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India as Known to Panini: A Study of the Cultural Material in the Ashtadhyayi c12.s1: 1. Monarchy

India as Known to Pāṇini: A Study of the Cultural Material in the Ashṭādhyāyī c12.s1

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1. Monarchy

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*TITLES AND TERMS*—Pāṇini refers to a monarchical state as *Rājya* (VI.2.130), derived from *rājan* or king, as distinguished from *Saṅgha* or Republic. In a well-known passage of the *Aitareya Brāhmaṇa*, *Rājya* occurs as one of the several classes of sovereignty to which rulers were consecrated at the time of their coronation (VIII.15). The term *Iśvara* in the *Ashṭādhyāyī* denotes a *rājā* with reference to his supreme power, as in *sūtras* I.4.97, and II.3.9 (*Yasya cheśvaravachanaṁ tatra saptamī*), which relate to grammatical formations for naming the king of a country. In early literature *Iśvara* meant an earthly king and not 'God'. Patañjali cites an old example, *adhi Brahmadatte Pañchālāḥ*, i.e. 'the Pañchālas are under the kingship of Brahmadatta'. In the *Bhāshya*, *rājā* of *sūtra* II.4.23 is taken as a synonym of *ina* and *iśvara* (I.177). The *Nighaṇṭu* makes *rāshṭrī*, *arya*, *niyutvān* and *ina* as names of *iśvara*. Of these *arya* is referred to by Pāṇini as a synonym of *svāmī* (III.1.103). The latter word is derived to denote one who possesses *aiśvarya* or sovereignty (*Svāminn-aiśvarye*, V.2.126). Patañjali points out that the idea of *aiśvarya* is inherent in the word itself and is not the result of any suffix (*nāyaṁ pratyayārthaḥ*, II.400). It appears that *svāmī* implying *aiśvarya* primarily denoted a king.

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Another title of *rājā* in Pāṇini is *bhūpati* (VI.2.19), and here also *aiśvarya* is an attribute of his overlordship (*patyāu-aiśvarye*, VI.2.18). *Bhūpati*, therefore, means 'lord of the earth'. The word *adhipati* mentioned along with *svāmī* and *iśvara* (II.3.39) occurs in the coronation formula of the *Aitareya Br.* in a form of sovereignty called *ādhipatya*. Jayaswal understood it as overlordship over neighbouring states, who paid tribute to the *Adhipati* (cf. *Ādi*, 103.1; 105.11-15, 21). The words *Samrāj* and *Mahārāja* were old kingly titles, of which the former is mentioned in *sūtra* VIII.3.25, and the latter although mentioned twice (IV.2.35; IV.3.97) does not refer to a king, but to one of the *Chatur-Mahārājika* gods.

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The king's relationship to territory (*bhūmi* and *pṛithivī*) is indicated in his titles *sārvabhauma* and *pārthiva* based on his sovereignty or *aiśvarya* (*Tasyeśvaraḥ sarvabhūmi-pṛithivī-bhyām aṇañau*, V.1.41-42). One's own kingdom was called *pṛithivī*; but *sarvabhūmi* denoted the whole country and was the same as *mahāpṛithivī* of the Mahāgovinda sutta of the *Dīgha-Nikāya*. The Sārvabhauma after conquest of the earth and annexation became entitled to perform an *aśvamedha* (*Āpas. Śr.*, XXX.1.1; cf. Bharata *Sārvabhauma*, Ādi, 69.45-47). The title also occurs in the list of the *Ait. Br.*

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*COUNCIL OF MINISTERS* (PARISHAD)—Pāṇini is acquainted with the *parishad* as a recognized institution of his time of which he mentions three kinds, (1) social (IV.4.44), (2) literary (IV.3.123), and (3) political (V.2.112). A member of a *parishad* was called *pārishada* and *pārishadya* (IV.4.101). He must be duly qualified or eligible for it (*sādhu*). One who joined the meeting of a *parishad* was called *pārishadya* (*parishadaṁ samavaiti*, IV.4.44). This *parishad* or social congregation was like the *samāja*. *Parishad* as a political institution is mentioned in *sūtra* V.2.112 (*Rajaḥ-kṛishy-āsuti-parishado valach*) prescribing the form *parishadvala*, which the commentators apply to a king with his Council of Ministers (*parishadvalo rājā*). The Buddhist literature, Kauṭilya and Aśoka inscriptions contain references to this institution. In the *Mahāsīlava Jātaka*, the king's *Parishad* consisting of ministers (*amachchas*) is spoken of as perfectly disciplined to act harmoniously with the will of the king (*evaṁ suvinitā kir'assa parisā*, Jāt. I.264). Aśoka in Rock Edicts III and VI mentions the *Parishad* which was summoned to consider urgent matters (*achāyike*). An authoritative account of the constitution of the *Mantri-Parishad* is given in Kauṭilya who describes it as a well-established institution invested with definite constitutional powers in relation to the king and the business of the State (*Arth.* I.11., p. 26-29).

