little courage, and this forced him into attempting to acquire the magical arts, in order to guide himself thereby in case of necessity, just as his father had done when he was a prince. To accomplish this design he busied himself with the study of books of magic. But in a short time this occupation destroyed his mind, which his father discovered without knowing the real cause. He believed this arose from illness, so came to visit him. No sooner had he entered than his son seized him by the beard and demanded in a fury who he was, and why he entered his house. Seeing the prince in this condition, the king was greatly concerned, the more so that he (his son) had always been very submissive, and he had tenderly loved him. Plunged into affliction, he placed him in charge of his own physicians, conjuring them to use their best efforts on his behalf. The gentlemen met in consultation, and after discussing the symptoms, concluded that the evil arose from blood to the head. As a remedy, they bled and purged, whereby he recovered his senses. Having thus by sad experience learnt that such studies would be his destruction, he thought no more about them, and forsook them entirely.
211.3.1
Adopting another style of life, he gave himself up to pleasure, but only in secret, his occupation being drinking and other pastimes, according to the whim of the moment. His father heard nothing of all that, for the son knew his father's disposition, and his love of seeing his children imitate his feigned strictness. Thus, to gain his approval the prince displayed as many signs of devoutness as ever he could. As he perceived that humility was also much to the taste of the old fellow, he showed the greatest contempt for the riches of this world. He ordered his bowls and dishes to be made of wood, and caused it to be noised abroad that he ate out of these. Further, the trappings of the horse he rode were of plain leather, devoid of all ornaments, although those of his retinue were not of that simple style. As for myself, I knew quite the contrary of all this ; and in his palace he led a jolly life of it, drinking and eating out of dishes and cups of gold. Above all, as to the drink, that I know to be exact, for he had charged me with procuring good wines of Persia and Europe. These I caused to be brought from Surat, and frequently, when he was out of them, he sent to my house for some, for he had more trust in me than in his Mahomedans. One day when he was elated I heard him say that despicable was that king who did not eat out of vessels of emerald.
211.3.2
His children were just as great hypocrites as he was, and all to propitiate their grandfather. For in secret they led the same life as their father. One day, as it happened, one of the spies reported to the king that he had seen a bottle of wine being taken into the house of Sultan Mu'izz-ud-dln. It was one that he had sent to me for. Upon this the old fellow made a long discourse to Shah 'Alam and Sultan Mu'izz-ud-dln. The latter said as his excuse that the wine was for some medicine to be given to a sick lady; while Shah 'Alam made it appear that he had no part in the matter. In order better to persuade and satisfy the king, he caused the uterine brother of his son to be ejected from his palace as the man who had sent the wine ; while I was thereby saved from the penalty which would otherwise have fallen on me had they known that the wine came from me.
211.3.3
The Prince A'zam Shah, or A'zam-tara, also drank wine ; but it was not in concealment like the others. On the contrary, frequently he even caused scenes while drunk, without paying any heed to his father. The latter was much chagrined at such conduct, but as he loved this son, he overlooked his faults. One day the prince was on his way to court in a boat ; he asked the rowers how many days it would take them to reach Bengal in that boat. The eunuch seated behind him signed to them to hold their tongues, so that they answered not a word. But directly they had reached the court, the eunuch intimated to the king that the prince had put such a question. No sooner had he entered the palace than he was arrested and locked up, and there he remained for a whole year, getting no wine to drink. But having been married to Janl Begam, daughter of Dara, he was released. From what is above stated, it will be seen that these princes are under surveillance, and if any servant of the king, or the princes themselves, should dare to open his mouth to make even the slightest objection, he would be forthwith exiled from court and turned out of the service. This is a sufficiently heavy punishment to induce them to hold their tongue, for they have no other means of gaining a living.
