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Storia do Mogor 265: NOTE ON GOVERNORS GYFFORD AND YALE'S NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE GREAT MOGUL, 1686-1688.

Storia do Mogor (Irvine) 265

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NOTE ON GOVERNORS GYFFORD AND YALE'S NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE GREAT MOGUL, 1686-1688.

265.1.1

We find confirmation of Manucci's statements in the Company's records now at the India Office. On May 13, 1686 (' Factory Records,' Fort St. George, No. 4, p. 49), it was found that the agent (wakil) at Court had not stated the English grievances ; he was therefore directed to conclude matters within a month, or return to the coast (Madras). On February 17, 1687 (ibid., No. 20, pp. 70-71), Gyfford wrote to the Great Mogul excusing delay in sending an envoy, as the French and Dutch had done, but he had feared displeasure about events in Bengal. Muhammad Sharif, their wakil, had been at Court two years, and a hearing for him is asked and redress prayed for. A complaining letter of the same date was addressed to the wakil, who was in the camp of Bahramand Khan, the wazir's son-in-law, together with a petition to the wazir, Asad Khan, entreating his mediation. The wakil could not be found, and all three letters were brought back on April 11, 1687 (ibid., No. 4, Part II., p. 53). Another letter was addressed to the Mogul on March 10, 1687 (No. 20, p. 71), reiterating the complaints, and enclosing a claim of 64,75,000 rupees for damages forwarded from Bengal. Next, on March 17, 1687 (No. 20, p. 94), Gyfford addresses Thomas Goodlad and Richard Cogan at the Mogul's camp, saying that Senhor Nickola Manuche had recommended them.

265.1.2

The Council's object was to obtain the delivery of a letter into the Mogul's own hands and the securing of an answer. This letter and the enclosure went by the hand of Manucci's servant, Hasan. Next Masulipatam was informed (June 9, 1687, No. 20, p. 1861) that no Englishman could be sent on account of the danger and expense, but that communications had been opened with their 'old friend ' Mirza Ibrahim (i.e., Mahabat Khan). On July 25, 1687, Elihu Yale succeeded Gyfford. On August 11 the new governor wrote to Job Charnock, agent in Bengal (No. 4, Part II., p. 124), announcing the arrival of letters dated July 9 from the Mogul's camp — one from Mahabat Khan, stating that he had informed the Mogul of the English complaints, and the other a long report from Khwajah Annus, the Armenian agent employed at Gulkandah. The report is to the following effect : The letters sent by Manucci's servant were made over by Senhor Thomas [Goodlad] to Bastian Weale [? Sebastian Velho]. They spoke to Ihtimam Khan, who kept them waiting three months uselessly. News of the trouble in Bengal arrived, the Mogul was angry, and they durst not deliver the letters. Abnus then applied to Mirza Ibrahim, now Mahabat Khan, but he hesitated. Manucci's servant was asked for the governor's letter ; he referred them to Velho, and Velho said the letter was given already to Eetinonghan [? Ihtimam Khan]. Then the servant informed Abnus that his master (Manucci) had also written to Nukzood (? Nekroz).

265.1.3

This letter was recovered, and given to Mahabat Khan. The Khan delivered it to the Mogul. Aurangzeb complained bitterly of the English. The Khan rejoined that the Mogul officials at Surat and Hugli had begun the quarrel, and he recommended me (Abnus) as a good agent to treat with the English. A present of oil of nutmeg and of clove was got ready ; and the letter and the claim for damages were recovered from Manucci's servant. Abnus added to the bottle of oil a ' crystal gurglet,' and a plate mounted in gold and stones. The letter and account were presented by Mahabat Khan. No answer as yet had been vouchsafed. From the conversation with Mahabat Khan, it seemed he thought he could get a farman settling disputes at Surat and the Bay (Bengal), and (1) that the English would be excused the poll-tax; (2) that they should pay no duty on saltpetre; (3) that all goods forcibly taken at the Bay or Surat would be restored; (4) that they might also settle new factories wherever they pleased; (5) that the farman would be sent by a responsible person to Bengal, and there proclaimed. The agent enjoins on the Council to write at once to Mahabat Khan, and insert something for the protection of the fort and town of Madras; for Gulkandah could not long hold out, and that kingdom would soon fall to the Moguls.

265.1.4

Bribes are all-powerful, and Mahabat Khan must be 'remembered.' Three more bottles of the oil would be acceptable. Abnus puts in a plea for his brother, Joseph de Marcoss, and their personal losses. He did not write in Portuguese, but in his own language (Armenian), as more secure. The governor's answer must be in Persian, but without mention of gifts or presents, as it would be shown to the Mogul. Yale's comments to Charnock on this report are dated August 24, 1687 (' Factory Records,' No. 21, p. 24). He dwells on the evil results of the hostilities in the Bay: for four months the Mogul would not receive their letters; his only answer was that when he had finished with Gulkandah he would call Madras to account. At last Aurangzeb took the letters, but gave no answer. But through a third person they were advised to write a smooth, flattering letter, setting forth truly the affronts and injuries received, asking compensation and the restoration of their ancient privileges. They believe this suggestion was written with the Mogul's cognizance. On September 15, 1687 (No. 21, p. 67), Yale replied to Abnus. He recounts how Gyfford selected Abnus and Senor Manuche, ' late surgeon to Sultan Shah 'Alam,' to present their letters about Surat and Bengal. It is now found that Abnus by himself is competent: ' We shall [not] hereafter apply ourselves, nor trouble any other therein.' On October 12, 1687 (No. 30, p.