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The particularly happy expression *Parishadvalo rājā*, 'King-in-Council', current in the political terminology of Pāṇini's time, shows the importance which was attached to the *Parishad* with reference to the constitutional position of the king in relation to his ministers.

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*RĀJAKṚITVĀ* (III.2.95)—This was another important term of political vocabulary mentioned by Pāṇini in *sūtra Rājani yudhi kṛiñaḥ* (III.2.95), signifying the institution of *rājānaṁ kṛitavān* 'one who is a king-maker'. In the Vedic period the *Ratnins* or High State Functionaries are spoken of as *rājakṛits*, 'king-makers' (*Atharva*, III.5.6-7). This political epithet continued up to the Buddhist period: "The Pali canon employs 'king-maker' as a synonym for ministers (*rājakattāro*, *Dīghanikāya*, Mahāgovinda Suttanta). The *Rāmāyaṇa* in describing the ministers who put their resolution before Bharata, calls them 'king-makers' (Ayodhyākāṇḍa, 79.1, *sametya rājakartāro Bharataṁ vākyam-abruvan; Comm. rājakartāraḥ=mantriṇaḥ, Hindu Polity*, II.116).

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*CHIEF MINISTER*—A fact of great constitutional significance with respect to the working of the Hindu monarchy in that early period is mentioned by Pāṇini in the following *sūtra*:

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*Miśraṁ chānupasargam asaṁdhau* (VI.2.154).

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'The word *miśra* has an acute accent on the final vowel after an instrumental case, when it is not joined with any preposition, and does not mean an agreement with oath (*saṁdhi*)'.

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On this *Kāśikā* says: 'Why do we say, not denoting an agreement with oath? Observe *Brāhmaṇa-miśro rājā*, *Brāhmaṇaiḥ saha saṁhita aikārthyamāpannaḥ. Saṁdhiriti hi paṇabandhen-aikārthyam uchyate'*. As Vasu renders the meaning of the *Kāśikā*: 'The word *Saṁdhi* here means a contract formed by reciprocal promises; 'If you do this thing for me, I will do this for you.' Others say, it means close proximity, without losing identity and thus differs from *miśra* in which two things are compounded into one. Therefore, though the King and the Brāhmaṇa may be in close proximity as regards space (*deśa-pratyāsattau*), they both retain their individuality; hence the counter-example *Brāhmaṇa-miśro rājā*'. Thus the word *miśra* points to joint authority between the king and his ministers who shared it in common according to constitutional usage.

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This technical meaning of *saṁdhi* is recorded in the *Arthaśāstra*, which defines it as *paṇabandhaḥ sandhiḥ*, 'an agreement with oath is *saṁdhi*' (*Artha*. VII.1, p. 263, Trans. p. 293). The agreement of a king with a Brāhmaṇa in accordance with the oath of loyalty to the constitution was a feature of Hindu polity. The king, according to *Manu* (VII. 58), must consult his Chief Minister, who should be a learned Brāhmaṇa, about secret counsels dealing with the six limbs of state-craft (*shāḍguṇya*, *Hindu Polity*, 11.119). According to Kauṭilya also the king's Chief Minister should be a Brāhmaṇa: 'The king (*Kshatra*) who is supported by a Brāhmaṇa, and who has the advantage of the advice of other *mantrins*, and who is governed by the *Śāstras*, conquers territories unacquired before (*Artha*. I.8,p.16). It is virtually a restatement of the Vedic dictum *Brahmaṇā kshatreṇa cha śrīḥ parigṛihītā bhavati*, also embodied in *Manu* (IX.322).

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In actual practice also, the alliance of a Kshatriya king with a Brāhmaṇa prime-minister or chancellor was the prevailing political arrangement from about the Śaiśunāga period to the reign of Aśoka. The names of some of the great ministers were as well-known as those of the rulers; for example, we find mention of Varshakāra, chief minister of Ajātaśatru, Dīrgha Chārayāṇa of king Viḍūḍabha of Kosala, Yaugandharāyaṇa of Udayana, Chāṇakya of Chandragupta and also Bindusāra, Rādhagupta of Aśoka, Piśuna of Pālaka of Avanti (*Artha. Comm.*), Bharata Rohaka of Chaṇḍa Pradyota, Āchārya Ghoṭamukha of Aṁśumān of Avanti (Bhagvaddatta, *History of India*, p. 258), Kaṇiṅka Bhārdvāja of Parantapa, king of Kosala (*Artha. Comm.*), and Bābhravya of king Brahmadatta of Pañchāla (*Matsya Purāṇa*, XXI.30). As Jayaswal has observed, the system of noting historically the Prime Ministers' name occurs as a marked feature in Buddhist records (*Imperial History of India*, p. 17). All these ministers occupied positions of the highest responsibility in the administration and were bound by constitutional ties to the king whose policies they directed so completely.