211.3.4
Aurangzeb could not ignore the fact that each of his children wanted to become king and made pretensions to the crown. But one day, out of curiosity, he asked them if they wanted to reign. Shah 'Alam replied that he would be glad enough to be king should His Majesty ever wish for repose and should cede the kingdom to him, and that to him it seemed only just that the eldest son should succeed — still more so when he was a good man, and endowed with habits and qualities which should rather lead him to, than exclude him from, the throne. In spite of this, it was his bounden duty to remain quiet during the life and good health of His Majesty. He meant to be understood as intending on his father's death to do his best to succeed him. A'zam-tara stated that he was born to be a king, even though he had an elder brother, for (said he) my father and my mother are both Mahomedans, and both of royal blood. Akbar's reply was that his birth took place at a propitious hour and moment. For was it not then that had begun the happiness and good fortune which had ever since followed in his (Aurangzeb's) train ? Was it not in that very year that he had won the victory over Rajah Jaswant Singh and Qasim Khan, and had also defeated Prince Dara? Briefly he had had many other lucky advantages that favouring Fortune had conferred on him ; and for all these reasons he believed that the crown was his by right.
211.3.5
Kam Bakhsh answered that, without a doubt, the kingdom was his, as of right, because, said he, ' I am the son of a king, while the others are only sons of a prince.' Then, lifting his eyes to heaven, he added, ' But be it as God wills !' This last reason was extremely pleasing to the king, and on this account he esteemed this son more than ever, and raised his previous income. All the same, he did not allow his feelings to appear, but kept them hidden in his heart. Then he said, as a general answer to them all, that their claims were still in the remote future ; for the calculators had assured him that he was to reign one hundred and twenty years, and to their findings he accorded implicit faith. Nevertheless, the cunning monarch only said this in order to see if any one of the sons would say anything more, betraying any passion or grief at what he had said. But no one opened his mouth : the example of the imprisonment and death of Sultan Muhammad was more than enough to keep them within the limits of humility and of filial and prudent obedience.
211.3.6
Aurangzeb had more confidence in Shah 'Alam than in any of the others, for he knew him down to the ground, and had tested his not having enough boldness to try rebellion. When this prince was very young, he was performing the offices of nature, when a young rat passed in front of him. He was so frightened that he came out shouting, holding up his drawers with his hands. The eunuchs present thought at first that he had been bitten by a snake. His father, on being told what had happened, exclaimed that it was an astonishing thing that in the race of Taimur-i-lang should be born a prince who was such a poltroon. He added that the courage in which he was lacking was in excess in his brother, Sultan Muhammad. In spite of all this, however, as Aurangzeb himself counterfeited the bigot, he imagined that Shah 'Alam was counterfeiting the coward. With the idea of putting him to the proof, he said to him when he was somewhat older that the astrologers predicted that he would rebel. At those words the prince, all in a tremble, drew his sword and flung it at his father's feet, saying he would rather have his head cut off than that he should ever do such a thing. Having noticed his emotion at hearing such a remark, his father embraced him, restored his sword, and bound it on him, saying that he never expected any such action on his part.
211.3.7
The distrust among these princes is so acute that the father does not trust the son, nor the son his father. Here is an instance: Sultan Mu'izz-ud-din, eldest son of Shah 'Alam, was graciously pleased to act as intermediary, and to intercede for me with his father, to get me back into his service, as I have related more at length in my account of Goa, contained in my Second Part (II. 219). The father, without any other reason, commanded me not to go to the court of the said Sultan, giving him orders at the same time not to send for me. Let him, Shah 'Alam said, employ his own doctors and not me. Upon this subject they had some words, and thereupon separated. Some time afterwards Sultan Mu'izz-ud-din feigned the invalid, and no longer went to the court of his father. As soon as the latter heard of the illness, he sent him his Persian physicians, and these men reported that he was not in the least unwell. To give them the lie and show that he required my treatment, he made one of his women servants suck a place on his neck, and thereby raised a blue mark. On learning that he was suffering from this blue mark, Shah 'Alam, without knowing the cause of it, had the idea that he required bleeding. So he ordered me to see him at his residence, and with a view to satisfying his son, told me to go whenever he sent for me, and in this manner they made it up and were at peace.