265.1.5

101), Mahabat Khan advises the English to gain 'Alamgir's favour, and complains of their violence, which ' will ruin your house '; he recommends Abnus to them. Next Yale writes to Mahabat Khan on November 15, 1687 (No. 21, p. 199), begging him to procure a ' cowl ' (qaul, or agreement) for a good reception at Court, and they would send up a principal person of the Council. On the same day he wrote (p. 129 ff.) to Senhor Joan de Marke, alias Khwajah Abnus, at Gulkandah, much to the same effect, asking who is to be Mahabat Khan's successor, he having been transferred 'to these parts.' Peace had been made in Bengal. Mahabat Khan's parwanah of October, 1687, was acknowledged on December 2 (p. 140 ff.). No letter having come from Abnus, he is written to on December 8 (p. 145 ff.), and the privileges to be asked for are detailed. Monsieur Daniel Chardin and Salvadore Rodriguez receive charge on December 9 (p. 148) of 10,000 pagodas for Senhor Joseph de Marke (i.e., Abnus). Another letter to Abnus left on December 12 (p. 154 ff.), saying they heard their friend Mahabat Khan was removed [that is, he had been appointed to Lahor]. Progress was reported to Surat on December 19, 1687 (pp. 159-163).

265.1.6

In February, 1688, the desired qaul arrived from Gulkandah, sent by Ruhullah Khan, the new governor. It is dated December 6, 1687, and invites them to send a trustworthy person. At the same time I'tibar Khan reports that the letters addressed to Mahabat Khan had been made over to Ruhullah Khan, who had delivered them to 'Alamgir. A dastak, or safe conduct, for the 'Captain from Madras' was enclosed. Then follows a letter from Abnus reporting that the letters of September 7 and 9, 1687, were delivered to Mahabat Khan, and he handed them to the Mogul. A few days afterwards the Khan was transferred to Lahor. Asad Khan, the wazir, took possession of the papers. Abnus said an Englishman must be sent up, a wise and understanding man. If he (Abnus) had only had a power of Attorney in Mahabat Khan's time, he could have settled the business.

265.1.7

Yale wrote to Ruhullah Khan on February 7, 1688 (No. 21, p. 191), thanking him. A person of the Council would have been sent had not Shiva Ji's people prevented it by their plundering and seizing the letter-carriers. They cannot travel two leagues out of this town [Madras] without danger to life. Abnus will act for them. Chardin and Rodriguez report, on January 24, 1688, their safe arrival at Bhagnagar (Haidarabad). Abnus had left for Court : what were they to do with the money ? Ruhullah Khan is, they hear, honest but greedy, both in eating and in getting. Five days later they make many complaints of Abnus, after having seen him. They hear he visits the Court more for his own affairs than the Company's, and uses their money for his own purposes. The Mogul was about to leave [? for Bījāpur], and Abnūs would never carry through the negotiation. On his side, Abnūs makes bitter complaint that the Frenchman (Chardin) withholds the money, and the Armenian boasts that he will pledge his own jewels to put the English business through. He did not think an Englishman now required, and great expense would be saved by not sending one.

265.2.1

Yale wrote on February 7, 1688 (No. 2, pp. 191-194), blaming Chardin and his companion for distrusting Abnūs : the money was to be handed over, and they were to help him. They are prayed to write in French or Portuguese, as more intelligible than 'broken English.' Abnūs was told that the Council still confided in him. On April 12, 1688, in another letter to Abnūs (No. 21, Part II., p. 16), Yale complains that the articles of the proposed farmān are not as liberal as he had hoped. At the Council on May 24, 1688 (No. 5, p. 93), it was announced that Abnūs had nearly settled terms with Rūḥullah Khān about the general farmān. He hoped to proceed to the Court to get it confirmed. But they (the Council) had letters that the General (Sir John Child) had made a general peace at Sūrat, and the farmān had gone there. They assumed that Madras and Bengal were included. Their attempts at Gulkandah were to be suspended till they heard farther. Finally, on July 9, 1688 (No. 5, p. 139), Abnūs writes from Gulkandah, enclosing a letter of Nawāb I'tibār Khān from Bījāpur, advising that the farmān had gone to Sūrat, and he (Abnūs) need not proceed to Bījāpur.

265.2.2

Not more than sixty years ago this Madras was a sandy beach in the territory of Gulkandah, where the English began by erecting straw huts. In time, by slow degrees, through prudence and good government they came to building a fortress, castles, and spacious suburbs. By the freedom given to merchants of all nations, it has now become very populous. Great profits are earned there, it is very famous, and larger than any place on the Choromandal coast. Merchants throng to it from all parts, it having whatever they are in want of. The founder of this place was an Englishman called Ricardo Coguem (Richard Cogan), whom I knew in the year one thousand six hundred and eighty-six at the city of Gulkandah. He ended his life in poverty. The ruin of the city of Sao Thome was of great benefit to Madras, for its materials were used to extend it. [Pages 156-165 of the text are blank.] [166] Now that I have finished the Third Part of my book, I fill up the time meanwhile with informing the reader of various matters that I have seen and encountered in India. For I desire, if God grant me life, to recount the dealings of Aurangzeb with Shiva Ji [i.e., the Mahrattahs].

