Storia do Mogor 340: QÃZÍ MÍR, THE HETERODOX
Storia do Mogor (Irvine) 340
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QÃZÍ MÍR, THE HETERODOX
340.1.1
The inquiring reader will have already seen in various parts of my work that I have spoken of the chief minister and chancellor called Cazimir (Qãzí Mir). He left Shãh 'Alam because that prince declined to listen to his good advice. He was the most learned man in the empire, always occupied in writings which were approved by the other learned men of that time. He composed a new work drawn from the Old Testament and the Evangelists. It was composed with his special acuteness of mind, forming a volume of considerable size. When it was finished, my friend Qãzí Mīr prayed for leave from Aurangzeb to travel to Mecca, since no one can be refused this, as it is a pilgrimage. On his arrival there he showed his book to the principal learned man of the Mahomedan faith, who is called the Xerif (Sharif). He collected all the most famous men of learning for the examination of Qãzí Mīr's opinions, and to decide whether it was right to lay them before the public. After some months spent in examination, all of them with one accord said openly that what Qãzí Mīr had written was correct. The verdict was attested by the principal men — the Sharif and the other learned men of Mecca — with their seals and signatures.
340.1.2
He set out on his return to India, and on arriving at court he laid his book before his majesty. The principal doctors of the law within the empire, four hundred of them, were summoned, and received orders to read and consider the book, examining it most minutely. After the lapse of some months they returned the book, saying that on the whole it set forth the true faith, and its precepts might rightly be followed. Aurangzeb, as a keen Mahomedan, was alarmed, and confiscated his (Qãzí Mīr's) property, and also caused the book to be burnt in his presence. He directed the chief qãzí to pronounce a sentence of beheadal on the author [239b], Qāzī Mīr. The chief qāzī replied that he found in him no fault requiring death, and if under royal compulsion he sent an order of execution, it would be a manifest injustice. After listening to these arguments, the king directed that Qāzī Mīr should be removed as a prisoner to the fortress of Aser (Asīr), of which I have already spoken in connection with the conquests of the great emperor Akbar, as you will have already seen in my First Part (I. 75).
340.1.3
When two years had elapsed Aurangzeb ordered Qāzī Mīr to be shut up in a palanquin and brought to court, and instructed the principal men at the court to use persuasion and induce him to disavow what he had written. But he was fixed and rooted in his opinions, and declined to vary them. Finding this the case, the king had recourse once more to the chief qāzī, and with wheedling words besought him to find some way of putting the man to death. The qāzī declined. Next the king had the prisoner brought into his presence, and said : 'If you will disavow and show penitence for what you have done, your offences will be pardoned.' Qāzī Mīr replied ardently that he meant to give the truth to the public, by whom it was ignored. 'Your majesty must repent and ask God's pardon for having given the true faith to the flames, and for not following its commands. Nay, for acting contrary to it, seizing your father, slaying your brothers, usurping the dominions of others, and unjustly ruining many princes and vassals.' At this point Aurangzeb interrupted by saying that in the Quran Muhammad enjoined the defeat and destruction of the infidel. Qāzī Mīr retorted: 'Muhammad acted as it pleased him; I follow what God ordains.' Upon hearing this, the king ordered him to be taken back to the same fortress, giving secret directions that as soon as he had arrived his life should be taken. This case happened in the year 1690.
340.1.4
Years ago I might have written what I have now said, but I did not; I waited until I had assured myself thoroughly in the [240a] matter, it being of some importance. Finally, I became assured that it was true, from its being known as such all over the court and throughout the empire. To this day I have no want of friends at the court and in various parts of the empire, who send me information of all that happens. In addition there are the news-letters received by the governors and principal officials at least once a month. By these men I obtain reports of all that takes place, keeping up friendship with them effectually, as it ought to be maintained. A similar case occurred in the city of Ahmadãbãd during the year 1699, when it was ruled over by Prince A'zam Tãrã. There was a youth, the son of a learned man who dwelt in the town of Xalcot (Shyãlkot), situated in the province of Lãhor. He forsook his father's house, and, abandoning his riches, took the garb of a poor ascetic; he wandered hither and thither, despising the great things of this world, and accepting nothing from anybody.
