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Indian Epigraphy and South Indian Scripts c7: Indian Epigraphy

Indian Epigraphy and South Indian Scripts c7

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Indian Epigraphy

Introductory

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One of the most important sources of information for reconstructing the history of India and weaving the web of true and logical narration of facts is the study of inscription. India is rich in inscription and the considerable material already brought to light is indeed most valuable and interesting from different points of view. In spite, however, of the excellent efforts of the Epigraphical Department to save the inscriptions, there is a destructive agency of such tremendous proportions present all over that without a kindly understanding and interest in the mind of every individual in every village this tendency for destruction cannot be stopped. Every day and every hour the village-smith is probably in some corner of some village melting down a precious copper plate in the possession of some private family for utilizing the metal. The vandalism of misguided faith has demanded a heavy toll of most valuable inscriptions an instance may be cited from Amarāvatī where after rubbing out all inscriptions and sculpture to satisfy Muslim conscience, the carved stūpa slabs were utilized in building construction. Similarly, a large number of inscribed stones, built up with face into the wall while transforming a Hindu structure into a mosque as in the university of Bhoja at Dhārā, require urgently to be rescued. In the Hindu temples themselves the tragedy of pious renovation has undone most of the labours of the mighty monarchs of old to hand over recorded history in inscriptions, as the process. of renovation emphasizes for economy the utilization of the old material by rechiselling and renewing, or to institutions prevailing in the country at the time of their record. They supply us with a complete list of the designation of officers of State to whom different functions were allocated. The prosperity of the country by sea-borne trade and privileges of merchant guilds are herein pictured. The religious faith, toleration or bigotry, endowments and charities for temples, monasteries, universities, etc., are recorded. Maintenance of charitable institutions, hospitals and colleges is herein mentioned.

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The long and pompous descriptions of the royal families known as *Praśastis* or *Meykīrtis* give graphic accounts of various exploits. In the grants where the extent of land is specified with boundaries and other particulars, the names of villages and other geographical details help identification of the spot in terms of modern location. Modern Ahicchatra is mentioned as Ahicchatrābhukti in the Banskhera plate of Srī Harṣavardhana. Sthānagundūra is not a far cry from modern Tālgunda nor Elāpura from Ellora nor Kalyāṇapura from Kalyan. The exact location of Lumbini was possible only by the mention of the place in the Rum mendai pillar inscription of Aśoka found in the place. In an inscription from Amaravati the word ‘*Kulūranivāsikāsa*’ points to a resident of ancient Kodura which may be identified with modern Kodduru. Kondukur and Bezwada are mentioned in an Eastern Cālukyan inscription in Telugu of the 9th century A.D. Modern Pithapur is known as Piṣṭapura in an early inscription.

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The royal *Praśastis* and *Meykīrtis* are repeated at great length in the long stone-cut inscriptions running the whole length of the outer plinth and walls of the sanctum in some temples. One of the most classical instances of such inscriptions is the group on the walls of the Bṛhadīśvara temple at Tanjore that records the erection and installation of the famous deity Rājarājeśvaramuḍiār by the great emperor Rājarājacola. All the great gifts made by him, his sisters, queens, noblemen and generals are recorded; many minute details are mentioned regarding the infinite number, weight and value of jewels and beautiful metal images presented to the temple, some of the latter being among the finest of early Colla workmanship yet known. The variety of jewels of the period and their patterns and workmanship as we gather from these inscriptions, is amazing. A few names will serve as a sample—*tirumuḍi*—sacred lock, *poṟpū*—gold flower, *tiraḷmanivaḍam*—combinations of strings, *aṇṇam*—swan, *kiḷi*—parrot, *kaikārai*—bracelet, *aḍikkārai*—anklet, *śoṇagachidukku*—lock formed in the fashion *Jonakas*, *vali* and *valukavāḷi*—earring, *bhadram*—auspicious mark, *śuṭṭi*—ornament for the forehead, *koṇḍanan* or *koṇḍattudār*—necklace, *kaṭakam*—bracelet, *modiram*—finger ring, *paṭṭigai*—girdle, *tiruppaṭṭam*—diadem, *makuṭam*—crown, *muttu-vaḷaiyal* or *ratnavalauiyal*—pearl bracelet or jewelled bracelet. These are just a few of a long list of ornaments. The inscriptions mention different varieties of pearls like *vaṭṭam* (round), *anuvaṭṭam* (slightly curved), *oppumuttu* (hollow pearls), *tuḻumuttu* (small pearls), etc.

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The inscriptions furnish a good deal of information regarding weights and measures; tables of measures can be made out by a study of the inscriptions where even the smallest measure is mentioned; similarly also regarding the weights used for gold, silver, copper and other metals. Just as the measure, *droṇa*, was started by the Nandas ‘*Nandopakramāṇi droṇaḥ*’ similarly some measures were started by Pallava and Cōḻa kings. Sometimes they were named after the kings themselves like Arumoḻidēvan after Rājarāja or Viḍelviḍugu after Pallava Mahendravarman or more often after the gods like Dakṣiṇāmeruviḍaṅgan and Āḍavallān. From the inscriptions we get an insight into the price of articles to be compared with modern prices but it was mostly in terms of paddy, rice, pulse ghee, oil, etc.