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Pāṇini mentions another political term, *Ārya-Brāhmaṇa* (*Āryo Brāhmaṇa-kumārayoḥ*, VI.2.58), 'Honourable Brāhmaṇa', used with reference to the Chief Minister. In the next *sūtra*, *Rājā cha* (VI.2.59), Pāṇini refers to *Rāja-Brāhmaṇa*, which as a *Karmadhāraya* compound, would apply to a king of the Brāhmaṇa caste, but as a counter-example would refer to the Brāhmaṇa of the King. The King's Brāhmaṇa was the same as the king's minister mentioned in *Brāhmaṇa-miśro rājā*.

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ASHAḌAKSHĪṆA (V.4.7, *SECRET COUNSEL*)—It literally means 'that which is not seen by six eyes'. The *Kāśikā* explains it to mean deliberation between two persons only, and not more (*ashaḍakshīṇo mantraḥ, yo dvābhyāmeva kriyate, na bahubhiḥ*). In the political evolution of the *Mantri-Parishad* and with the emergence of the office of the Prime Minister, there was a tendency to form a smaller body inside the *Parishad* for more effective and responsible deliberation. As to the number of ministers constituting this Inner Body, Kauṭilya supplies valuable information recording the views of earlier political thinkers like Piśuna, Pārāśara, Viśālāksha and Bhāradvāja. Kauṭilya states that the number of ministers should be three or four (*Artha.* I.15, p. 28). In this matter the most forceful view was that of Kaṇiṅka Bhāradvāja, the severe theorist who advocated the system of one-minister cabinet (*Guhyam eko mantrayeteti Bhāradvājaḥ*, *Arth.* I.15, p. 27). This was the *ashadakshīṇa mantra* referred to by Pāṇini, i.e. the secret counsel of the king and the chief minister only, in which 'six eyes' had not participated. It signified the same thing as *shaṭ-karṇo bhidyate mantraḥ* of later literature. *Bhāradvāja* held that a plethora of councillors betrayed the secret (*mantri-paramparā mantraṁ bhinatti*, *Artha.* I.15; cited in the *Kāśikā* on V.2.10). This view was disputed by Viśālāksha who, perhaps true to the veiled suggestion of his name, was in favour of admitting more ministers to the secret sessions of the council.

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The *ashaḍakshīṇa* business must have related to urgent and important matters of state. Pāṇini refers to *ātyayika* (*Vinayādi gaṇa*, V.4.34), urgent business, to which Aśoka also refers in R.E. VI, and so also Kauṭilya: 'Summoning the ministers and the council, the king shall speak to them on urgent matters (*ātyayike kārye mantriṇo mantri-parishadaṁ chāhūya brūyāt*, *Arth.*, I.15). Here *mantriṇaḥ* refers to the Inner Cabinet, and *Mantri-Parishad* to the fuller Council of Ministers. The *ashaḍakshīṇa* deliberations belonged to the former.

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Similarly, in the *Gaṇa-pāṭha* IV.3.118 an act or resolution of the *Parishad* is called *pārishatka*.

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*RĀJA-SABHĀ* (II.4.23)—As distinguished from the *Parishad*, the General Assembly was represented by the *Rāja-sabhā*. Tradition makes Bindusāra having a Council of five hundred members. As examples of *Rāja-sabhā*, Patañjali cites *Chandra-gupta-sabhā* and *Pushyamitra-sabhā* (*Bhāshya*, I.177).

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The implication of Pāṇini's next *sūtra*, *aśālā cha* ('that which is not a building', II.4.24) interpreted with the rule under discussion is that the term *Rāja-sabhā*, and also its specific names, such as *Chandragupta-sabhā*, had a two-fold significance, firstly the body of members and secondly the building where the assembly held its session. Even in the Vedic literature we find that *Sabhā* was the name of an 'assembly' as well as of the 'hall' where the assembly was held (*Vedic Index*, II.

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426). The example *Chandragupta-sabhā* although certainly post-Pāṇinian denoted both the assembly or Great Synod of that emperor and the magnificent pillared hall which has been discovered in the excavations at Pāṭaliputra. The pillared assembly hall was a Vedic model as the word *Sabhā-sthāṇu* (*Vedic Index*, II.426) shows. Chandragupta built his *sabhā* with stone pillars. In this connection we may refer to the expression *Kāshṭha-sabhā* indicative of wooden architecture of earlier times. *Chandra* and *Kāśikā* cite it as a counter-example. It is known that the earliest Indian architecture in stone was preceded by that in wood, from which the technical patterns and ornamentation of early Indian art were certainly derived. Therefore, an assembly hall made of wood (*kāshṭha-sabhā*) was a fact of the pre-Maurya period.

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According to Ludwig the Vedic *Sabhā* was an assembly not of all the people but of the Brāhmaṇas and Maghavans or the rich aristocrats (*Vedic Index*, II.426). The word *sabheya*, 'worthy of the assembly' is taken by Keith to support this view. Vedic *sabheya* (IV.4.106) corresponds to *sabhya* of classical Sanskrit (*sabhāyāṁ sādhuḥ sabhyaḥ*, IV.4.105), which must have been applied only to those who were privileged to become members of the *Sabhā*.