340.1.5
His business was to dispute with learned men and doctors of theology, and point out the road assigned to us by the Messiah. He made attacks on the Quran, as if already vexed with life and longing to sacrifice himself. He soon obtained his desires. He visited the principal qâzî when seated in public audience, and said: 'All men assert you to be the most learned man in this province; for this cause I have come to find if it is true.' Then began various disputations, the youth extolling the Gospel and decrying what Muhammad had enjoined. At this point the qãzi flew into a great passion, and along with all the other doctors present fell upon the young man, and endeavoured to force him into a disavowal. The beating they gave him produced no effect, so they dragged him away to prison. Every day he was sent for to be catechized; the questions were accompanied with many promises and honied words. Since there was no result, the beating was resumed. This martyrdom lasted for forty days. An appeal to A'zam Tãrã was equally ineffective, and finding all efforts fruitless, they cut off the young man's head, and threw his body on to a dung-heap outside the city, to be devoured by dogs and wolves. As it appears to me, this man must have been some disciple of Qāsim Mir.
340.1.6
[240b] A fine instance happened a few years ago in the city of Isfahan in connection with the great men of the Mahomedan religion. In that city there was a Capuchin Father, of whom I fancy I have already spoken; his name was Friar Raphael, a man much esteemed by the king and all the court, who delighted in his conversation, he being both learned and sensible. One day that he was in conversation with the greatest doctors of the court, they said to him, 'You are a sensible man; how can you say that the prophet Masih' (for so they style Him) 'is God?' The judicious Capuchin saw that an answer to this question required time if he were to deal with it satisfactorily, and expound the truth properly in a matter of such importance. Next day the friar presented himself, when there was a still greater crowd of learned men than before. He was received courteously, and all were anxious to hear the promised answer. They interrogated him upon the subject. His reply was that in due time he would state his opinion. Meanwhile, it was more urgent to consider a business of some importance to him, and that completed, he would talk of the other.
340.1.7
So saying, he produced a document which he handed to the leading man then present, making a claim for justice to be done. He demanded payment of a large sum of money, as detailed in that paper. As he spoke he indicated as the debtor one of the persons present. This man repudiated the debt by saying he had never had any dealings with him, and thus could owe nothing. Then all of the onlookers began to examine the acknowledgment, and saw that it was written by the self-same father, witnessed by him, and signed by him. Upon discovering these facts, they all said that in no court of justice [243a], and by no system of law, could such a document be valid.
340.1.8
The father replied : ' If this acknowledgment is held not to be valid, from being signed and witnessed in my handwriting, credit being refused to it in the absence of persons who certify the debt, how can faith be accorded to the Quran of Muhammad ? It was given to the world without any witnesses to certify that it was true and holy doctrine. In that case, why is not my document accepted ? Posing for solution the above question as to how the Messiah is the Son of God and the only true God, I reply that the answer is to be obtained from the whole of the Prophets and from different parts of the Sacred Writings, both of the Old Testament, where the promises can be seen, and of the New, where is found the fulfilment of those promises by the coming of that same Messiah, certified and testified to by the mouth of many apostles — men who were illuminated by the Divine Wisdom.'
340.2.1
As the Mahomedan doctors listened they looked at one another in shame, for there was no answer to give. They turned the conversation and put the father off the track, and with a smile on their lips, depreciated him as mad and wanting in common sense ; then declared that he did not know what he was talking about. The padre withdrew, and as he took his leave of them, he declared that what he had said was ascertained doctrine, accepted among all reasonable men and those learned in the true law of God. [241a] . . . the tongue, others suffocated themselves, others threw themselves into the ponds. In the camp the greater number did the same, as I have stated. Rushing out of the tents and running about in the camp in desperation without XLII. DOU. or Small Litter. To face page 122. finding any consolation, the women and wives of the Hindu princes who had died in the battle flung themselves with joy into the flames, in the way that will already have been seen described in my Second Part (II. 70, 71 ; III. 127, 133, 210).