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The brilliant paper on irrigation in ancient times by V. Venkayya (*Annual Report of the Director-General of Archaeology in India for 1903–4*) shows how valuable inscriptions are in enriching our knowledge about the facts of irrigation in ancient times. The inscription mentioning *Mahendrataṭāka* at Mahendravāḍi is among the most important Pallava documents. The *Vairāmegaṭaṭāka*, *Parāmeśvarataṭāka* and *Chitrāmegaṭaṭāka* are other irrigation tanks of the Pallava period. The Tiruvallaraī tank came into being during the reign of Dantivarman. The high bund built by Karikāla for the Kāveri, famous in literature, is mentioned in inscription as also other irrigation canals opened by Coḻa kings of the 10th-11th centuries like *Uyyakoṇḍān* and *Muḍikoṇḍān*. Pāṇḍyan inscription, also mentioned such water channels.

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The famous *Bhojasāgar* is a feat of engineering skill, and one of the largest irrigation tanks constructed in India. It really stirs our pride to read of how Bhoja, the great king, administrator, conqueror, poet, patron of poets, scholar in different branches like *Vyākaraṇa*, *Alaṁkāra*, *Sāṅkhya*, *Yoga* *Śilpa* and *Sthāpatya* was also an engineer and took special pride in this great irrigation lake on the waters of which his boat glided softly as he watched the scenery around.

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An irrigation tank of huge dimensions which has existed in India from the earliest historical times having been repaired during the Mauryan period twice and again during the time of the Kṣatrapa king Rudradāman is mentioned yet once more during the time of the Guptas in the Junāgadh inscription of Skandagupta. The lake *Sudarśana* was again carefully rebuilt with masonry work making the embankment really strong (Fleet *C. Inscr. Ind.* III, p. 61); but the most picturesque description in epigraphy describing the overflow from the huge water reservoir is recorded in the inscription of Mahākṣatrapa Rudradāman where the same Sudarśana lake forms the object of description.

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If the discovery of tribal coins of the Yaudheyas, Arjunāyanas, Audumbaras, Mālavas, Pañcālas, Vātāsyakas, etc., has helped the historian to understand literary sources better and reconstruct the history of democratic institutions in ancient India, inscriptions have helped him a thousandfold. Just as the discovery of Kauṭilya's *Arthaśāstra* revolutionized the viewpoint of the historian of India regarding her political institutions so also the publication and interpretation of the Uttaramallūr inscriptions describing village institutions in the 10th centry A.D have removed all doubts regarding the innate spirit of self-governing democratic bodies in South India from very early times. The various qualifications required of a candidate standing for membership in the village assembly are given, the minimum property, age limit, character and equipment. Disqualifications are also mentioned. The method of election is most interesting. The village was divided into a number of wards or centres where pots were kept with their mouths covered, leaving a slot for the voting card, a small palm-leaf ticket with the name of the person noted to be dropped in. On the day of election, all the people of the village gathered together, the contents of each pot made into a bundle and all emptied into an empty pot and well shaken. A boy who knew nothing about all this was to take a card at random from the pot and the name was read out. This was done in the presence of arbitrators, near the village temple. One man was chosen for each ward. After this general election, several committees were formed for looking after gardens, tanks, fields, gold, the wards, administration of justice, etc.

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The system of punishment and administration of justice in the case of criminal offence can be learnt from inscriptions. An example may not be out of place. A man hunting at night missed his aim at the boar and shot a human being. He was ordered to give thirty-two cows for a lamp to be kept burning in the temple for the merit of the deceased.

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The inscriptions also give glimpses regarding the social conditions of the time. In a Vijayanagara inscription we are told that the emperor settled the disputes between a Vaiṣṇava Jeer and a Jain teacher by making them agree to be friends and raised no points of dispute. In another Vijayanagara inscription there is a graphic account of how the learned scholars in all branches of sacred studies assembled and signed a document which forbade *Kanyāśulka* and *Varadakṣiṇā* in any marriage arrangement and threatened punishment by the king and social exclusion from the community for parties receiving either (*S. Ind Inscr.* I, p. 84). Special privileges like the bride and bridegroom riding a horse in procession being allowed by royal command (*Epigraph Ind.* VI, p. 346) is also gathered from inscriptions.

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The temple was one of the greatest institutions created by the Indian genius. It was the hub on which revolved the whole life of the village. The temple provided for the education of the scholar, the amusement of the public, the cultivation of art and aesthetic sense and for the piety of the worshippers. The temple, as can be gathered from the inscriptions, was at once a great centre of various activities. The great endowments made to temples were not in vain. The sense of responsibility of the committees that managed the temples was very great and it should be remembered that high character and scholarship were essential for those who were to serve on these committees. The temples provided for the conducting of classes in various sciences and systems of philosophy grammar rhetoric and religious hymns. In inscriptions from Ennāyiram we have a long list of the various courses of study, the number of teachers, and students for whose maintenance provision was made. An excellent scheme of both juvenile and adult education on the noblest lines for imparting right ideas of social life and conduct, right morals, incorruptible ways, sound general knowledge of the affair of the world, of institution political and social, and of economics from a broad view-point, was all arranged by the king through the exposition of special parts of the *Mahābhārata*, the encyclopædic national epic, which has shaped Indian thought and character through the ages.

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Hospitals were maintained by the temples. A Kākatiya inscription from Mālkāpuram mentions a maternity hospital. Another inscription in Tamil gives a long list of medicines stocked and the quantity of each. In times of famine the temples, being rich institutions dedicated to the service of humanity, undertook the feeding of people on a large scale.