265.2.3

It seems to me that the reader will be pleased if I insert some account of the empire of Narsinga (Nar Singh), of the Hindu race, whose court was in the Karnatik. More than two hundred years ago there reigned an emperor called Ramrajo (Ram Rajah), who was so generous that it is remarked in the chronicles that he never refused any favour asked. He confirmed any grant he made by a record on golden plates. Up to this day the Portuguese preserve one of these plates for a gift to them by the said Ram Rajah of the city of Sao Thome. Owing to the liberality of this emperor his fame spread, and many men of different nations resorted to him and entered his service, principally foreigners. He gave them pay, and confided to them offices of profit. His empire was so extensive that it reached to the river Narbada, which divides the lands of Hindustan from those of the Dakhin, as I have already said. This was the northern frontier; that on the north-east was Jagarnate (Jagannath), on the coast of Gergelim (Ginjili).

265.2.4

In addition, he was lord over all the coast of Choromandal and the Pescaria coast (Fisher coast) as far as Cape Comeris (Comorin), including the said cape, of all the coast of Travamcor (Travancore) and Canara as far as Surat. Thus, out of all these lands he formed one great monarchy, very prosperous and rich in seed-pearls, pearls, and diamonds. It was very productive in food-stuffs, wheat, rice, and all kinds of grain. Throughout his dominions were many great cities and fortresses, full of inhabitants and rich merchants, and also great harbours on the sea. By reason of all this there flocked to this country much people of many nations to do business, in particular men from China and Achem (Achin), bringing much gold, whereby the country was still farther enriched.

265.2.5

This emperor, in his great generosity, gave his principal provinces to his servants and slaves. Thus the province of Bijapur was given to one of his slaves called Issof (Yusuf), carver at his table, a Georgian by race. The province of Gulkandah he gave to Abrahim Maly (Ibrahim Malik), of the same race, who was the emperor's chief huntsman. The province of Daltabad (Daulatabad) went to another slave of Abexim (Habshi or Abyssinian) race, his chamber-servant; and the province of Burhanpur to the head carpet-spreader, of the same race. In this way he distributed all the provinces in his kingdom. All the above men were Mahomedans, but over the country in the direction of the Karnatik he placed one of his Hindu [167] servants. After this division he led a happy life, without attending to government or taking any notice of what went on. From this cause the governors grew very rich and powerful; and at his death every one of them rebelled and proclaimed himself king and independent ruler, refusing to recognise or obey those who belonged to the royal blood, and claiming the succession as of right. In the course of time they grew more and more powerful. The princes of the blood royal, seeing that they were not acknowledged as such, remained in Karnatik territory, and the rebel governors gave them something in charity for their support, and on this they lived in poverty. Their descendants survive to this day.

265.2.6

The rebel governors continued to rule their lands in great prosperity. Then came the Mogul king called Akbar and seized Brampur (Burhanpur), Amadanaguer (Ahmadnagar) and Doltabad (Daulatabad). One of these rebels, even the prince of Madorey (? Madura), who grew in the course of time very powerful, forgetting what his ancestors had done to their emperor, fell into the same error. He divided his territory among eighteen of his captains on condition that they should hold them, they and their descendants, as his vassals. When occasion or necessity arose, these people would have to assemble and render assistance. One of these captains, named Tevere (Tevara), obtained the lands of Marava, the island of Utiar (? Udayar) or Ramanvarao (Rameshwaram), where there is a temple highly venerated by the Hindus. People throughout India hold the belief that by entering it their needs will be satisfied. In it there was much buried treasure.

265.2.7

It happened more than sixty years ago that this Tevara withdrew his obedience from his superior lord, believing himself to be gifted with some supernatural powers, and also prompted by the possession of great wealth. Upon becoming aware of this revolt, the prince of Madura was much disturbed, and sent him various orders to appear and do homage. In case of disobedience he would resort to force, and chastise him as a rebel. Tevera paid no heed to these threats; and with an army of sixty thousand men, infantry and cavalry together, took the field against Madura. This Tevara was a huge-limbed and gigantic man, of great strength and great courage. The strongest horse could not bear him farther than two leagues. At one meal he ate as much as twenty ordinary men, and drank much wine. But he never entered on eating or drinking without going through superstitious performances with the wine. Angered at the revolt of Tevara, the prince of Madura sent out an army of eighty thousand combatants under a general, China Tamby Modely (Chinna Tambi Mudeliyar), a man astute, sagacious and valorous.

265.2.8

Tevara took several towns and fortresses of Madura, leaving in them a sufficient garrison for defence. In this style he went on weakening his force, and when he met China Tamby Modely, there remained under his command no more than twenty-five thousand combatants. With this small force he imagined (misled by his great courage) that he would overcome his enemies. Both sides gave battle, and for three hours the fight was in the balance. After that he (Tevara) began to perceive that his opponent had the advantage. In this crisis he tried to bring into action twelve [168] pieces of artillery that he had left behind in the charge of seventy Europeans, not supposing them to be required by a man of his calibre. But the enemy gave him no time to avail himself of these cannon.