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Pāṇini mentions the office and duties of *Purohita* as *Paurohitya* (V.1.128). The *Purohitādi-gaṇa* includes *Rājā* and also *Senāpati* implied in the phrase *patyanta* of the *sūtra*. According to Kauṭilya, next in rank to the Chief Minister was the *Purohita*; after him came the *Senāpati*; and then the *Yuva-rāja* (*Arth.* V.3, p. 247). A *Purohita* was to be learned both in the Veda and in politics (*Daṇḍanīti*).

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MAHISHĪ (QUEEN, IV.4.48)—The queen had an official position in Hindu polity. She was crowned jointly with the king. Pāṇini mentions the chief queen as *Mahishī* (*Aṇ mahishyādibhyaḥ*, IV.4.48) and the special term *Māhisha* must have referred to her allowances in the Civil List, which was a charge fixed by convention (*dharmyam*, *āchāra-yuktam*).

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In the same *gaṇa* after *Mahishī* comes *Prajāvatī*, mother of princes, and her salary is called *prājāvata*. Kauṭilya also mentions both the Chief Queen and the mother of princes (*Rāja-mahishī*, *kumāra-mātṛi*) in the Civil List, the former receiving 48,000 and the latter 12,000 silver *paṇas* per year (*Artha.* V.3, p. 247). The Chief Queen (*Ajja-mahesi*) is frequently mentioned in the *Jātakas* (V.22; VI.31) and distinguished from *pajāpatī* (I.398; Sanskrit *prajāvatī*), a title applied to all other queens except the Chief Queen.

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Pāṇini mentions the phrase *asūryaṁ-paśyā* applied to women who lived in the seclusion of the palace where they could not see even the sun. The commentators interpret the term as *rājədārāḥ* or the royal harem, which corresponds to Aśoka's *orodhana* (Skt. *avarodhana*).

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CROWN PRINCE.—The general word for 'prince' in the *Ashṭādhyāyī* is *rāja-putra* (IV.2.39) and *rāja-kumāra* (VI.2.59). The word *rāja-kumāra* has two meanings (1) a boy king and (2) prince, the latter being a counter-example to the *sūtra Rājā cha* (*rājñaḥ kumāraḥ*). Of all his sons the king selected the son of the Chief Queen, as the crown-prince or *Yuvarāja*. In this connection Pāṇini makes an important reference to *Ārya-kumāra*, *i.e.* Chief Prince, who was invested with the title *Ārya* (*āryaśchāsau kumāraścha*) (*Āryo Brāhmaṇa-kumārayoḥ*, VI.2.58). *Ārya* appears to be a political title both in *Ārya-Brāhmaṇa* and *Ārya-kumāra*. Samudragupta was addressed as *Ārya* by his father at the time of his selection to the throne (*āryo hītyupaguhya*, Allahabad Pillar Inscription). In the *Jātakas* the crown prince is called *upa-rājā*. In one instance, of the two brothers one is made *upa-rājā* and the younger one *senāpati*; on the death of the king the *uparājā* becomes *rājā*, and the *senāpati* becomes *uparājā* (*Jāt.* VI.30).

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*RĀJA-KUMĀRA*.—This expression especially taught in *sūtra* VI.2.59, denotes a boy-king, *i.e.* a prince who was required under special circumstances to succeed to the throne as a minor. It should be noted that a boy-king, although permitted to succeed in his minority, was formally consecrated as king only when he attained the age of majority.

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*PERSONAL AND PALACE STAFF.*—The King, in keeping with his royal dignity, maintained a full contingent of personal and household staff which consisted of body-guards, the chamberlain, ecclesiastical staff, toilet attendants, and inferior servants who were in charge of royal paraphernalia. The *Ashṭādhyāyī* acquaints us with each one of these classes of officers.

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*PERSONAL BODY-GUARDS.*—The king’s A.D.C. or staff for the protection of his person (*ātma-rakshitaka*, *Arth.* II.21, p. 42) is mentioned by Pāṇini as *Rāja-pratyenas* (*Shashṭhī pratyenasi*, VI.2.60). *Pratyenas* is mentioned along with *Ugra* and *Sūta-grāmaṇī* in the *Bṛihadāraṇyaka Up.* (IV.3.43-44), denoting there a police-officer. ‘The sense must be that of the humbler ‘servants’ of the king’ (*Vedic Index*, II.34). It was a responsible task for which Kauṭilya directs special precautions to be taken. Pāṇini informs us about the status of dignitaries appointed as king’s body-guard. In *sūtra* VI.2.27 (*Ādiḥ pratyenasi*) he explains the formation *kumāra-pratyenāḥ*, *i.e.* a prince serving as an A.D.C. It must have been a position of honour to which princes of the royal blood were usually appointed. An assemblage of princes is mentioned as *rājaputraka* (IV.2.39).