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Provision was made in the temples for morning and evening music, the pipers, drummers, flutists and others being given separate land allowances. An inscription mentions the arrangement for the play of the *Vīṇā* in the temple. Having myself witnessed in a large but neglected, out of the way temple in my district the dance and *abhinaya* performed before the deity, the song being sung and commented in the language of gesture according to the canons of Bharata, I can say that it is no exaggeration that either Rājaraja or Rājendra was thrilled when he witnessed a great *nāṭya* performance in one of the temples; but the inscription does mention in glowing terms the king's high appreciation of this art and his reward therefor. The *Nāṭya-maṇḍapa* in the temple was explicitly for this purpose: However prude social reformers may be on the question of the *nautch*, it was a.necessary institution in the temple. Similarly, drama was fostered, and the *Raṅga-maṇḍapa* in the temple served as the open-air theatre and we learn from inscription of the drama, *Rājarājeśvara Nāṭaka*, enacted during the time of Rājendra Coḻa I in such a theatre.

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Provision was made for the chant of *Devāram* in Saivite temples and the hymns of the Āḻvārs in Viṣṇu temples. Similarly arrangements were made for the chant of the *Vedas*, *Ṛg*, *Yajus* and *Sāma*. The temple provided occupation for wood-carvers, sculptors, painters, gardeners, garland-makers, potters, watermen, cooks and accountants, among others.. The festivals conducted at periodic intervals attracted crowds from distant places and large fairs contributed to that healthy social intercourse which is a unifying bond between villages, and districts. We learn from inscriptions that the kings also supported educational institutions (*ghaṭikas*), outside the temple precincts, solely dedicated to the dissemination of knowledge in the different branches of studies. These *ghaṭikas* were looked upon with great respect and the one at Kāñcī took an important lead in the election of the prince Nandivarman Pallavamalla to the Pallava throne as is gathered from the inscription in the Vaikuṇṭhaperumāl temple. It is from inscriptions that we learn of the friendly interest that the kings took in the various religions other than their own. The *Cūḍāmaṇivihāra* at Negapatam was an instance of a Buddhist institution fostered by the Colas. The sister of Rājarāja, the queen Kundavai, was responsible for a Jaina temple at Tirumalai. This is not an isolated instance. King Devarāya similarly built a Jaina temple. We have the classical instance of Aśoka giving his opinion in the matter. It is from his edicts we learn that it is the most foolish thing for one interested in his own faith to persecute the faiths of others and Aśoka has expressly preached tolerance, nay, requested active support for faiths other than one's own.

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Sometimes there may be a stone in a village with quaint figures of an archer and cows; of a man fighting a tiger; or of a warrior on elephant or horseback fighting a rival. These stones may sometimes contain inscriptions describing a hero who died fighting in a *Gograhana* (cattle-raid), a man who killed a tiger which was harassing villagers, a devotee fulfilling his vow by offering his head; or of a warrior killed in battle being gloriously transported to heaven. Sometimes the slab represents the upraised female hand with bracelets and the inscription would mention the act of *Satī* committed by the woman on the funeral pyre of her husband. We have classical mediæval examples of *Satī* in the noble queen Yaśomatī of Prabhākaravardhana and in Vānavanmahādevī, the wife of Sundaracola; both of them were great queens, mothers respectively of the great emperors, Harṣa and Rājarāja. And an inscription from the temple of Rājarāja at Tanjore mentioned the image set up by princess Kundavai for her mother, Vānavanmahādevī.

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From the inscriptions, again, we gather an amount of information about land divisions, assessment, survey and settlement. The taxes payable to the state, and the conditions of land ownership are given. The proportion of the produce to be enjoyed by the cultivator and the state is specifically mentioned.

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So far as territorial divisions are concerned large areas corresponding to our modern Presidencies are, known as *deśa*. In North Indian inscriptions the *deśa* was divided into *bhuktis*, *bhuktis* subdivided into *viṣayas*. In South India in the Tamil area *valanāḍu*, *nāḍu*, *koṭṭam*, *ūr* were the territorial divisions. Large units were known by the name of *maṇḍalam*, *pāḍi*, or *vāḍi* in the Tamil and Canarese areas. We have such names as Cōḻamaṇḍalam, Toṇḍamaṇḍalam, Gaṅgavāḍi, Raṭṭappāḍi, Perumbāṇappāḍi, Nulambapāḍi Sometimes there are territorial divisions based on the name of the adjoining hills as, for instance, Ballamkoṇḍa, Tirumalai, Venkuṉṟam, etc. Such territorial divisions as Vaḍabalavaḻināḍu and Vadavaliṉāḍu show that their boundaries were high roads known by those names. Similarly, the banks of rivers also formed boundaries. In the Cola period many of the *Valanādus* were named after the king as Arumoḻivalanāḍu, or after some branch of art or culture, like Nityavinodavalanāḍu.

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Of the officers under the king the inscriptions give a lengthy list. At the royal court were the *Sacivas*, *Amātyas*, *Pradhānāmātyas*; the important ministers, *Mahādaṇḍanāyakas*, *Mahābalādhikṛta*, *Mahāsenāpati* or commanders and generals; and under them in charge of cavalry and elephantry corps were *Aśvapatis* and *Pīlupatis*. *Bhuktis* were under *Uparikas*, and *Viṣayas* under *Viṣayapatis* or *Viṣayamahattaras*. Other subordinate revenue officers like *Ayuktas*, *Vyāpṛtas*, *Adhikṛtas* are also known. *Cāṭas* and *Bhaṭas* were askin to police officials. Among judicial officers are the *Nayādhikaraṇas* and the *Dharmādhikaraṇas*. All these designations occur mostly in North Indian records. In the Hirahadagalli plates of Pallava Sivaskandavarman, *Amātyas* are mentioned but, in later Pallava inscriptions, *Mātras* are mentioned. They correspond to the Mauryan *Mahāmātras*. In the Prakrit, charters of the Pallavas the names of a number of officers are given like *Vallava*, *Govallava*, *Rahasyādhikṛta*. It is believed that *Vāyilkelpār* mentioned in the Kaśākudi plates were secretaries and the *Kośādhyakśa* is the officer in charge of the treasury. The *adhikaraṇadaṇḍa* mentioned in the Kasākudi plates should mean the fine imposed by the law courts. Among the officers in close attendance on the king are the *Tirumandiravolai*, and *Tiruvāikelvi* who took down the orders of the king and carefully listened to his utterances.