211.4.1
Maybe astonishment will be expressed at all the details I give of this court, but just to afford some satisfaction to my readers, I will tell a little story showing how I came to a knowledge of these things. In the palace was a female servant called Dil-jo, who acted as valet-de-chambre to Shah 'Alam. This girl fell ill, and no one could diagnose her complaint, nor its source. She was quite young, but suffered from insomnia, and from time to time frightful things overtook her, even to biting her own body. After some remedies had been administered which did her no good, I was instructed to treat her. I fathomed at once the origin of the disease, and I said to the prince that I could not cure her, but I would instruct them as to a remedy they might give her, by means of which I hoped that her health would be re-established.
211.4.2
Subsequently I stated the remedy, which was nothing more than to counsel them to get her married. That was (I added) what I believed to be the healing medicine for her malady. They believed me, and forthwith married her off to a slave of the prince's household. Two months afterwards they sent for her to the palace, just to see if there was any change in her. They noticed that her colour had returned, that she enjoyed perfect health, and, in fact, she was with child. The other women servants on seeing her longed for their fellow-servant's disease in order to obtain the same remedy. To succeed in this design, they let me know that they would pretend to be ill, and I must be so good as to ordain the same medicine to be given to them as had been given to Dil-jo. I carried out this commission to the best of my power, and thus several were married, according to their wish. These people were subsequently very grateful for the kindness I had done them, and gave me proof of it from time to time. Thus it is through them that I have been informed of many particulars as to what went on in the court of this prince.
211.4.3
Perhaps it will not be found altogether devoid of utility if I impart to my readers several events that happened to me, which are proof of the prince's kindness and of the friendship he bore me. Seeing that I was not married, he inquired from me, through the first princess in his mahal (seraglio), why I did not take a wife. I replied that I found none of my standing that took my fancy. This lady and her husband were both desirous to get me married so as to retain me, and hinder my leaving Hindustan and his court. She said to me that she would send for all the daughters of Christians, whether Europeans or Armenians, and I had only to choose the one I liked best. She would see that I obtained the girl, would give her away in marriage herself, and provide all the expenses necessary on such an occasion, adding a number of other promises. I thanked her, and made her understand how grateful I was for all her favours; but, being a man of family, it was not correct for me to accept a bride such as she proposed for me. To that she replied by a great many things, among others that Mahomedans took anybody without regard to their birth. Although a Christian could never have pretensions to such an honour, yet if I would agree she would have all her maids of honour brought before me, and I had only to select the one I most liked, and she should be given to me as wife, nothing remaining but to carry her away to my dwelling.
211.4.4
Being weary of all this woman's talk, I gave an off-hand answer that I was incapacitated for marriage. But on she went, and, with a number of other remarks, refuted me by saying that my bearing and complexion showed the falsity of what I told her. Finally, after all this discourse, she ordered me to put my hand inside the curtains of the bed to feel her pulse; for this is the way one has to deal with these ladies, as I have said (III. 14, 15). I noted that the arm was thick, muscular, and hairy, and by these signs I knew at once it was a man's arm, and it turned out to be Shah 'Alam himself. Without delay I rose, and said that the arm I had touched was a man's, not a woman's, and it could be none other than that of the King of the World. At these words the prince burst out laughing, and told me I knew how to distinguish the difference between a man and a woman.
211.4.5
If the prince intended in this interview to show his esteem for me, it may be added from the way of it that he also meant to put me to the test. It is also the custom to probe the physicians by such trickeries, in order to be assured of their ability and of their recognition of diseases. Another adventure took place with the princess which led to the same result. She made out she was ill, and caused to be sent to me a vessel full of urine with an inquiry whether I could recognise from it the disease she was suffering from. Seeing that the liquid was green, and seemed to have some drug mixed with it, I set my imagination to work, and answered with a smile that the urine came from a person who had eaten largely of green stuff the preceding night. As soon as I pronounced these words there was a great outburst of laughter behind the curtains of the bed, and they said I was a great doctor. In the end they informed me it was the urine of a cow. Wishing to retain me and gain me over entirely to his interest, the prince thought that women would be a good vehicle to secure his object ; for it is very common for men to be destroyed by this snare. Here is how he set to work. He asked me if I knew there was a European in his palace. I said I did not. Instantly, while we were speaking, there came out of a room a very pretty girl, dressed as a man in European style, with a gold-mounted sword at her side. As soon as she saw me she lifted her hat and saluted me.