265.2.9

Finding his army lost and routed, Tevara left the field, descended from his elephant, and hid himself in an adjacent wood. China Tamby Modely, in the rage of conquest, spared no one ; hardly anyone escaped alive. They found Tevara in the wood, but to make him surrender cost many a life. He was brought before the prince of Madura, who was highly delighted to see as his prisoner a man of such stature and courage. As a recreation, he directed him to be attached by two thick fetters in the hall where audiences were held. The imprisoned Tevara for two days refused to eat. The prince asked him why he did not eat. He answered that he could not eat unless he had wine to drink, and could carry through his usual ceremonial. The prince asked what he would have done if he (the prince) had fallen into his hands, and the indomitable Tevara replied that if Fate had made him victor, he would have pounded his enemy in a mortar, and then, well mixed with clay, would have made of him pellets for his boys to shoot birds with.

265.3.1

On hearing this answer, the prince laughed and said : ' For this speech I want to give you your liberty ; what have you to give me ?' Tevara replied : ' If you release me, I will give you forty thousand pagodas' worth of precious stones.' ' What security shall I have ?' responded the prince. ' My chief wife shall be left as hostage,' replied the other ; ' but you will have to swear not to touch her.' The prince was satisfied, but just then the general came in, made over his staff to the prince, and said that if he liberated Tevara he would turn jogi, or wanderer. As for the forty millions promised, he undertook to give double on condition that in his presence the prisoner were ordered to be killed. The prince asked Tevara how he wished to die. He replied that he should like to die at the hands of the Madura general. But first let them cut off one leg and one arm; let a sword be made over to him, and another put in the hands of the general. Thus fighting, his life could be taken. The prince ordered the prisoner to be mutilated in his presence. To this he retorted by abusive language. In this manner they went on removing one limb after another. But he had such endurance that he uttered much abuse both of the prince and of his general. Finally he was decapitated.

265.3.2

After his death, they went on conquering his territory and chastising the rebels until they reached his capital, into which the general entered with a large force, and the whole kingdom was brought into subjection. The Marava women pledged their word to each other that they would deny their husbands all marital rights, and not allow them near them until [169] they had taken vengeance for their sons and their Tevara. Thus put to shame, the men killed in one night the general and all the soldiers in the town. They raised to the throne a nephew of Tevara, who made a brave defence until he came to terms with the Prince of Madura, conceding the government to that prince more by force than by free will.

265.3.3

These Marava women are very brave and faithful to their husbands. There was once a woman of this race who lived in a house outside the village. Her husband was away, and she had an unweaned infant. By chance a faqir arrived and asked for alms. Seeing her beauty, and that the house stood at a distance from the village, he formed designs against her, and shut the garden-gate from inside. The woman became aware of the faqir's evil thoughts and ran for her room, fastening the door on the inside. In her hurry she had left her child outside. On reaching the door the faqir prayed her to open, saying thousands of amorous words, to which the woman did not reply. On finding that she did not answer, the faqir threatened her that if she did not open the door he would kill the infant. She uttered not a sound. In a rage the faqir cut off one of the infant's arms, and through a hole there was threw it inside. In spite of this she did not open her mouth. The faqir went on severing the child's limbs, and threw the pieces in as he had done the first. Finally he decided to get into the room by mining under the threshold enough to let his body through. Seeing the faqir's deliberate attack, and the danger to her honour, the woman placed herself close to the hole with a large stick in her hand, so that when the faqir's head emerged she applied the stick with such energy that his brains came out. Thus did she inflict justice for the death of her son. Towards evening the husband returned.

265.3.4

Finding the door fastened inside, he called to his wife. As she gave no answer, he climbed over the garden wall. On drawing near the door of the room, he saw the entrails of the infant and the dead faqir with half his body outside. He shouted for his wife, and she from inside, without opening the door, gave an account of the event. The husband went at once to report to the ruler. On hearing the story, the latter praised the woman highly, and, going to the spot, made her mount his elephant, and took her all round the town as a token of great honour. When the prince of that land heard of the case, he gave orders that all faqirs found in his territories should be killed. In this way more than three thousand faqirs were destroyed — men who, under the cloak of sanctity, are the greatest villains in the world. Up to this day no faqirs wander into those parts.

265.3.5

The Prince of Tanjor had a daughter of rare beauty. Inflamed by reports about her, the Prince of Madura asked her in marriage, saying he was anxious to become his (Tanjor's) son-in-law, and they two united would be able to resist the armies of the whole world. The Prince of Tanjor was much offended at this embassy, and replied that his daughter could not be given to him, seeing his great inferiority in blood and rank. He should remember how humble his forefathers were (referring to the emperor Ram Rajah having raised his ancestors from a lowly condition). He must not entertain such lofty ideas. By this answer the Prince of Madura was thrown into a great rage, and gathering all his forces, he started in person to devastate the lands of Tanjor. The latter also made ready his whole army, and sent his general in advance to impede the progress of the Madura ruler. But such was the sagacity and astuteness of that prince that he brought the Tanjor general over to his side with all his troops. When the Tanjor prince heard of his general's treason, he was greatly concerned, and took the field himself with a strong army, and awaited the arrival of the Madura prince. In a few days the two forces were in sight of each other. But the Tanjor leaders, already tampered with by the Madura prince or the traitorous general, gradually deserted their prince and sovereign ; by daybreak he found himself entirely abandoned, and was forced to retire into the city.