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The inscriptions give us an insight into the extent of Indian influence, cultural, maritime and military in such distant islands as Java, Sumatra, Borneo, Malaya, Annam, Burma, Ceylon, Laccadives. Maldives and other islands in the Indian Ocean. The various places mentioned in the inscriptions of Rājarāja and Rājendra in many cases still remain a puzzle, though the efforts of scholars have helped us greatly in understandidg the naval conquest of these mighty kings beyond the seas. Rājendra's overseas campaign is graphically described in the Tamil *praśrsti*: "(Who) having despatched many ships in the midst of the rolling sea and having caught Saṅgrāma-vijayottuṅgavarman. the king of Kadāram. together with the elephants in his glorious army (took) the large heap of treasuries. which (that king) had rightfully accumulated; (captured) with noise the (arch called) *Vidyādharatoraṇa* at the war-gate of his extensive city; Śri Vijaya with the 'jewelled wicket-gate' adorned with great splendour and the 'gate of large jewels'; Paṇṇai with water in its bathing ghats; the ancient Malaiyūr with the strong mountain for its rampart; Māyiruḍingam surrounded by the deep sea (as) by a moat; Ilaṅgāśōka (*i.e.*, Laṅkāśōka) undaunted (in) fierce battles; Māpappāḷam having abundant (deep) water as defence; Meviḷimbangam, having fine walls as defence; Valaippandūru having vilappandūru(?) Talaittakkolam praised by great men (versed in) in the sciences; Mādamālingam, firm in great and fierce battles; Iḷāmuridēśam, whose fierce strength rose in war; Mānakkarāram, in whose extensive flower gardens honey was collecting; and Kaḍāram, of fierce strength which was protected by the deep sea." (*S. Ind. Inscr.* II, p. 109). Though the task of identification of the places mentioned in Rājendra's inscriptions was undertaken quite a long time ago by Hultzsch, even in the time of Venkayya the identification progressed only to the extent of correctly understanding Nakkavaram as Nocobar Islands and Pappālam as a port in Burma. The efforts of Coedes to understand the various places have given the most intelligible account of Rājendra's campaign and place names like Māyiruḍingam, Ilaṅgāśokam, Talaittakkolam, Mādamālingam, Ilāmurideśam, etc., should be located in the Malayan Penisula and Sumatra. From the inscriptions we learn that Saṅgrāma Vijayottuṅgavarman of the Sailendra dynasty of Śrīvijaya acknowledged the suzerainty of the Cola emperor. The larger Leyden grant refers to the construction of the Cūḍāmaṇivihāra at Negapatam by Māra Vijayottuṅgavarman and shows the relationship between India, Sumatra and Java.

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From inscriptions we learn of the prosperity of the land through trade with other countries. During the time of the mighty emperor Rājendracōḷa, who converted the Baby of Bengal into a 'Coḷa lake,' trade flourished and we find inscriptions of merchants from his realm in distant islands like Sumatra (*An. Rep. S. Ind. Epigraph, 92* II). The tax levied on merchandise according to the unit of ship in terms of Gadyāṇa coins is mentioned in a Rāṣṭrakūṭa inscriptions (*Epigraph Ind.* III. p. 301). Similar tax known as *Kūpaśulka* was levied on commodities taken overseas and this we learn from a Kākātīya inscription (*An-Rep. S. Ind. Epigraph, 10*, 45).

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We know from literature that from the earliest times there used to be very active maritime intercourse between India and various other countries. The Baveru jātaka is an instance. Important posts were at Bharukaccha, Sorpāraga, Kāveripūmpaṭṭaṇam, etc. In early Sangam literature the last mentioned figures prominently. The Āḻvārs mention the seaport of Mahābalipuram as Kadalmallai. Masulipatam was a great seaport about the introducing of the Christian era. Here again the inscriptions render invaluable service in beginning to us various places to which our ancient sailors resorted both with merchandise and colonists.

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The sixth century Sanskrit inscription of Rudravarman from Fu-nan Kamboja and four of Pūrṇavarman from West Java show that Hindu kingdoms were established in these distant lands. Similarly the Hindu kingdom of Śrīvijaya was founded in Sumatra. The Sanskrit *Yūpa* inscriptions of about the 5th century A.D. mentioning the sacrifices performed by Mūlavarman graphically describing the large quantity of gold expended by the king in the performance of the great sacrifice known as *Bahusuvarṇa* giving away twenty thousand cows as *dakṣiṇā* at Vaprakeśvara show the deep-rooted nature of Hindu thought and culture in the Island. In the words of Majumdar "the inscriptions discovered at Borneo, Java. Annam, Cambodia and Malay Penisula lead inevitably to the conclusion that the language, literature, religion and political and social institutions in India made a thorough conquest of these far-off lands, and to a great extent, eliminated or absorbed the native elements in these respects." Chhabra's illuminating paper on the cultural expansion in South India during the Pallava rule gives a vivid picture of this aspect.

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The religion, whether Brahmanical or Buddhist, in these islands came from India and the whole pantheon is found transplanted on their soil. Some of the most lovely specimens of the different mūrtis have Indian influences. The *Rāmāyaṇa* is represented in exquisite sculptures at Prambanam and the story of Buddha at Borobudur. The fine Prajñāpāramitā image comes from Java and is now preserved in the Leyden Museum. Sanskrit language and literature being highly cultivated, the language of the inscriptions is flawless Sanskrit. The script used for the inscriptions is also borrowed from India.