340.2.2
The victorious princes were summoned to court. They entered the city [Ãgrah] in triumph, the streets being carpeted and adorned. Wherever they passed, rose-water was sprinkled and flowers scattered. The whole population shouted their huzzahs and uttered congratulations. They then entered the fortress. There they found the king seated on the throne ; and on coming into sight of the royal person, they made a profound obeisance, and stood where they were, awaiting the royal orders. A sign was made to them with the king's hand, beckoning them to approach. When they reached him they bent their heads to his feet, while he touched their backs three times with his hands. Sultãn Mu'izz-ud-din was on the right, and Sultan 'Azīm-ud-din on the left hand. He said : ' You did your duty, and the profit shall be yours and your sons'.' Then he ordered them to rise.
340.2.3
Upon rising they made three obeisances, and then returned to their places and stood. Sultãn Mu'izz-ud-din received a plume ornament, which was at once attached to the turban on his head. It was worth three hundred thousand rupees. Three strings of lovely pearls worth two hundred thousand rupees were also put on his neck, and round his waist a belt four fingers broad covered with precious stones worth five lakhs of rupees. The same presents were given to Sultãn 'Azīm-ud-din, but of less value. They were then given seats, Mu'izz-ud-din on the right and 'Azīm-ud-din on the left hand. On this day great rewards were distributed to those who had survived the battle. Their rank was increased, and new jāgīrs were conferred on them, while the relations of those killed in it were rewarded with good pay and jāgīrs. The sons of the Hindu princes belonging to the family of the ill-treated Jaswant Singh received a grant of the revenues of Gujarat province for five years, and, in addition to this, the territories were restored to them which had been taken away by the new king's father [241b]. To Chhatar Sāl Rāe were granted the revenues of Ajmer; and others were also honourably rewarded as each one had deserved. On the third day the third son of Shãh 'Alam, called Rafiulcader (Rafl'-ul-qadr), arrived in the royal presence, and received the same distinctions as his brothers.
340.2.4
On the same day it was ordained that a letter should be written to the general Ghyãz-ud-dln Khãn stating that until the arrival of the Prince Mu'izz-ud-din in those parts he should take charge of Barãr, Burhãnpur, Aurangãbãd, and Baglãnah. Another letter was at the same time written to the new King of Bljãpur, Kãm Bakhsh, whereby he was enjoined to remain and take his ease at the city of Bljãpur, and refrain from interference elsewhere (sad news indeed for that prince). When five days had passed, he (Shãh 'Alam) dispatched Sultãn Mu'izz-ud-din to the Dakhin, appointing him lord over those regions, and conferring on him full powers. At the leave-taking Shãh 'Alam with his own hands attached to his waist a valuable sword. Mu'izz-ud-din issued from the city of Ãgrah with one hundred thousand horse, having for his principal general Queamerdinchan (Qamar-ud-din Khãn), son of the foster-brother of the old king, now dead. After the death of A'zam Shãh all became quiet in these regions [? the Dakhin] ; now we shall see, upon the arrival of this prince (Mu'izz-ud-din) in these parts of the Dakhin, what will happen. The only thing that troubles me is Kãm Bakhsh, who will never come to the enjoyment of all that he imagined.
340.2.5
Here arises a point to be remembered. The judicious and inquiring reader will already have seen what happened to the King Paruoar. All his courtiers were traitors to him except Jufacarkan and Danisbankam (Dãnishmand Khãn). The traitors have died leaving no descendants, a castigation that fell on them from God. Readers have seen also the practice of the King Aurangzeb, and the payment he gave to the traitors who adopted his side in his revolt [242a]. He sent out orders secretly to deprive them of life; as he did to Jīvan Khān who seized Dārā, and to Khalīl[ullah] Khān, who was the cause of his winning the battle, as already may be seen in my First (I. 266) and Second Parts (II. 85). As for Shāistah Khān, he did not kill him, because he was in need of his good advice. Most of them had their lives taken in his (Aurangzeb's) lifetime, while he rewarded the sons and grandsons of those traitors who were in the battle. All of the traitors came to their death with the exception of one — namely, Asad Khān. This man declined to join the party of Aurangzeb, and was sent to his court by an order of Shāhjahān, after his becoming a prisoner, as will have been already seen (II. 14). Thus, of the ancient and noble persons in the empire, all were killed, except a few infants left with the baggage-train.