265.3.6

He made efforts to collect the people to defend the place, but through the great confusion that existed could not succeed ; and in desperation he loaded his cannon with all his great store of precious stones, and scattered them over the country. When this had been done, he went to his magnificent palace, where, shutting up seven hundred wives that he had, together with his daughter and all his wealth, he blew them up by a powder-mine, reserving only his most cherished wife, who was anxious to die in his company. He liberated fifteen thousand and three hundred concubines, who had been picked from the most lovely women in his kingdom.

265.3.7

Let not the reader start at the prince having this number of women. For in this so great was his haughtiness and vainglory that he wanted to imitate one of his gods called Quisina (Krishna), of whom it is said in their Scriptures, that he had this number of wives. While these things were happening, the enemy came and attacked the city. In order not to be made prisoner and be disgraced, the king decided to die bravely. He came out with three sons and eighteen horsemen, his relations, bearing on his horse's hindquarters his beloved queen. She, at the approach of the enemy's mighty force, felt afraid, and spoke tender words to her husband, saying that as evil Chance was so great a tyrant as to rob her of further delight in his society, she prayed him to end her life with his own hand, so that she might not fall into the enemy's power; nor should they ever obtain that delight he had enjoyed, while she would escape the horror of further afflictions. She repeated several times supplications to the same effect, but the prince was unable to steel himself to such cruelty, seeing the great love he bore her. Still, the arguments of the afflicted and determined princess were so strong that, finding the enemy already close upon them, he was forced at length to yield to her entreaties. Seizing his sword, he cut off her head, and, his blade all bare and crimson, galloped into the enemy's ranks, followed by his companions, and in a brief space ended his life.

265.3.8

Thus did the Madura prince become lord of [171] Tanjor. The cause of the ruin of that prince (Tanjor) was his want of capacity and his ambition to be like the god Krishna in regard to the daughters and wives of others, mostly his captains and generals. Being thus aggrieved, these men perpetrated the treason referred to.

265.4.1

This prince of Tanjor was the first to give permission to Father Ruberto Nobre (Roberto de' Nobili), a Jesuit and Italian by race, to build churches and preach our holy Faith and argue with the Brahmans. He held this father in much respect. Nobili was the first to begin that mission which at present, by God's grace, finds itself with more than one hundred churches. Continually it increases in the number of its Christians, to the greater glory of its founder. But at this moment, for the Christian communities in these provinces there is a great lack of missionaries. In the year one thousand six hundred and eighty-two (1682) the Dutch commissary with a fleet of thirty vessels tried to destroy the temple of Ramanavarao (Rameshwaram), and remove the great treasures buried within it. While this work was in progress he received a letter from the principal Hindus, wherein they wrote that if he determined to do any damage, or if his people got as far as within the shadow of the temple, they were prepared to set on fire and destroy all the cities, fortresses, and factories upon this coast, and the name of the Dutch would be blotted out for ever. Upon reading the letter, he made sail at once in the direction of Turuchorim (Tuticorin), and thus abandoned his intention in order not to lose the great wealth they drew from that coast.

265.4.2

Since I am speaking of that coast, I will state how they obtain seed-pearls on the shores of Tutochorim (Tuticorin) and in Manar. The inhabitants know the time of year for removing the pearls. It is in the months of March and April. The Dutch, as lords of the sea-shore on the coast of Tuticorin, and of the coast of Manar in the island of Ceylon, give licenses to fish for twenty-one different days. In this way they begin at the end of March, and spread the fishing out to May 20 or thereabouts. In this fishery participate six hundred toni (Tamil, toni), which are vessels sufficient for the purpose. Every vessel has a crew of thirty men, who pay the Dutch six patacas a head if they are Christians, nine if Hindu, twelve if Mahomedans. The Christian boats are three hundred, those of the Hindus one hundred, and of the Mahomedans two hundred. Added together, these come to eighteen thousand men. These are the divers. Many more people collect as traders, carriers, including women and children. Ordinarily, during the fishing season there are forty thousand people. Each vessel pays one pataca for a cartajo (a license or permit). All this money together amounts to one hundred and forty-four thousand three hundred patacas. Besides this, the Dutch provide supplies of rice, pulses, salted fish, and flour, et cetera, for sale to all [172] this crowd. From this they derive great profit, for they sell at whatever prices they like.

265.4.3

The way of obtaining the seed-pearls is as follows : These vessels anchor in ten, twelve, or even sixteen fathoms. The divers are naked and oiled all over. In entering the water they lay hold of a rope, at the end of which a stone is attached, and this helps them to get nearer the bottom. Another separate rope is tied round the man's waist. He has a basket hung across his shoulder, and holds in his hand a coita (? rod) which he uses to detach any shells which may be stuck to stones. Thus he rapidly fills the basket, and this done, he shakes the rope round his waist. His companions in the vessel, on getting this signal, haul him up as fast as they can to the surface, and take the shells. The diver who went down first takes a rest, and another man takes his place. Thus they continue the whole day, taking it in turns, and in the evening they withdraw, and from every boat they collect the shells and put them in a place set apart for them.