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The inscriptions reveal to us the personality of our greatest rulers. The Nāsik inscription of Balasiri, the plaintive cry of a sorrowing mother recounting the noble qualities of a worthy son and sovereign, presents an excellent picture of the personality of Gautamīputra Sātakarṇi, the great Sātavāhana ruler. His face resembled the full moon. His long and shapely arm resembled the stately form of the lord of serpents. He had the charm of the lotus flower fully opened by the rays of the sun. He allayed the tears of anyone who sought his protection. His orders were obeyed by all kings with great respect. He was the very pink of courtesy and most devoted to his mother. He shared the pleasures of his subjects and sympathised with them in their woes. He always spared the life of even the most troublesome enemy as he could not bear unnecessary shedding of blood. He promoted the families of the twice-born and the lowly. He established by practice and precept righteous conduct. In this inscription he is described as ‘the only bow-man,’ ‘*Ekadhanudhara*’ and on his coin this epithet has been symbolised by a strung bow shown on the obverse.

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The Allahabad pillar inscription describes Samudragupta a great ruler, a great general, a great scholar and a great musician. The graphic description of his musical talents in the inscription is actually given realistic shape on the obverse of his lyrist type of coins where the king is shown seated on couch, playing the Vīṇā resting on his lap.

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The personality of Māhaksatrapa Rudradāman is again clearly revealed in the Junāgadh inscription. His brith in the lap of fortune and power, his comely appearance, his exceptional capacity in battle, his special training in statecraft, his knowledge of the different sciences and arts including grammar, music and logic, the fabulous wealth in his treasury overflowing with gold, silver, diamonds and gems but all the wealth rightfully obtained, present him as an exceptionally fortunate and brilliant prince. No wonder that as the inscriptions mention he was wreathed with many garlands at different *svayamvaras* by the daughters of many kings. His personal beauty and even the sweetness of his voice and the lovely nature of his gait are specifically mentioned in the inscription.

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The personality of Asoka is revealed in his inscriptions. Their language is simple and the picture presented is quite clear. We have here the greatest of Indian emperors speaking to his subjects as to his children. How often has he not repeated that this should be done and not something else? The broad sympathies, clear-cut views, tolerant vision, and quaint simplicity, of a powerful emperor are at once evident in his edicts. His feeling heart is revealed in his sorrow over the huge killing and bloodshed in the Kalinga war. His utter disregard for personal comfort and the one desire to be of the utmost help to his subjects—his subjects he regarded as his own children and he was in the true sense a *Rājā* by *prakitiranjana*, his subjects being his *Prajā* in the literal sense—is evident from one of his edicts where he mentions that there is no fixed time for interviewing him but any affair of state could be brought to him for disposal whether he was in the dining chamber or in the harem or in the cowshed or in the palanquin or in the pleasure garden. We are reminded how similarly Rājendra, the Chōḷa emperor, also heard cases and issued orders to his officers even when he was in the dining hall. Aśoka's child-like simplicity is revealed in his plain statement of facts about ration in his kitchen. The slaughter of animals and fowl which was originally done on a large scale was reduced to that of a single deer as he had almost tabooed venison;

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peacock killing was reduced to the minimum, only two being allowed at the time the edict was incised; and the emperor declared his wish that he would give up even this. We can imagine what a sacrifice this is on the part of the king if we read the *Sundarakāṇḍa* of the *Rāmāyaṇa* where the different viands and liquors are graphically described in Rāvaṇa's kitchen almost causing the mouth of those accustomed to these to water; and how praiseworthy for one accustomed to luxuries to voluntarily lead the simple life of almost an anchorite. Aśoka's inscriptions refer to certain administrative innovations carried out by the emperor to improve the prevailing state of affairs. *Dharmamahāmātras* who did not exist before were appointed by Aśoka for the propagation of piety. Never in the past have officers called *Māhāmātras* of morality (Dhammamahāmata) existed, but now Aśoka created them since it was his intense desire to see that virtue was practised. Though the emperor knew of the various traditional auspicious ceremonies performed during marriage child-birth, etc., he regarded most of them as useless and favoured only such ceremonies as would bear good fruit, like courtesy to slaves, reverence to elders, gentleness to animals and liberality to Śramaṇas and Brāhmaṇas. Aśoka deplores that people are prone to recount only their virtuous deeds, but not their evil performances. So he puts forth a strong plea for avoiding sin and practising merit.

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In the past kings went on pleasure tours, but Aśoka went only on tours of morality. His deep concern for the welfare of man and beast is evident in the arrangements made by him to plant banian trees and mango groves to afford shade, to dig wells at intervals with flights of steps for drinking water and to build numerous rest-houses and hospitals both for men and animals. The inscriptions of Aśoka describe the emperor's missionary activity and efforts to propagate ideas of *dharma* and social service not only within India but far outside its borders, in the kingdoms of Ptolomy II Philadelphus of Egypt, Antogonus, Gonatas of Macedonia, Magas of Syrini and Alexander of either Epirus or Corinth (Tulamaya, Antekina, Maka and Alikasudara) even at the risk of being ridiculed as a mad idealist. In the inscription of Gautamīputra Sātakarṇi it has been stated that the emperor identified himself with its subjects in their sorrows and joys; Skandagupta is described in the Junāgaḍh Inscription as making his people happy by sweet talk prefaced by smiles, courtesy, honour and liberality. In one of his inscriptions Aśoka expresses himself as the father of his subjects, in whose welfare and happiness he is interested as in that of his own children, and that not only in this world but also in the other. But he was not satisfied with the happiness of his own subjects;

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he extends his desire for this happiness beyond his dominions and expresses his anxiety for the increased joy of people beyond his dominions whom also he considers as his own children. It is for this purpose that he made arrangements for transcribing his edicts even beyond his domain and arranged that his *Mahāmātras* may strive to inspire confidence and induce the borderers to practise meritorious deeds.