211.4.6
I was conscious at once that it was the prince who had put all this in play to amuse himself, and see if he could gain me over. But I feigned the ignoramus, and as if I had not noticed anything, returned the bow and proffered some compliments. Speaking French, I went up to her to kiss her, when at once she turned her back on me and fled. I ran after her as if wishing to embrace her ; but she ran faster than I did. However, I did my utmost to overtake her. Laughing, the prince cried out to me. At his voice I came back with slow steps close to him, much put out at not having succeeded in embracing the young person. When I had come close, he asked me what I had wanted to do. I replied boldly that I wanted to embrace and kiss the would-be young man. He assumed to be astonished at such a piece of audacity, then took to smiling at it ever so long, as did all the princesses. Afterwards he told me that the Farangi I had seen was not a man, but a woman, and if I would have her, he would give her to me, and she could serve to carry my medicines into the mahal. I answered, with a serious air, that she was no use for that, and medicines administered by a woman's hand produced no effect. The prince for a long time joked with the princesses over what I had said. This is the greatest amusement he has. All other Mahomedans also pass the greater part of their time among their women. This is so much the case that through them much important business at court is transacted.
211.4.7
For my part, I have done a great deal thus, principally through the first princess. I have said already (III. 16) that it is the custom in the royal household, when a physician is called within the mahal, for the eunuch to cover his head with a cloth, which hangs down to his waist. They then conduct him to the patient's room, and he is taken out in the same manner. The first time that [41] I was led through the palace I was fitted out in the above fashion, but, by premeditation, I walked as slowly as I could, in spite of the urging of my guides, the eunuchs. The prince, having seen this, ordered them to uncover me, and that in future I was to be allowed to come in and go out without being covered. He said that the minds of Christians were not filthy like those of Mahomedans.
211.5.1
This prince held me in such affection that he granted me permission to enter the Ghusul-khanah, which is a secret place where the second audience is given and the council sits. Into it only the principal lords and officers of the court enter. If anyone fails to attend, whether by accident or otherwise, he cannot enter any more without a fresh permission. To obtain this renewal he must make some present to the prince, at the very least one gold and nine silver coins; but with respect to me, I had liberty to enter and come out without anything of that sort. As the prince was in a fright that I would quit his service, he sought from time to time means of obliging me, and paid me all the honours such as I have reported. However, finding he could not capture me through women, he resolved to have a friendly talk with me on religion.
211.5.2
Having sent for me, he begged me not to take it amiss if he gave me a warning ; his religion forced it upon him, and to discharge his conscience he was obliged to give it thrice. Following on this, he said it was his intention to elevate me to the rank of a noble at his court ; but before this could be I must adopt his religion, which was assuredly the best, and through it I would gain salvation. The moment he had finished his discourse I made a very low bow, and said I knew very well what was contained in the Quran, also what the Gospel imposed on me. There I had learnt that without baptism no one could enter the kingdom of heaven, and to gain it I was ready to spend and give up my life.
211.5.3
Seeing me so determined, he changed the subject, and he ordered me to send at once to procure him some crystal vessels for drinking water from. I sent off a man to Bombay to bring some. This order he executed — nay, those he brought were very handsome. These I presented to the prince. He seemed to be astonished to see so many crystals at once — more than he had ever seen in all his life — for he imagined them to be of rock-crystal, which is extremely costly in the Mogul country. This is the reason of his asking me what the whole might be worth. Quite happy, I answered him that it was a present from me, and that Doctor Nicolas stated no prices to kings. He was so satisfied with this reply that, coming to me, he patted me on the shoulders, and said, should God ever be gracious and make him king, he would remember my generosity. At the same time he ordered them to give me a valuable set of robes and a very nice horse.