265.4.4

Some merchants take the chance of buying unopened oysters, the highest price given being one pataca per thousand. If the oysters turn-out not to be rich in pearls, they do not lose their money ; while some have such good fortune as to enrich themselves at the cost of one pataca. The fishing being over, they leave the oysters to rot, and the smell makes anyone ill who is present. They leave the oysters to decay, because in this way the pearls turn out of a better colour, and the Dutch as over-lords of the site purchase the best, and at the cheapest rates. Every year at this fishery there die without fail a considerable number of the divers while diving. There is also another fishery of a shell-fish they call changos (sankh), which is a business carried on by the Dutch only ; they carry them to Bengal and earn large profits. For the Hindus make from them bracelets, rings, and other curiosities for their women. They are always at a good price, for when any man dies all the female relations of the defunct break their bracelets and rings in sign of grief, when new ones have to be made. In this same way they fish, but at all seasons, for seed-pearls in the Persian Gulf, whence are derived a larger quantity and of higher value.

265.4.5

While I was in Madrastapatao (Madras) there came a barque from Macao, and among other news they told of an extraordinary case that had lately happened. A vessel sailed from Siao (Siam) for Manila. In the latitude of Paragoa it met a typhoon, by which it was driven on a rocky shore and perished. The greater number of the crew got into a boat in the hope of reaching some port, but to this day nothing has been heard of them. Fourteen men, however, took refuge on a peak of land, where they dwelt for nine years. They lived for six months on birds and for six months on turtle, according to the seasons, together with roots that served to sustain them, also on shell-fish. They suffered much for want of water, and forced by necessity, they searched diligently throughout the isle, until at one spot, digging a hole among the stones, it ended in a very sweet water springing up sufficient for their necessities. They lived on in this manner till there was a quarrel, when they divided into two settlements, each with its own chief. This continued for some time, and then they reunited.

265.4.6

In the said isle they often held council how to get out of it. To effect this, they decided to make a boat ready for the time when Fortune should favour them. All the timber and the trees driven to the island by the currents were collected, and the best kept for the above purpose, and the rest served for cooking. They kept the nails and pieces of iron found in the timber, and with these prepared the necessary iron and woodwork in the best way they could; only files and hand-saws they could not procure. With the skins and feathers of birds they clothed themselves, and of the gut they made string. The coverings of the turtles served as bowls and plates. As soon as they had timber enough, they began to build their boat, which looked like a box. They made in it a tank to carry water, and put on a deck. The mast alone delayed them six months, shaving and paring it; it was twelve cubits long. With the skins and feathers of birds they manufactured sails. The boat having been completed in the best way they could, they provisioned it with flesh of birds salted with salt they had made, and other flesh fried in tortoise fat, and of their shells they made water-jars and vessels. Dried yams served instead of biscuit. During their stay in the island two of the company died.

265.4.7

Having worked at their preparations for fifty days, they embarked and set sail, abandoning themselves to the will of Fate, and leaving behind one of their companions who had lost the use of his limbs. After the lapse of some days they came in sight of an island and made for it, and, beaching their boat, enjoyed themselves for two months. They caught a large number of birds, which they easily seized with their hands, they captured turtles, dug yams, and collected other wild productions. After two months they revictualled the boat, and once more set sail, navigating without knowing where they were going. After thirty days they perceived an island straight ahead of the boat, whereat they greatly rejoiced, for [174] they were suffering much from the want of water. Keeping on the same course there appeared a number of islands, which they recognised as the islands of Aisnaos, inhabited by Chinese. They were thus reassured, and made every effort to reach land and search for water, for they were dying of thirst. The natives, seeing such a boat and such figures, fled in fright, carrying off with them their children and all that they could carry, those who caused all this confusion not knowing what was the matter.

265.5.1

The Chinese governor, on being informed, sent soldiers to inquire into this novel affair. These men, seeing the feathered sailors, became alarmed and halted at a distance. On the fugitives perceiving the fear the soldiers had of them, one of them divested himself of his plumage, and from afar began saluting and telling them in Chinese that they were shipwrecked mariners. They were conveyed to the presence of the governor, and he, taking them to be pirates, ordered them to be seized, while men went to search the boat and see if things were as the sailors said. Finding in the end that they were shipwrecked men, he treated them honourably, gave them food to eat and clothes to wear, for they smelt of the feathers in which they were clothed. After some days he sent them off, accompanied by some soldiers, who carried them to terra firma, and produced them before the chief governor with a letter which reported the facts. After having been examined afresh, they were well treated. In this way they passed through the land of China with a guide provided by each governor of a fortress. They traversed many forests full of wild beasts. At the end of a long journey they reached the city of Macao. There at that time the wife of one of the band was about to marry again ; she broke the marriage off when her husband arrived, and took back her husband, although he was very emaciated and much battered by long travel.