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A great contemporary of the Śuṅga, Puṣyamitra, and Śātakarṇi, the powerful Sātavāhana sovereign, was Khāravela, the greatest king of Kalinga. A complete picture of this great ruler is presented in the Hathigumpha inscription where all his exploits year after year are stated with precision. His own personal talents and learning in various sciences and arts are also mentioned. From this inscription we gather how he repaired the gates and ramparts of his city, erected embankments to several tanks including the lake *Khivira*, at a very great cost, built a royal residence called the *Mahāvijayaprāsāda* or the palace of great victory with the riches brought from Aṅga and Magadha. He built excellent towers with their interiors decorated with sculpture and painting. The amenities provided by him in his realm are also mentioned. He caused festivities and *samāja* assemblies to be held to entertain his people with dance, drama and music, vocal and instrumental. He constructed rest houses remitted many taxes, bestowed several preveleges on the corporations both urban and rural (*Paura* and *Jānapada*). He celebrated the famous *Rājasūya* sacrifice by establishing his might with his army. His religious bent of mind is revealed in all that he did for the Jaina religion on the Kumari hill in the nature of amenities and offerings for the ascetrics and sages following the *dharma* of *Arhat*. With all he was a tolerant monarch as is evident from his attitude to the Brāhmaṇas. He was a great King of Peace, King of Prosperity, King of Monks, and King of Religion who had seen, heard and realised blessings (*kalyāṇa*).

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The mighty ruler Rājarāja and his son Rājendra did not have the good fortune to be visited by foreign travellers to leave grand accounts of the noble, awe-inspiring royal courts palaces and temples as in the time of Kṛṣṇadevarāya. All that we know of the Coḷa emperors is mainly from their inscriptions, which, however, give ample material for the understanding of their personality. History has no greater instance of a pious queen than the saintly Sembianmā-devī, the consort of Gaṇḍarāditya who was widowed at a tender age with a babe in her arms; and many indeed are the temples in the Coḷa realm that have been endowed by this queen whose every wish Rājarāja, her grand-nephew, respected. The Tiruvālangāḍu inscription specially mentions that though the people chose the heir-apparent Rājarāja to be their king he would not consider the throne when his uncle Uttamacoḷa had not enjoyed it. Rājarāja's might, conquests, administrative machinery, fabulous wealth, un paralleled liberality, in short, all the pomp and splendour of the great Coḷa empire in the building of which he had such an important hand before his son extended it further, is all revealed in minute detail in the long inscriptions from the Bṛhadīśvara temple at Tanjore. The campaings of Rājendra Coḷa described at such length and with such a wealth of detail in his *prasastis* are fittingly celebrated by the erection of a novel *jayastambha*, in this case a *jalastambha* of the most sacred water on earth. He emulated Bhagīratha and in fact the tribute he levied from those whom he overcame in the region of the Ganges was only the water of the holy river to be carried to his realm to be emptied in the mighty tank near the huge temple of Śiva at a new capital for his empire that he constructed and named Gaṅgaikoṇḍacholapuram to commemorate the great event. The conquest of Rājendra mentioned in his inscriptions and its consequence are confirmed by a Gāhaḍavāla inscription at Gaṅgaikoṇḍachoḻapuram wherein the usual preamble of the Coḻa inscriptions preceds its own indicating in unequivocal manner the suzerainty of the Coḻa emperor years later. The Dvārapālaka from Kalyāṇapura in the Dārāsuram temple and the few Kalinga and Pāla images found scatterred in these Coḻa temples are additional evidences of Coḻa military triumph but it is the inscriptions that give a clearer written record of victory.

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Sometimes it is not merely the personality of the ruler that is revealed in the inscriptions but occasional light is thrown on the exigencies of social life as in the case of a Brāhmaṇa who turns into a warrior. A remarakble statement with a wealth of detail is in the Tāḻagunda inscription of Kākusthavarman where the progenitor of the Kadamba family Mayūraśarman is described as a student come to Kāñcī for his Vedic studies who on being insulted by the soldiers in the cavalry of the Pallava king, could not brook it and, in the words of the inscription, with the hand that was accustomed to hold the *kuśa* grass, fuel, stones, ladle, melted butter and the oblation vessel, he grasped a flamming sword to conquer the earth and so continues the inscription to narrate how the successors of Mayūraśarman went from strength to strength and the family where the hair was wet with the holy water of the purificatory rites of different sacrifices, deeply learned in the sacred lore, that kindled the fire and drank the Soma, in the interior of whose houses loudly resounded the chants of the Veda and the Vedāṅga, and that tended a Kadamba tree with blooming flowers near their dwelling turned into a house of Ksatriya kings and one of the daughters of the family, married into the imperial house of the Guptas.

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The Maṇḍagapaṭṭu inscription is another epigraphical curio. This is a joyous exclamation of a king taking delight in inventing something novel, different from existing things. Hitherto constructions generally were of brick, timber, lime and metal but now this curious-minded king—the king actually describes himself so—excavated cave temples with fine carved panels out of the living rock. This is the origin of the numerous early Pallava temples in the Tamil area about the beginning of the 7th century A.D.