340.2.6
It is to be observed that in the ancient chronicles of the battles fought in Hindustan between powerful princes in those earlier days, as well as in the time of the Pathāns and the Moguls, there is no description found of so fierce and sanguinary a battle as the one I have just described. True, I was not there myself, but the agents of those lords who govern provinces, fortresses, and districts in this direction (the Dakhin), all of them wrote to their masters an account of these events. They are all under an obligation to make such reports, as I have already said (III. 68). They all affirm to the same effect; and inquiring from men who were present, I always obtained the same result without any differences, and in all places nothing else is asserted. The judicious reader will have seen already how King Aurangzeb, through his deceits, double-dealings, and treachery, made himself master of the empire. My prince, Shāh 'Ālam, has not adopted these methods, but overcame with humanity and courage.
340.2.7
[2436] There was a priest at Manila, a Castilian by birth, called Dom João Fratre de Gevara Capello. As I have heard from many persons, he found himself compromised in a crime of murder, and a complaint was laid by the relations of the deceased before the tribunal of the Lord Archbishop of Manila, who was in some slight degree friendly to the accused priest. As sentence the court gave the priest his letters demissory, and told him to quit Manila. Quitting that place, he landed at Tranquebar, a fortress of the Danes, and there for some three years he laboured as an active missionary, preaching and granting indulgences. During this period he captured the friendship and affection of the Danes by gifts and presents. By means of this intimacy he suggested to the Danes certain faults, real or imagined, of the vicar then in charge of the church at Tranquebar. In this way the Danes ceased to be on good terms with this vicar.
340.2.8
When this was put in train, the said Father Dom João Fratre left Tranquebar and came to San Thome to interview the Lord Bishop, nor did he fail to inform him of the complaints against the above vicar, and the desire of the Danes to turn him out of the church. After he had given the Lord Bishop this information, he requested the favour of being conceded leave to remain in San Thome, stating his desire to be enrolled in that diocese. He alleged that he was unable to travel owing to an attack of beri-beri, which was not the case. On finding the bishop unwilling to give permission, he made friends with some favourites of his lordship, and in the end was enrolled in the diocese. During this time there also arrived complaints to the bishop from the Danes against the vicar; they asked for the appointment of some one else, even if the bishop declined to eject the priest then in charge. This application had been planned by the said Father Dom João, the intrigue being firmly backed up by means of the bishop's favourites above referred to. He was collated to the said church of Tranquebar, and, taking possession, entered on the execution of his office of vicar. When, as I say, he had become vicar, he made use of a Malabar native (the Lord pardon him !) for buying and selling.
340.3.1
At this time a Malabar [a Tamil] of this province of Karnãtik, a Christian belonging to the mission of the fathers of the Society [of Jesus], had celebrated the betrothal of his daughter to a young man of his own race ; and having concluded the ceremony, he started on a voyage to Manila. At the same time the man's wife and all his family moved to Tranquebar, and made it their abode, and remained some years during the absence of their husband and father. During these six years there grew up a most mystical friendship between the wife and the above-named native, who was in the service of the said Father Dom João. Such an intimacy was publicly accounted to be adulterous, both of them being young.
340.3.2
Having regard to this evil repute, there being no other way out of it, the woman arranged a marriage between her daughter and the said friend of hers, by this method neutralizing the current report. On receiving word of this, the other relations of the betrothed placed a protest in the hands of the said vicar. He declined to accept it, and performed the marriage ceremony during Holy Week, taking the girl to the church for the purpose at night time, although barely convalescent from small-pox. When they found this out the relations of the girl, as the only course they could pursue, had recourse to the father of the Society at the mission for advice touching this marriage — what might be the consequences, and what pleas they could submit to the Lord Bishop. But the Jesuit was not pleased to point out anything of the kind they desired ; and thus the young girl remained the wife of the vicar's broker.