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*CHAMBERLAIN.*—This official is called *Dauvārika* (VII.3. 4, *Dvārādināṁ cha*; *dvāre niyuktaḥ*). His importance is indicated by his pay fixed at 24,000 silver *kārshāpaṇas* in the *Arthaśāstra* (*dauvārika . . . . sannidhātāraḥ chaturviṁśati-sāhasrāḥ*, V.3).

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*OFFICERS TO GREET THE KING.*—These were: (1) *Svāgatika*, the officer who pronounced welcome to the king at his appearance (*Svāgatādīnāṁ cha*, VII.3.7; *svāgatam ityāha*); (2) *Sauvastika* (*svastītyāha*, *Dvārādi gaṇa*, the officer who recites *svasti-vāchana* to the king). To this Kātyāyana adds three more: (3) *Saukha-śāyanika*, the person who enquires of the king if he had slept well (*sukhaśayanam prichchhati*). This is the same as Pāṇini’s *Saukha-śāyyika* (*sukhaśayyayā jīvati*, *Vetanādi gaṇa*, IV.4.12). In the *Lohakumbhī Jātaka* we find mention of Brāhmaṇas coming at dawn to enquire about the health of the king of Kosala (*aruṇāgamanavelāyā Brāhmaṇā āgantvā rājānam sukhasayitam puchchhimsu*, III.43). (4) *Saukha-rātrika*, the officer who asks whether the king spent a comfortable night. (5) *Sausnātika*, the officer who greets the king after his toilet (*susnātam prichchhati*). The *sausnātika* in relation to the king is referred to by Kālidāsa (*Raghuvaṁśa*, VI.61).

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*TOILET ATTENDANTS*—Both male and female attendants are mentioned in connection with king’s toilet, e.g. *pariṣhechaka*, *snāpaka*, *utsādaka*, *udvartaka* (*Yājakādi gaṇa*, II.2. 9; VI.2.151); *pralepikā*, *vilepikā*, *anulepikā* (*Mahishyādi gaṇa*, IV.4.48). The allowances (*dharmya*) paid to the latter were called after them *prālepika*, *vailepika* and *ānulepika* respectively. Patañjali makes a special reference to *vailepika* as a customary payment to a female attendant who applied unguents (VI.3.37; III. 156). The expression *snātānulipta* shows that *anulepa* denoted unguents applied after bath (*Arth.*, IV.6; p.217). The *Kalpasūtra* refers to these terms in describing the king’s toilet (*Kalpasūtra*, S.B.E., pp. 242-3).

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*RĀJA-YUDHVĀ*—That text also states that the king entered the hall for gymnastic exercises and there engaged in wrestling (*mallayuddha*). Pāṇini refers to *rāja-yudhvā* (III.2.95), a term applied to the wrestler who gives exercise to the king (*rājānaṁ yodhitavān iti rāja-yudhvā*). This list of attendants incidentally has reference to the king’s daily routine, as laid down in the *Artha-śāstra*.

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*GOVERNMENT*—The king was at the head of government in a monarchical or *Ekarāja* State. He was assisted in his work by a ministerial council or *Parishad*, and also possessed a larger body called *Sabhā* as we have already seen. The number of ministers comprising the *Parishad* is not known from Pāṇini, but, as Kauṭilya states, it must have depended on the needs of administration. The Chief Minister (*Ārya-Brāhmaṇa*), the Chief priest (*Purohita*), the Crown-Prince (*Āryakumāra*, same as *Ārya-putra* of the Minor Rock Edict at Brahmagiri), and the Commander of the Army (*Senāpati*) have received mention in the *Ashṭādhyāyī*, being important officers represented in the language through special terms.

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*ADMINISTRATIVE OFFICERS*—Pāṇini mentions government servants of several grades who appear to have been organized into a Civil Service. The term *āyukta* was a general term for government servants (II.3.40) engaged in routine work (*āsevā*). Kauṭilya refers to *āyukta purushas* of a king (*Arth.* I.15, p. 27), and so do the *Jātakas* (*yuttakapurisā rāño*, *Jāt.*, V.14). When they were assigned special jobs they were called *niyukta* after their assignments (*Tatra niyuktaḥ*, IV.4.69). As examples of *niyukta* officers, the *Kāśikā* mentions *Koshṭhāgārika*, store-keeper employed in the royal storehouses (*Agārāntāt-ṭhan*, IV.4.70), who according to Kauṭilya was of the grade of a superintendent. Other special officers whose names ended in *agāra* were *Devāgārika* for temples, and *Bhāṇḍāgarika* for stores (*Kāśikā* on IV.4.70). These must have been officers known from olden times (cf. also Kauṭilya). Personal attendants, such as *chhatradhāra*, bearer of the royal umbrella, *tūṇīdhāra*, bearer of the quiver of arrows, and *bhṛiṅgāradhāra*, bearer of the king's spittoon, were of the *niyukta* class (*Aṇi niyukte*, VI.2.75).