211.5.4
I must here make the remark that, when these kings and princes give audience, they display all imaginable gravity and majesty, in order to inspire fear in everybody ; but in their mahal and in private they are lowly as infants. This I have experienced several times, they going so far as to play with me with all possible familiarity. It is true that it may be said that all these petty stories referring to me are of no great value to the public, but I thought a charitable reader would easily pardon me this small satisfaction which I have ventured to give myself. Moreover, if anyone were about to travel in these far-off places, it may be that in some conjuncture these tales of my humble adventures will not be entirely useless to him.
211.5.5
As the entire thoughts of these princes are turned in the direction of the throne, they search out carefully any means of conferring favours on the most powerful men, in the hope of having them on their side. Shah 'Alam had usually with him a Hindu prince called Bau Sing (Bhao Singh), leader of twelve thousand horsemen and a vassal of the king. He served under the orders of Shah 'Alam. Noticing that he had ceased to come to court, being unwell, the prince sent me to visit him on his behalf, and to offer my services. This was merely to oblige him, and gain him to his side should any occasion present itself. The rajah was already old, and was suffering from his lungs. The prince, however, directed me to observe him and reckon how long he might yet live. Bhao Singh received my visit but refused my services, and told me if I gave him any medicines he would put them with the rest I saw there. He had a whole roomful. God might do with him according to His pleasure, but he would not take the medicines, beyond looking at them. All this care was because he was afraid of being poisoned. This fear was increased by the example he had in Rajah Jai Singh and several others, to whom such a fate had happened. I must say the prince never had designs of that sort, and all he did was intended to oblige. I may add that, during all the time I had the honour to serve him, he never suggested employing me for such a purpose.
211.5.6
Still, he made a trial as to whether I was of a nature that would carry out such devices. This I discovered in the course of time. For example, he sent to me some unknown persons who offered me large sums to bring to their death other patients that I was treating. Others asked me to sell them poison, but no one ever got me to accede to such a demand. Another stratagem was also made use of to test me, and attempt to find me out in a fault. This was the sending to my house of a young and very pretty girl in charge of an old woman on the pretext that the young beauty was ailing. She was barely eighteen, and I found out from her pulse that she was the very reverse of indisposed. I asked her if she suffered from any pain, which could not be detected from the pulse. As I interrogated her, the old woman, making believe that she was a simpleton, left us and took a turn in the garden. The young girl seemed at once to grow very free with me, as well by word as by deed. She told me she longed for my friendship, while hers would not be useless to me. She could secure me many advantages. As soon as I heard her talk I was disgusted, and, quitting her, I came out and shouted [43] to the old dame to take her away. I then grew angry, and, calling my men, ordered them both to be ejected.
211.5.7
Two months afterwards there came another still more lovely; but she was alone, and in a palanquin. Under the same pretence of illness she told me she came from a great distance to obtain a cure. She entered my house wrapped in a shroud, but on nearing me she uncovered, and throwing herself at my feet, implored me to keep her in my house ; for, being a stranger, she knew not where to turn. Her prayer was repeated several times. I noticed she had on her several jewels of great value, and her clothes were those of a person of quality, so fine that her skin showed through. All this troubled me, and I fancied that it all might be intended to betray me. Still more did I think so, for the same thing had happened to others ; and as I had no intention of marrying, it did not suit my views to get entangled.