340.3.3
Some months after this event the bride's father came from Manila and learnt what had been done. He concealed his feelings for some days, then went to see his daughter and his son-in-law at their house. He took possession of the girl, and sent the bridegroom about his business, telling him there was no marriage between them, and that he meant to marry her there in Hindu fashion to some one to whom she had been betrothed. This occurrence was the cause that the man became a pervert with some forty other persons. When the bridegroom found this to be so, he, too, presented a petition to the Lord Bishop, either that the relations be compelled to hand over to him his wife, or that he be given permission to marry someone else. But the Bishop would give no decision whatever. So the bride was married to some one else, and the first husband was deprived of a wife. In this same province of Karnãtik, in the Christian community of Madura, under the fathers of the Society (the Jesuits), there was a married Malabar [Tamil] native. This man had four sons. He was in distress, and unable, where he lived, to find any means of supporting his family. Leaving them in charge of a neighbour, he made for Negapatam to see if he could find any employment. Having found something to do there, after a month he asked leave of absence from the person he was serving, and returned to his home at Madura to fetch his wife and children.
340.3.4
There he learnt the news that the very neighbour to whom he had confided his family had abducted them, telling the wife her husband had sent for her. Then he carried her off with her sons to Tranquebar, where he sold them all treacherously to the worthy vicar for thirty pagodas. The persons sold were not aware of it. In the end the husband heard of the sale of his wife and sons ; he came to Tranquebar, and made efforts to recover them. The said vicar resisted, and by aid of the governor had the man seized, so that he could make no further attempts beyond effecting his own release. When delivered from prison, he made complaint to the Lord Bishop, but a hearing was refused out of regard for the said vicar. Finally he prayed that he might at least have permission to re-marry, since the said father had already bought his wife and sons. The latter were to be sent to Manila to be sold. Even this privilege was not accorded until he should pay sixty pagodas, when he might take back his wife and sons.
340.3.5
Since the Malabãrî was a poor man, the whole of his caste assembled and undertook to pay the said sixty pagodas in one month. Even this did not avail. But the Governor of Madras, being a heretic, decided that such slaves should not be embarked in the ship leaving for Manila. Thereupon the worthy vicar took them away, and sent them for sale elsewhere into the hands of the infidels. The husband in desperation, made off, it was never known where; and probably he returned to Hinduism, since he was unable to secure justice among Christians. [245a] After Dā,ūd Khān had taken the fortress of Pilconda (Penukonda), as already stated (V. 168 and 185), he came to San Thome in the month of November (1706). Before entering the town he rested for one day and one night in my house, situated at the foot of Monte Grande (the Great Mount), of which I have already spoken (IV. 106). I was unable to go out myself to meet him by reason of the heavy rain then falling. The following day he came on to San Thome, and went straight to see the Lord Bishop, prostrating himself at his feet, as is their custom in the case of religious mendicants. The Bishop received him in the church with music and instruments. On his leaving he presented three hundred and fifty rupees to the household of the said Most Illustrious, and then retired to his tents.
340.3.6
As I was anxious to pay him a visit, the governor of Madras, Thomas Pitt, asked me to go in company of the envoys he must that day send. [I acceded to the governor's wishes.] The envoys were the following : Mester Rabart (Raworth) and Mester Fedorik (Frederick), both of the Council; the third Mester Devenport (Davenport), secretary, the fourth Mester Canosbin (Coningsby), both well-born, well-instructed young men of good carriage. Joined with them was the doctor of the Honourable Company, called Doctor Botler (Bulkley). The four above-mentioned gentlemen were mounted on handsome Arabian and Persian horses, while the doctor and I were in palanquins. During the march there went in front one hundred halberdiers, men of the country ; behind them were carried two flags, and after these marched sixty-two European soldiers, commanded by a sergeant. We went on and found Dā,ūd Khān in a large tent erected on the sea-shore, and fitted with carpets. He was seated on a small bedstead and clothed in simple raiment. On our entering the tent he rose and embraced us all, then made us sit near him. He displayed much urbanity, and was most courteous. After exchanging compliments, we passed an hour and a half in conversation with him. He professed himself a warm friend of the governor, praising his good administration.
340.3.7
Upon giving us our leave he presented us each with an emerald ring worth two hundred rupees, and placed in the hands of Mester Rabart (Raworth) a jewel to be presented to the governor; it was worth five hundred rupees [245b]. He remarked that he was sending it in sign of remembrance, and he would be glad to meet him and drink a glass or two to his health in his company. The next day the governor sent him a messenger, a person of standing, with many compliments, to say that he would expect him during his march. Dã,ud Khãn started, but half-way reflected that the English would never permit his entry with a number of retainers, and that some dispute might arise between the soldiers on both sides. Thus, stipulating with me to get his salute of guns from the city, he halted. He proposed going to a garden belonging to an English resident of that city, and sent word to the governor that from certain reasons he had changed his mind as to his visit. At once there started to greet him the same Englishmen as specified above, and with them a young man, a private merchant, named Mester Lester (Lister), son-in-law of Daniel Chardin, also a famous merchant, and much esteemed by him (Dã,ud Khãn). I, too, was of the company.