265.5.2

As they were of different countries and different places, each one from this port took his road for his own home. One of them set out for Siam, and there found his wife already married again, and with sons. The cure who had married her obliged the woman to return to her first husband, although this was against her will. The story I have told was confirmed to me by a Portuguese, one of the band named Bento Marques. He told me many details of this shipwreck, and I have only reproduced the principal events; I will leave it to the reader to reflect on all that must have passed. To satisfy the reader's wish, I give the names of the men who were in this shipwreck: Bento Marques, Portuguese; Manoel Machado, of the same race; Paulo Dono, Agostinho de Moraes, Paulo de Siqueras, Urbano da Silva, Joao Gomes. These formed one settlement when they mutinied; and they had as chief Bento Marques, who was possessor of a knife. Those in the other settlement were Manoel da Costa, a native of India, selected as chief, and he had a nail for his only weapon; Antonio de Matos, Joao da Silva, Antonio da Costa. The three who [175] died were called Joao de Rozario, Joao da Costa, Luiz Pexoto da Silva. These seven were of the other settlement at the time of mutiny, and when they reunited, the majority of votes decided. This affair is well known in the greater part of India.

265.5.3

In the village of Trivambur (Tiruvottiyur), a league and a half from San Thome, there was a wall enclosing a temple, and on the stones of this an inscription stating and pointing out the road or highway for reaching the sea, for the benefit of those coming from inland. At the present time that village is quite close to the sea. In the year one thousand six hundred and fifty-one (1651), it happened at San Thome that a fisherman went there to fish. His hook caught at the bottom, so that he was unable to pull it up. He dived to see what his hook had caught in, and found it was an anchor. He put a buoy to his line to mark the place, and went off to tell the governor of the place nearest the sea. Divers were sent to haul up the anchor. When they got it out they saw the fluke had been embedded in clay, a sign that in olden times the sea was distant, and the place was the site of a village. The hooks (barba) of the anchor had already disappeared from the saltness of the sea, and it was without a stock.

265.5.4

The learned men of Hindustan are in the habit of writing on metal plates. This is from the habit they have of preserving the memory of antiquity. On one of these plates it is written that from the port of Surat, and Dyo (Diu) in Hindustan, caravans started for Mecca by land. Nowadays all is sea: Surat, Barocha (Bharoch), Cambaja (Kambayat), Dyo (Diu), Syndi (Sind) — all these are at present on the shore of the sea. In my time the Mahomedans destroyed the temple [at Trivambur] and the enclosure referred to in order to erect new buildings, for they abominate the antiquities of the Hindus.

265.5.5

I will tell you of a terrible affair that happened in the Portuguese territory. There was a man married to a rich and influential lady of good connections. He misbehaved with a girl servant of the house; but from the hate the lady thereby conceived for him, she dissembled until she found the occasion she needed. She killed the negress, and after mutilating the body, ordered it to be buried in the garden behind the house. The flesh removed from the body was taken by the lady into the kitchen, and in her own presence a dish was prepared with it. When her husband came home she presented the dish to him herself, and told him she had made it. The husband ate and praised it for its exquisite taste. Then the woman lifted the dish and flung the contents in his face, saying it was not enough to have enjoyed her while she was alive; even in death she was of good savour. Her anger overflowing, she gave her husband plentiful abuse, and, quitting the house, went to live with her relations, nor for the rest of her life would she consent to meet her husband.

265.5.6

Here is another case which happened at San Thome in the year ninety-five (1695). There was a Portuguese called Antonio Pinto, married to a woman whose name was Izabel Rapoza, and he went the evil way with a married woman called Antonia de Torres, who allowed this Portuguese to enter her house publicly. The wife heard of this, and not being able to cool down her passion, found an opportunity one day about noon, and came out of her house followed by four strong and stout slaves. She attacked the house of her adversary, and dragged her out by her hair into the street, there to have her bones broken by a good thumping and her face disfigured by shoe-beating. The aggrieved wife then retired with all dignity to her own house, and the wretched Antonia de Torres went off to Madras to be healed. Thus were she and Antonio Pinto branded with infamy all over the country. By way of restoring his credit, he assigned as a reason for his leaving his wife that she was impotent, and this rumour was generally current among the Portuguese.

265.5.7

Another such thing happened in San Thome. There was a lady married to Cosmo Lourenco Madeira, a Portuguese; her name was Dona Escolastica, the daughter of Joao Pereira de Faria. She imprisoned in her house one of her slaves for having stolen something. By reason of severe punishment and deprivation of food he died, and was buried in the dunghill. No one dared to ask any questions, for if the Mahomedans had known they would have chastised the gentleman, Cosmo Lourenco, as he had done to his slave. This murder of slaves and slave girls is common among the Portuguese, and few are the houses in which the skeletons of their bodies would not be found. Near the town of Bassaim (Bassein) dwelt a well-born gentlewoman on her estate. She was called Dona Luiza de Abello, and was a rich and influential woman. When she left her house for recreation, she was escorted by fifty sturdy, well-armed Kaffirs with their quarter-staves. When the woman saw any Portuguese youth who pleased her, she carried him off to her house and toyed with him till she was tired of him. As his reward, she would order him to be killed and buried in her orchard. In this way she passed her life, while the handsomest youths in the country disappeared.