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The most important officers constituting the steel-frame of administration were the *Adhyakshas* mentioned in *sūtra* VI.2.67 (*Vibhāshādhyakshe*). They were Heads of Government Departments. In Kauṭilya's administrative system, the *Adhyakshas* play an important part as presiding over the different departments of administration. The *Arthaśāstra* enumerates about twenty-five *Adhyakshas*. As examples of *Adhyakshas*, the *Kaśikā* cites *Aśvādhyaksha* and *Gavādhyaksha* (IV.4.69), mentioned also by Kauṭilya. The *Kāśikā* refers to other *niyukta* officers, such as *Ākarika*, those for mines; *Śaulkaśālikā* for customs, *Āpaṇika* for market-places, *Gaulmika* for forests, who were of the *Adhyaksha* cadre according to Kauṭilya.

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YUKTA—The *Yuktas* were a class of subordinate officers of whom Pāṇini mentions *Yuktārohī* (VI.2.81), which is the same as *yuktārohaka* of Kauṭilya (*Artha.* V.3. p. 248). His remuneration was fixed not as regular pay, but as an honorarium (*pūjā-vetana*) of 500 to 1000 *kārshāpaṇas* per year. His duties are not exactly defined but he may have been entrusted with the special task of breaking ungovernable elephants and horses (*avidheya-hastyaśvārohaṇa-samarthaḥ*, Gaṇapati Śāstri). The *Sāmaññaphala-sutta* mentions *hatthāroha* and *assāroha* amongst skilled workmen of the times. Under the *Adhyakshas* was placed the entire civil service consisting of subordinate officers or *Yuktas*. They were a regular feature of the Mauryan administration referred to both in the Asokan Edicts (R.E.III) and the *Arthaśāstra* (II.5, *sarvādhikaraṇeshu yukto-payukta-tatpurushāṇām*). Pāṇini's mention of both the *Adhyakshas* and *Yuktas* points to the fact that these officers had become parts of the administrative system a few centuries before Kauṭilya.

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Pāṇini mentions some other subordinate officers, *e.g.* *gopāla*, cowherds; *tantipāla*, goatherds; and *yavapāla*, guards of barley fields (*Go-tanti-yavaṁ pāle*, VI.2.78). *Tantipāla* is mentioned also in the Virāṭaparva (XI.8) having other *pāla* officers working under him. The *Pālas* of Pāṇini (*Pāle*, VI.2.78) form a class of officers, of whom Kauṭilya mentions *nadīpāla*, *dravyapāla*, *vanapāla*, *nāgavanapāla*, *antapāla*, *durgapāla*, and the *Mahābhārata* refers to *sabhāpāla* (Ādi., 222.16), in addition to *gopāla* and *tantipāla*, known also to Pāṇini. The *Sasa Jātaka* refers to *khettapāla* and *Khettagopaka* (*Jāt.*, III.54) and the *Sīhachamma Jātaka* to *khettarakkhakā*, those watching barley and rice fields (II.110), which corresponds to Pāṇini's *yavapāla*. Later we get *vihārapāla*, *ārāmapāla* and *dhammapāla* in the Buddhist tradition.

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As specific instances of *Yukta* officers the *Kāśikā* mentions *go-saṅkhya* and *aśva-saṅkhya* who acted as census officers of royal cattle and horses and whose business it was to register their number, age and branding marks. Details of such a census of royal cattle held in the kingdom of Duryodhana occur in the Ghoshayātrāparva (Vanaparva, chs. 239-40).

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*Kshetrakara*, an officer for surveying fields, and *lipikara*, a scribe (III.2.21, with the variant form *libikara*, were both subordinate officials known in the Mauryan administration also.

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*DŪTA*—The *Dūta* or emissary was named after the name of the country to which he was deputed (*Tad-gachchhati pathidutayoḥ*, IV.3.85). The term *pratishkasha* also denoted a messenger (VI.1.152). Couriers were called *jaṅghākara* (III.2.21), corresponding to *jaṅghārika* of Kauṭilya (*Arth.* II.1, p. 46). Pāṇini refers to a special term *yaujanika*, to denote a courier travelling one *yojana* (*yojanaṁ gachchhati*, V.1.74), to which Kātyāyana adds *yaujanaśatika*, *i.e.* a courier who is deputed on an errand of a hundred *yojanas*. This is in complete agreement with Kauṭilya who refers to the speed of Mauryan courier service in terms of the distances they travelled from one *yojana* to a hundred *yojanas*. The remuneration prescribed was ten *paṇas* for each *yojana* travelled up to 10 *yojanas*, and thereafter twice as much in a rising scale from eleven to one hundred *yojanas* (*Arth.*, V.3, p. 248).

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A similar courier service was maintained in Achaemenian Iran, under king Xerxes and other emperors almost contemporaneous with Pāṇini’s time.