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Life is short and uncertain, wealth is fleeting in nature; and the ruler of today is the begger of the morrow. It is not always that the surface of the stream of life is unruffled. Great men have adversities. In the Bhitarī pillar inscription of Skandagupta there is a statement of great significance. The inscription says that in preparing himself to restore the fallen fortunes of his family a whole night was spent by the emperor on no other couch except the bare earth.

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Sometimes there is a dramatic effect in the narration in an inscription. In the same Bhitarī inscription it is stated that with the cry, 'Victory has been achieved' Kumaragupta rushed to his mother whose eyes were wet with tears of joy, like Kṛṣṇa going to his mother Devakī after slaying his enemies. The glorious king Īśānavarman wedded to heroism and truth though fully favoured by fortune resorted to Prayāga and there, decorated with flowers entered a fire kindled with dry cow-dung cakes as if it were water for a bath and put an end to his life. This is in accordance with the belief that voluntary death at Prayāga assures heaven as Kālidāsa says *Tanutyajām nāsti śarīrabandhaḥ*. Another instance like this, known through epigraphy is the death of Cālukya Āhavamalla Someśvara II, the father of Vikramāditya VI who being the victim of a malignant fever put an end to his life in the *Sangama* of Tungabhadrā followed by his devoted queens and against the wishes of his loving, tearstained subjects who followed him to prevent the mishap.

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We may have heard of fabulous stories of extraordinary wealth and gifts and charities beyond all conceivable limits of liberality. A story narrates how Anāthapiṇḍada spread the whole surface of Jetavana garden with gold coins, purchased it at that price, and presented it with a newly built monastery to the Enlightened One. It is in the Nānāghat inscription of Śātakarṇi and the inscription of Uṣavadāta at Nāsik that we get a staggering account of the generous impulses in a man. Possession of wealth is one thing and natural liberality another. The Nandas were fabulously rich but we do not know of any gifts made by them. Śātakarṇi in performing the *Aśvamedha* twice, *Gavāmayana*, *Agnyādheya*, *Rājasūya*, *Aptoryāma* and other sacrifices, gave liberal *dakṣiṇā* or sacrificial fee consisting of villages *kārṣāpaṇas*, cows, elephants, horses, horse-chariots, silver pots, dresses, and so on. Khāravela, his contemporary, was equally munificent. He even made the gift of the golden *Kalpataru*. But these are specific sacrificial gifts. The long catalogue of meritoriuos deeds of Uṣavadāta is more interesting. He was the donor of three hundred thousand cows, performer of sacred gifts of gold on the river Bārnāsa, giver of sixteen villages to the gods and Brāhmaṇas, host, all the year round, of a hundred thousand Brāhmaṇas, giver of eight wives to Brāhmaṇas in the sacred place Prabhāsa, donor of quadrangular hermitages, dwellings and shelter houses at Bhārugacha, Daśapura, Govardhana and Śorpāraga, maker of pleasaunces, tanks, and wells, founder of free ferries by boats on the Ibā, Pāradā, Damaṇā, Tāpi, Karabenā, and Dahanukā.

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If occasionally we have here and there a portrait sculpture of some great ruler, it is also sometimes accompanied by his consort or consorts. The Pallava royal portrait sculptures are famous. In the lovely painting fragment of Mahendravarman at Sittannavāśal there is the lovely face of his queen beside him. Even here epigraphy supplies its own quota to the pictures that we have of great kings and queens. We have considered kings. A single instance of a queen would suffice. The favourite queen of Rājasimha, the Pallava king who constructed the Kailāsanātha temple, was Rangapatākā who, according to the inscription in that temple, was a *patākā* (banner) as it were among women. She is described further as ‘full of loveliness, sharpness, grace and cleanliness, who seemed to be the master-piece of the Creator, whose skill had at last attained perfection after He had created thousands of good-looking women, she who was charming through genuine sweetness who was adorned with grace, coquetry and feeling . . . . etc.’

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The infinite value of epigraphy in the understanding of the ancient arts like dance and music is amply illustrated in the musical inscriptions of the Pallavas and the labelled dance poses from the *gopura* of the temple at Chidambaram. The Kudimiyāmalai musical inscription and a similar one from Tirumaiyam are extremely valuable as they record the musical notes as understood and practised during the time of the Pallavas. Similarly the use of the term *Parivādinī* in the inscription shows that the early type of *vīṇā* was still in use in the seventh century. And this is confirmed by a sculpture from the Dacca Museum where Sarasvatī, the consort of Viṣṇu, represented on Garuda carries the lyre type of *vīṇā*. The labelled sculptured panels representing the different *sthānas* and *karaṇas* given in Bharata’s *Nāṭyaśāstra* are the most elaborate commentary and most intelligible, probably more so than even the learned explanation of the texts by Abhinavagupta. This visual expalnation is aided by the presence of the labels which are short inscriptions describing the *sthānas* (dance poses). And about these representations being the most correct there can be no two opinions as the Coḷa period undoubtedly was the time when the glory of dance was at its zenith, the emperors being great patrons of this art as gathered from the inscriptions.