265.5.8

Her cruelties became known, and the youths, thus warned, kept out of her way. The lady referred to, on her way to church, saw a boy whom she fancied, and on coming out took him home with her against his will, and he was never seen again. The lady was related to the highest-placed gentlemen to be found in Bassein. These men, recognising her disorders and misdeeds, made overtures to certain negro women of her household that, if they would destroy her in her sleep, their lives would be protected. Listening to the proposal, the slave women killed her by hitting her on the head [177] with a big stone and crushing her brains. The magistrate arrested the negresses, who were sentenced to death. On their way to execution they passed in front of the church of the Jesuit Fathers, who came out with the flag of Mercy, and they were liberated. This affair happened while I was in India, and many affirmed to me that it was true. When I passed through Bassein I merely addressed a question to some well-born gentlemen who were her relations, and they replied that it was worse than what I had heard said, and therefore God had punished her.

265.6.1

I will relate a ridiculous affair that happened in the town of Cochin when it was held by the Portuguese. There was a Portuguese merchant, married and very rich, who started on a voyage to China. After the lapse of three years he arrived again in the port with much wealth, and in possession of a slave to whom he meant to give his liberty. At the same time he wished to puzzle his wife, and test the depth of her love for him. He sent the man to her house with instructions as to what he was to say to the lady. On his reaching home all were rejoiced — above all, the lady. She asked the slave how her husband was. He replied joyfully that his master was hearty and well : God had brought him back in safety with much wealth. On hearing this, all of them grew happier and still more pleased. The lady gave orders to deck the bed with rich curtains and adorn the whole house. They were to set to work in the kitchen, and prepare all that was required. After these orders had been given she called the slave apart, and asked him quietly what sort of life his master led, and how many lady acquaintances he had made (for it is a usual thing for wives to spy on their husbands, and find out what they have been doing). The slave simulated sorrow, and told her that when his master reached the house she would be able to see. The wife fell into a state of mind and renewed her questions, urging him to state the truth, and she would keep his secret. The slave declined and showed fear of telling.

265.6.2

His mistress, still more confused, asked again more urgently, and became more eager than ever to find out. Finally, the slave told her quietly that his master was afflicted with a complaint which made him impotent. He then left the house. On hearing this the lady withdrew into her room and wept, and sadly bewailed her miserable fate. The women servants in the house ran to her, and asked the cause of her tears and complaining. She replied impatiently that God desired to chastise her youthful follies, and she repeated what the slave had told her. On hearing this, each began to express her ideas: some said it were better their master did not return, but stopped in China; others said he ought to be ashamed of himself to come home in that condition, having a young wife at home; others asked of what use were riches, when one was unable to enjoy them; others expressed other opinions. All were up in arms for their mistress. She took to her bed and shut herself up in her room, and countermanded all her former orders. She instructed her women that, should the husband arrive, they were to say to him that their mistress was unwell [178]. From joy the whole household was turned to mourning. In the afternoon the husband came ashore, and reaching his house, found that no one came out to greet him; all was silence.

265.6.3

The joker, though he knew the cause, pretended he did not, and rushed off to the room where his wife was, and going in, embraced her and asked her the cause of her keeping her room thus. Pretending to be ill, she answered softly and slowly that she was troubled with pains in the head, and could not bear loud talking. The cunning fellow came out hurriedly from the room and went after the servant girls, shouting to them and enjoining some of them to go within and look after their mistress. He ordered the cooks to prepare some dishes for their mistress to eat; others he sent to heat water to bathe his body. Then he took up position in the middle of the house, and complained that if his wife were only well, the house would not be in such disorder, nor would the negro women be thus careless. The women pretended not to hear, and neglected to carry out his orders. He affected anger, and ran about with a stick to oblige them by force to bring the hot water. Then, tying on a cloth round his waist, he bathed his body, the negro women attending on him. While washing he negligently allowed the cloth to drop. . . . The negresses reported to the wife. She rose up, and all the sad sentiments that afflicted her were dissipated. She ordered that as quickly as possible they should return to wait on him. She got up hastily and peeped through a window, and observed that there was nothing wrong, and the negresses were right.

265.6.4

Undeceived about the falsehoods reported by the slave, she came out in a great rage with the negro women, wanting to know why they had not looked better after their master. She ordered clean, perfumed sheets and linen to be brought, that the bed be made ready at once, that the cooks without delay, prepare to cook everything that was necessary. The husband, on seeing his wife's energy, was satisfied, and joined in her diatribes at the neglect of the negro women during her illness. The lady was pleased at her husband's return, and made great complaint of the slave, who by this time had disappeared. She thought the mis-statement was due to malice on the slave's part, and made secret efforts to catch him in order to punish him.

265.6.5

Thus, as I would wish to show, before anyone marries it is well for him to reflect deeply whether marriage is suitable for him. For I have seen many in India who no sooner were settled than they repented themselves, and were obliged to give up their wives. They became the mock of many. Just as happened once when I was in Goa, it was the rumour that seven of the principal inhabitants were impotent. In the case of one of these, whose name I will not mention, his wife left his house and published the matter all through the city. Then she laid a complaint before the Lord Archbishop that her husband was totally impotent. His Lordship's order to the lady was that she must retire for three years to a respectable household. Meanwhile all possible remedies would be tried, and if the doctors did not succeed, she might marry again. His Illustriousness sent for the chief physician, and confided the young man to him. He was to make a minute examination, and do all he possibly could to restore him fit to resume cohabitation. Instead of prescribing some drug to give him vigour, the physician directed him to be placed in a tub of cold, then into one of hot water. His object was to see if any change was effected, and he administered no other ingredients, but pronounced him impotent.

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