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The message delivered orally by a *dūta* was called *vāchika* (*Vācho vyāhṛitārthāyām*, V.4.35), and the action taken on it *kārmaṇa* (*Tad-yuktāt karmaṇo'ñ*, V.4.36; *vāchikaṁ śrutvā tathaiva yat-karma kriyate, Kāśikā*). Pāṇini refers to an officer called *kartṛi-kara* (III.2.21), an obscure word unrecorded in literature, but in Pali *kattā* denoted the king’s agent or messenger (Stede, Pali Dict., *Jāt.*, VI.259, etc.), whence the person who selected or appointed him must have been so called. ĀKRANDA—Pāṇini mentions special couriers called *ākrandika* (IV.4.38), deputed to an *ākranda* (*ākrandam dhāvati*). The *Kāśikā* takes it as a place of moaning or suffering (*ārtāyana*) which does not make sense. Kauṭilya defines *ākranda* as a friendly king in the rear of the *vijigīshu* (*Arth.* II.62, p. 31.) Kullūka on *Manu* VII.207 explains the word clearly saying that a hostile king in the rear was called *pārshṇigrāha* and a friendly king in the rear who would act as a countercheck to the enemy at the back was known as *ākranda* (*Śānti*, 69.19). Thus a messenger deputed to an *ākranda* king was called *ākrandika*.

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One who considered himself strong enough to proceed against an enemy, because of his secure position in the political *Maṇḍala*, was called *abhyamitrīya* or *abhyamitrīṇa* (*abhya-mitram alaṅgāmī*, V.2.17).

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*IDEALS OF ADMINISTRATION*—The ideal of the State was good government (*saurājya*). Good government means state under a king (*rājā*), after whom it was called *rājanvān* (*Rājanvān saurājye*, VIII.2.14). This points to the theory advocated both in Kauṭilya and in the *Jātakas*, according to which the institution of kingship emerged out of the people’s desire to escape from the miseries attendant on 'no government' (the state of *mātsya-nyāya*). The people decided to elect a king, and thus making themselves *rājanvān* they realised the condition of peaceful society. The evils of kingless society *arājaka rāshṭra* are described in the epics (cf. Ayodhyākāṇḍa, ch. 67; Sāntiparva, ch. 68).

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FUNCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT—The successful working of government in a monarchy depends on the qualities and personal character of the king and his ministers. Training of the king in disciplined life was termed Vainayika (V.4.34). This is exactly the term used by Kauṭilya who deals with the training of princes in the chapter called *Vinayādhikārika*. He considers *Vinaya* as the foundation of successful governance.

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The *Vinayādi gaṇa* includes important terms relating to a variety of governmental functions of which the following may be noted: (1) *Sāmayika*, that which appertains to Samayas or established contractual relationships; (2) *Sāmayāchārika*, the subject of customary law or usage—the term forms the subject of a Section in the *Arthaśāstra* (Book V, Sec. 5)—and as stated by Āpastamba was the basis of *dharma* (*Athātaḥ sāmayāchārikān dharmān vyākhyāsyāmaḥ*, *Hindu Polity*, II. 106); (3) *Aupayika*, everything concerning ways and means (*Arth*. II.10, p. 74); *Vyāvahārika*, transaction of law; (4) *Ātyayika* urgent business, mentioned both by Kauṭilya (I.15, p. 29) and Aśoka (R.E.VI) as already seen, which required immediate attention of the king and his ministers; (5) *Sāmutkarshika*, problems of development; (6) *Sāmpradanika*, affairs relating to royal charities; (7) *Aupachārika*, State ceremonial; (8) *Sāmācharika*, the business of correct procedure. Obviously the author of the *Gaṇa-pāṭha* is here in touch with living tradition borrowing these terms from actual administration.

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MISCELLANEOUS DETAILS—We have already noticed the maintenance of a Civil List with respect to the allowances of the king's household, ministerial staff, and other government servants. Pāṇini, according to the requirements of grammar, mentions only a few names, *e.g.*, the Chief Queen, mother of princes and some of their personal attendants (IV.4.48), but that should be taken as part of a regular system which is elaborated in the *Arthaśāstra*. Salaried staff is termed by Pāṇini as *vaitanika* (IV.4.12). We learn from the *Mahābhārata* that salary was disbursed on a monthly basis (Sabhāparva, 61.22). Patañjali also refers to *bhṛitaka māsa*, or month as the unit of time for payment of wages (II.275), and *bhṛityabharaṇīya* or wages of employees (*Bhāshya*, I.370). The term *karmaṇya* (V.1.100) indicated efficiency arising out of adequately remunerated work, as noted by Kauṭilya (*etāvatā karmaṇyā bhavanti, Arth.* V.3, p. 247). Bribery is referred to (V.1.47); *e.g.* work for which a sum of rupees five was paid as bribe (*upadā*) was called *pañchaka*. The *Kāśikā* mentions the amounts of such bribes running up to a hundred or a thousand rupees. Reference is also made to the fabrication of accounts, *avastāra* (III.3.120), a term also known to the *Arthasāstra* with reference to corruption prevailing in government offices (*Arth.*, II.8, p. 65) which resulted in the embezzlement of government money (*kośa-kshaya*).