340.3.8
The banquet which had been prepared was carried to the garden along with several cases of good wine. When the meal was finished they made him a present of eight pieces of broadcloth of various colours, different pieces of silver plate, such as candlesticks, pãn-boxes, basins, inkstands, boxes, scent-sprinklers, et cetera, two large mirrors in gilt frames, several chests of liqueurs, Persian wine and rose-water, a large quantity of dried fruit, almonds, walnuts, filberts, pistachios, apricots, et cetera, the whole amounting in cost to seven thousand rupees. The Nawãb, pleased and satisfied, resumed his journey, and passed six days in San Thome. I felt it my duty to pay him a visit every day in return for the obligations I was under, and also because he asked me.
340.4
As Dã,ud Khãn was suffering from sciatic pains, he sent a man to beg the governor of this place (Madras) to do him the favour of lending him the services of his medical man to treat him. In reply the governor sent his doctor with all the articles requisite.
[246a] At this time [when Dã,úd Khãn was laid up] the Lord Bishop went to pay him a visit, and gave him a present of some torches and candles of white wax. He explained that he was a poor 'darvesh,' and had no wealth with which to find presents. He was received most courteously. On the next day Dã,úd Khãn went to see him, and said good-bye. He was received in the way I have already described (IV. 245a), and once more he gave the Bishop three hundred and fifty rupees. He drank a considerable quantity of wine, and the principal Portuguese inhabitants, to the number of four, were present.
One day before his departure I went to take my leave. We then had a long conversation, and he expressed his approval of the liqueurs and cordials that on several occasions I had forwarded. I now presented some more. He gave me a present of a costly set of robes, and of three hundred and fifty rupees. He added that it was only a small sum, and must be made over to the little children in my house; and he would not ask me to accompany him, so as to spare me the fatigue of the march, I being a man already getting on in years. He begged me to continue my friendship as before, and he would never forget me.
During the conversation a dispatch-rider arrived from the court with a number of letters. Among them was one from Zu,lfiqãr Khãn, of whom I have already spoken (III. 13, IV. 2, 15). By it he entrusted him with some business, and also in it directed him to make over to me seven hundred rupees as a present. Dã,ud Khãn executed this second commission on the spot. That noble (Zu,lfiqãr Khãn) had been condescending enough to write to me several times to ask for some lotions and medicines, by means of which his wife, who suffered from her eyes, had been cured.
Dã,úd Khãn started, and took with him the doctor. Before they left he gave him one hundred and fifty gold pagodas, which comes to 520 rupees in silver, and a valuable set of robes. After he had reached his camp he detained the doctor for a month, allowing him thirteen rupees a day, and food sufficient for twenty persons. He had now recovered from his complaint sufficiently to be able to walk and mount his horse without any detriment.
At this time it happened that in the city of Madras an English lady [246] of position and wealth fell mortally ill. To obtain help for this lady the governor wrote a letter to Dã,úd Khãn that the doctor was urgently required. Dã,úd Khãn sent him back [with a present of a thousand rupees and more robes], and thanked the governor. One day before the arrival of the doctor the said lady had died. Her name was Madam Pitt, the widow of John Pitt, the Consul of the New English Company, who died in the port of Machlipatam three years ago.
[Endorsement] Account of the visit of Dã,ud Khãn in the year 1706.
STATEMENT OF THE ARMY OF THE KING SHAH 'ALAM, NOW CALLED MUHAMMAD
PRINCE SULTAN MU'IZZ-UD-DIN, ELDEST SON OF THE KING: CAVALRY AND SPEARMEN
THE REAL ARMY.
SHAH 'ALAM, King of the whole (Farrukhsiyar).
MUHAMMAD A'ZAM SHÃH, aged sixty-one years.