211.5.8
With the object, then, of getting her away, I expressed my sympathy, and by pleasant words sent her off. Some time afterwards I was warned that this was one of Shah 'Alam's tricks, only resorted to in the hope that she would take my fancy — that I should have an affair with her, and by this means he would obtain an opening for compelling my continuance in Hindustan, with a change in my religion, or else the loss of my life, as has happened to many who have lost their souls for a woman's love. Only a few years ago two Capuchins, or rather Portuguese, in the town of Isfahan fell into this sad soul-destroying misfortune. One of them was prior of the convent, and both were forced to become Mahomedans through similar events. Afterwards, under the pretext that they were of that religion, they robbed a merchant of their own nation. God forgive those who send out characters like this to be missionaries. The kings and princes delight in showing themselves to be just, and when taking cognisance of important business, they endeavour to hold the balance even. Since I was in Shah 'Alam's service in the capacity of physician, I was an object of envy to the other physicians, the Persians, who sought means to ruin me. It chanced that a brother-in-law of the prince, named Mirza Sulaiman Beg, fell ill from a fullness of blood. The prince directed his chief Persian physicians, named Aguins (Hakims), Moquins (Muqim[?]), and Mosencan (Muhsin Khan), to prescribe for him.
211.5.9
They failed in curing him, and instead of bleeding him and cooling him down, they gave him hot remedies. They treated him in such a way that in a few days he was in the throes of death. When he was in this state, one of his brothers, named Mirza Mahomed Moquim (Muhammad Muqim), took me to the patient's house, hoping I might help him. I saw at once there was nothing more to be done. On the prince hearing the opinion I had expressed about his brother-in-law, he asked his physicians the reason he had fallen into this condition. They had the ill-will to say that I was the cause. To find out the truth Shah 'Alam sent the nazir Daulat, the chief eunuch of his palace. This man, on his return, reported that the patient complained that the said physicians had killed him, whereas, had the Doctor Nicolas only treated him, he would not have lost his life. While saying these words the poor [44] man expired. But the testimony he had given for me conferred much credit upon me at the court, and gained me the esteem of everybody.
211.6.1
After a time it came to pass that Mirza Muhammad Muqim, brother of the deceased, of whom I have just spoken, went out of his mind. In an access of his madness he slew his father-in-law and some servants, and committed many other crimes. On hearing this the prince made him over to his physicians. Their report was that such a man could never recover the senses that he had lost. To demonstrate the force of their opinion, they cited as proof a passage in the Quran which says that for madness there is no cure. Shah 'Alam heard this sad decision pronounced, and at once ordered the patient to be placed in my care, as he believed I should find a remedy. I know not whether this was actually because he thought me cleverer than the others, or because I was a Christian. For I had often noticed that many patients were made over to me when their health was in a desperate state, because they had taken it into their heads that the Saviour had invested me with some virtue or other. With the permission of God I cured this lord in a few days. To reward me for my trouble and for any expense I had incurred, he sent me a horse with very good paces, but made no other payment. The reason of such a meagre present was his miserliness. On my side I was much put out at getting so little for all the trouble I had taken.
211.6.2
So, without any words of thanks, I sent the horse back, telling the groom who had brought him, when many men were present, that his master was in no state to send gifts before he had recovered his reason perfectly, and when he had recovered his health I would accept what he sent to me. He had hardly heard my message when he sent me the same horse with a thousand rupees and a very handsome set of robes. The truth is that he did not send me the present willingly, but felt constrained to do it for fear I might tell everyone he was still mad. By this means he would lose the office he held at the court, and also lose everyone's confidence. Shah 'Alam, when he learnt what had passed, was very satisfied at the cure, and still more with the answer I had given about the present. On his part he gave me a horse and a set of robes, adding many praises from his own lips, a habit common enough to these princes with physicians who succeed in curing patients they have made over to their care.
211.6.3
Shah 'Alam had directed the physician Muqlm to treat the wife of one of his captains called Mabarescan (Mubariz Khan), a man much beloved by that prince. This woman had been long in a decline, and was worn out by the quantity of blood she had lost. The doctor, finding that his remedies did her no good, lost all hope of her, and intimated to the prince that her life was in danger. On hearing this, Shah 'Alam ordered me to take over the case. I applied myself to her relief with all possible care and diligence, and in a short time I had pulled her through. The physician was vexed in his mind, but outwardly he displayed much goodwill to me, just the contrary of his real feeling. I was not taken in, for I had known that pilgrim for many a long day [45]. The physician Muhsin Khan treated a uterine (? foster) brother of the prince, whose name was Muhammad Riza. He had a severe fever, which made him delirious. The physician, not recognising his complaint, came to the conclusion that there was no remedy, and gave him up. After that I was ordered to treat the man, and in a short time I put him on his legs again. There were other patients who had been given up in the same way by these gentlemen, but subsequently recovered their health under my hands, to those physicians' disgrace and loss of reputation. This is the reason they were no friends of mine; still more so that, though their patients came to me, none of mine went to them.