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Secret means employed in the espionage office were called *upanishat*, a pejorative sense of the riginal word *Upanishad* which denoted occult or mystic doctrine (1.4.79). Kauṭilya uses *Aupanishadikam* in the same sense (*Artha.*, XV). The adoption of such third degree methods was termed *upanishatkṛitya*. The Gaṇa-pāṭha (IV.4.12) also mentions *aupanishadika*, a spy making his living by secret means called *upanishat* (*upanishadā jīvati*). In this connection attention may be drawn to the term *vishya*, which according to Pāṇini denoted a person marked out for administering poison (*visheṇa vadhyaḥ*, IV.4.91). This refers to the nefarious practice of *rasadāḥ*, who formed a branch of the secret service, (*Artha.*, I.12, p. 21; V.3, 248).

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*SOURCES OF REVENUE*—Pāṇini makes a general reference to sources of revenue as *āya-sthāna*; the object of the *sūtra* is to teach that the name of the revenue is derived from the name of the source producing that income (*Ṭhagāyasthānebhyaḥ*, IV.3.75). It appears that in the account registers maintained for revenue receipts income was entered according to its source.

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For example, Patañjali mentions *śaulkika*, revenue derived from toll-taxes, cf. *śaulkaśālika* in *Kāśikā*); *gaulmika*, forest plantations; *āpaṇika*, market-places (IV.2.104.13; II.295); to which the *Kāśikā* adds *ākarika*, income from mines. Pāṇini himself refers to the payment of imposts called *śulka*, (V.1.47). Toll-tax was described in terms of its amount, *e.g.* *pañchaka*, goods on which a toll of rupees five was paid (*tad asmin śulkaḥ dīyate*, V.1.47).

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Specific mention is made of *śauṇḍika*, or income derived from excise (*Śuṇḍikādibhyo'ṇ*, IV.3.76). Kauṭilya states that the excise department was maintained as a State monopoly. Special regulations are given there to control the revenue from drinking booths. *Śuṇḍika* was the name of distilling plant, so called from the elongated condenser tube (*śuṇḍikā*) attached to the pot. Several specimens of them have been found at Takshaśīlā from Kushāṇa levels.

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In the *Śuṇḍikādi gaṇa* we find reference to other heads of income, as platforms (*sthaṇḍila*), probably let out in market-places, wells (*udapāna*), stone quarries (*upala*), ferries (*tīrtha*), land (*bhūmi*), grasses (*tṛiṇa*) and dry leaves (*parṇa*), the last two items indicating to what limits the sources of revenue were exploited. Even now, contracts in respect of forest produce are given by government for collection of leaves, weeds and grasses.

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SPECIAL TAXES IN EASTERN INDIA—There is a provision in *sūtra* VI.3.10 to regulate the names of certain special taxes in the eastern parts of India (*Kāraṇāmni cha Prāchāṁ halādau*). Four examples are given by the *Kāśikā*: (1) *Sūpe-śāṇaḥ*, a levy of one *śāṇa* coin (this coin is known from two *sūtras* of Pāṇini and was equal to one-eighth of a *Śatamāna*) realised per kitchen or household; (2) *Mukuṭe-kārshāpaṇam*, one *kārshāpaṇa* coin per capita (*mukuṭa*); (3) *Dṛishadi-māshakaḥ*, one *māshaka* coin collected from each hand-mill in a family; (4) *Hale-dvipādikā* and *Hale-tripadikā*, an impost of two or three *pāda* coins on each *hala* or plough-measure of land. These appear to have been customary levies imposed by the king on special occasions to meet emergent expenditure. Some of these taxes in modern terms are *pāg* (per head), *tāg* (per adult or poll-tax), *hār* (per plough), etc. It may be noted that Pāṇini does not name them by the usual word *kara* for 'tax', but they were known by the more emphatic word *kāra*. Pāṇini mentions a special class of officers named *Kāra-kara* (III.2.21), who, it appears, were entrusted with the raising of these taxes.

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ACCOUNTING—*Gaṇanā* was the term used for accounting, and *vigaṇana* for discharge of accounts (I.3.36). The Superintendent of accounts (*gāṇanika*) and the clerks (*kārmika*) are mentioned by Kauṭilya in connection with the annual audit by the Accounts Office (*Arth.* II.7, p. 64). In the *Ashṭādhyāyī* these two officers are mentioned in the *Gaṇa-pāṭha*, *kāraṇika* in IV.2.116 and *kārmika* in V.2.116. Falsification of accounts was called *avastāra* (III.3.120). The *Kāśikā* reveals the importance of the Heads of the Accounts Office (*gaṇakas*) when it refers to them as controlling all other officers from their desks in the accounts office (*Tishṭhantonuśāsati gaṇakāḥ*, III.2.126).

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