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The presence of inscriptions along with sculpture either to explain the carving or to mention a gift and the name of the donor is the most valuable clue to understanding its date, the circumstances under which it came into being, and the theme of the carving itself. It is the presence of the inscriptions, labels explaining the panels and carvings at Bharhut, that has helped a correct understanding of this important monument. Without the label how could we know whether the image was intended to represent Sirimā or Culakokā or Sudarsana? It is the presence of a single line of inscription in an early sculpture from Amaravati that has proved beyond doubt that Yakṣa worship prevailed in the Krishna valley and was a feature as much of South India as of the North. Images dated on stylistic grounds independently can have their dates verified and checked with the help of such images as bear inscriptions on their pedestals, with dates, if any. But even if the dates were absent, the palaeography of the inscription would itself help considerably in the proper dating of the figure. Sometimes even though identification of panels containing stories from the Jātakas and Avadānas is not impossible the inscriptions below vouch for the correctness of the identification. Sometimes it so happens that there is not sufficient literary material to throw light on the sculptured theme, in which case the label becomes absolutely valuable. If the Pallava inscriptions give long lists of the royal house the sculptures of the Vaikuṇṭhanātha temple at Kāñchīpuram present a more graphic picture of the rise and growth of the dynasty. Here again it is the presence of a few inscribed labels that has helped the scholars to proceed and progress along the correct path of identification with the clue obtained therefrom.

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Again, without the help of inscriptions we cannot understand who executed the carvings how, and at whose instance. Mostly it is the name of the donor that is given. If the carving is a religious gift it is so stated. Occasionally the name of the sculptor is also given. This is not only in the case of a sculpture as such but also in the case of any part of a sculpture for which the donor is responsible. Such donative inscriptions abound in the early stūpas where a cross-bar or two, an upright or coping piece from a rail, a casing slab or a *dharmacakra* or a *pūrṇa-ghaṭa* is presented by a perfumer or a cobbler or a musician or a trader or a leader of a caravan of merchants, a lay sister or a monk or a house-holder with brothers, sisters, sons, daughters, daughters-in-law and other relations and friends. Sometimes we hear that a guild of workmen completed a particular part of a building as, for instance, is given in an inscription at Sāñcī that one of the *toraṇa* gateways was carved by the ivory carvers of Vidiśā and the fine workmanship is an enlarged version of the usual delicate work of the ivory-carvers. From these inscriptions we gather information'also about the different places from which such pious pilgrims came, e.g., at Amarāvatī we hear of people coming from distant places like Pāṭalīputra. Rājagiri and Simhagiri. The occurrence of the carved moon-stones near the gateway entrances of the stūpas and monasteries at Nāgārjunakoṇḍa which points to Ceylonese influence is amply testified by the inscription found in the place.

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However graphic may be the description of a battle—and we have one of the most picturesque descriptions of a battle in the Kūram grant of Parameśvaravarman—historians are bound to view with suspicion any account of large-scale conquest. But the prominent presence of an inscription in the vanquished ruler's city to announce the shame of defeat of the king is evidence not to be lightly brushed aside. The presence of the inscription of the victorious Western Cāḷukyan Vikramāditya in the Kailāsanātha temple at Kāñcīpuram, the capital of the Pallavas, and similarly of Narasiṁhavarman proclaiming his victory prominently at Bādāmi itself, the capital of the early Western Cāḷukya, is a more important and more emphatic assertion of the conquest of both than in any of their other inscriptions, however forcefully put. On such occasions the scribes and stone cutters follow their royal patrons and inscriptions are incised to commemorate their victories or donations in a language and script totally different from those of the area concerned. Rājendra's victorious *praśastis* in Kaliṅga or in the Cāḷukyan area, Narasiṁhavarman's inscription in Grantha at Vātāpi are instances. Similarly the occurrence of Tamil inscriptions in distant islands like Sumatra where the language is totally unknown, and the presence of the Gāhaḍavāla inscription at Gaṅgaikoṇḍachoḷapuram have all their own story to tell.

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Numismatics is no doubt an important source in understanding the true history of the land, but the coins themselves to be understood require the help of epigraphy. This dependance on epigraphy is not in any small measure when we remember that sometimes the legends on coins are sufficiently lengthy. It is only by a study of the different scripts that one can unravel the mysteries of coin legends which are as numerous and varied as the scripts themselves. Sometimes it is only the coins that reveal the use of a particular script is an area in a subsidiary fashion alongside of a main script used for inscriptions. As example, may be cited the Coḷa coins of Uttama, Rājarāja and Rājendra and a Kerala coin of Śrī Vīrakerala wherein Nāgarī is used for the legends, though we know of no inscription in Nāgarī issued by these kings, the script used being invariably Grantha, Tamil or Vaṭṭeḷuttu.

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So far we have considered the need for studying inscriptions and what the inscriptions reveal to us. There is probably no field of knowledge that does not come within the scope of inscriptions, after all, inscriptions are only permanent documents recording the life and happenings of their time with special reference to the king and his relationship with his people.

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But to study and understand these inscriptions which differ from area to area and age to age in the type of script and language used, knowledge of palaeography is essential. Palaeography being the subject dealing with scripts, a study of this reveals how scripts came into being, developed and changed during the centuries. In the subject of epigraphy palaeography comes in as the most important limb. The age of the inscriptions, the growth of language, the literary beauty of the language—all these come only next in importance. In the following pages the essential features of the Indian epigraphy with special reference to South India and her scripts have been discussed.

Document

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A document is engraved on a tablet or a metal plate which is usually shaped after a simpler original—a leaf or bark. In sculptures we find figures carrying these documents of bark or leaf in their hands. This is the usual thing in the case of all divinities presiding over learning and great masters profound in their knowledge of the essentials of wisdom. Brahmā, the Lord of Learning is always represented in sculpture with a book in his left hand. A good early example of this may be seen in the representation of the deity at Aihole and Badami to which Buhler (Ind. Ant. XXXIII, p. 1) has drawn attention; a still better example is the Gupta-Maitraka sculpture from the Ardhanārīśvara panel at the Elephanta cave, near Bombay (Fig. 1). His spouse Sarasvatī carries a book similarly as she presides over

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