211.6.4
I also cured a noble from Balkh called Fath-ullah Khan, a title conferred on him by the king. He had afterwards married an extremely pretty woman, who had served up to him nothing but delicious plats until he had got ill and lost his appetite. He grew so thin that he looked like a skeleton, and no physician was able to do him any good. In the end Shah 'Alam ordered me to take charge of him. I knew the constitution of these savages, so I gave him a comforting syrup, which could do him neither harm nor good. Then I ordered him to get his stews made of horseflesh, and by this means he was in a short time restored to his former rude strength.
211.6.5
From this I acquired such renown that many men of this race came to me for treatment. But I got very little out of them, for they are very avaricious, and paid me highly in compliments only. Moreover, I had the reputation of being charitable and of curing the poor for the love of God. Thus everybody flocked to my house. The Mahomedan and Hindu surgeons and physicians were very much provoked, for their interests were involved and they lost their practice. However, as they saw they could not injure me directly, they started the rumour that I drank the blood I drew from Mahomedans; that it was by this means I was made so brisk and energetic, and had such a high colour. All this was simply to hinder people coming to me to be treated. Everybody supposed that what they had published was true, and great repugnance was shown to be bled by me. Aware of what it was that troubled them, I told them to bring with them a china vessel, and all they had to do was to carry the blood home, and there bury it, for fear any dog or cat might consume it; for if that happened, they would make noises exactly like those animals. By this measure I put an end to the false rumours, and they were no longer spoken of.
211.6.6
One day, as I was attending to the treatment of some patients with all possible care, there comes into my house a king's slave in a great rage and a great hurry, making much noise and throwing everything into confusion. This man, I imagine, had been sent by the other doctors, my enemies. I went up to him and begged him most civilly and even humbly to do me the favour of not upsetting the sick men. But he paid me no heed, and went on worse than before, and abused me. Seeing how insolent he was, I signed to my men to fall upon him without giving him time to draw, which they forthwith did. Our man, finding himself caught, flew into a fearful rage, and made more noise than ever. He said he would kill me and my men, and such other outrageous speeches. Thereupon I assumed an aspect of mingled severity and sadness, and said I had compassion for him, seeing he was suffering from blood to the head. His was a case for bloodletting. This remark made him more furious still, and he struggled to get free. Without heat, I ordered them to undress him and then bind him; and sending for a lancet, I made ready to bleed him. The slave, still angry, insisted that I must not bleed him; if I did, he would kill me. My answer was given in an amiable tone before every one, that it was absolutely necessary to bleed him, that the blood had got to his head, and assuredly if not treated he would be the death of someone.
211.6.7
In the end, by force, I opened two veins in his arm. The fellow was still angry, and wanted me to close the veins; but, ignoring what he said, I showed sorrow at beholding his blood, from time to time feeling his pulse and saying that his blood was very vitiated. Then, raising my eyes, I looked in his face and asked if he did not already feel an alteration in his body. Finding that his menaces and loud talk were of no good to him, nobody listening to them, he adopted at last the mode of humble entreaty, and said in a feeble voice that God had brought him to my house to be cured of the ills he had suffered from through many years. He thanked me for my trouble. In spite of this, I did not trust him without precautions, so, closing the veins with two fingers, I put several new questions. Having replied very properly and civilly to these, just as he ought, I closed the veins and had his clothes and his weapons returned to him. After this he said a thousand flattering things about me, and never more passed in front of my door. When he met me at the king's or elsewhere, he was very polite to me. I have always thought that he did this only from the fear he had that I might announce he was mad, or that I might drain all the blood from his body.
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