Pramāṇa · Search · About · API

Early History of the Dekkan down to the Mahomedan Conquest c18: Section XI. The Râshṭrakûṭas

Early History of the Dekkan down to the Mahomedan Conquest c18

Language
English

Section XI. The Râshṭrakûṭas

c18.2

THE Râshtrakûṭas are represented to have belonged to the race of Yadu.¹ According to the Wardhâ plates they were members of the Sâtyaki branch of the race, and were the direct descendants of a prince of the name of Raṭṭa. He had a son of the name of Râshṭrakûṭa after whom the family was so called. These are clearly imaginary persons, and as remarked before, the Râshṭrakûṭa family was in all likelihood the main branch of the race of Kshatriyas named Raṭṭhas who gave their name to the country of Mahârâshṭra, and were found in it even in the times of Aśoka the Maurya. The Râshṭrakûṭas were the real native rulers of the country and were sometimes eclipsed by enterprising princes of foreign origin, such as the Sâtavâhanas and the Châlukyas who established themselves in the Dekkan and exercised supreme sovereignty, but were never extirpated. The earliest prince of the dynasty mentioned in the grants hitherto discovered is Govinda I. But in an inscription in the rock-cut temple of the Daśâvatâras at Elurâ the names of two earlier ones, Dantivarman and Indrarâja, occur.² The latter was Govinda's father and the former his grandfather. Govinda I. was probably the prince of that name who in Ravikîrti's inscription at Aihole is spoken of as having attacked the Châlukya king Pulakesi II and to have afterwards become his ally.

c18.3

¹ Khârepâṭan plate, Jour B. B. R. A. S., Vol. I, p. 217; Sângalî plates, B. B. R. A., Vol. IV, p. 111; Navasârî plates and Wardhâ plates, Jour B. B. R. A. S., Vol. XVIII. p. 239 et seq.

c18.4

² Arch. Surv. West. Ind., No. 10, pp. 92—96.

c18.5

Govinda was succeeded by his son Karka, during whose reign the Brâhmans performed many sacrifices and who seems to have patronized the old Vedic religion. After him his son Indrarâja came to the throne. Indrarâja married a girl who belonged to the Châlukya family, though on her mother's side she was connected with the lunar race, probably that of the Râshṭrakûṭas themselves. From this union sprang Dantidurga, who became king after his father. With a handful of soldiers Dantidurga defeated the army of Karnâṭaka, which hitherto had achieved very great glory by vanquishing the forces of the kings of Kâñchî, the Keralas, Cholas, and Pâṇḍyas, and of Śrîharsha, the lord paramount of Northern India, and Vajraṭa,³ and thus conquered Vallabha or the last Châlukya king Kîrtivarman II. with ease. He thus acquired paramount sovereignty in the south.⁴ He also subdued the kings of Kâñchî, Kaliṅga, Kosala, Śrî-Śaila,⁵ Mâlava, Lâṭ, and [63] Ṭaṅka. At Ujjayinî he gave large quantities of gold and jewels in charity.⁶ A grant of Dantidurga found at Sâmangaḍ in the Kolhâpur district bears the date 675 of the Śaka era, corresponding to A.D. 753.⁷

c18.6

³ The army of Karnâṭaka was thus the army of the Châlukyas.

c18.7

⁴ Samangaḍ grant, p. 375, Jour. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. II.

c18.8

⁵ This must have been the country about Śrî-Śaila which contains the celebrated shrine of Mallikârjuna and which is situated on the lower Krishṇa in the Karnul district, Madras Presidency.

c18.9

⁶ Arch. Surv. West. Ind., No. 10. *loc. cit.*

c18.10

⁷ Referred to above.

c18.11

Dantidurga died childless according to a grant found at Kardâ,⁸ and his paternal uncle Krishṇarâja succeeded to the throne. Another grant found at Baroda⁹ omits the name of Dantidurga, since the object of the writer was simply to give the pedigree of the reigning monarch, with reference to whom Dantidurga was but a collateral, and not to give the names of all the previous kings In that grant Kṛishṇarâja is spoken of as having "rooted out" a prince belonging to the same family with himself who had taken to evil ways and to have himself assumed the task of governing for the "benefit of his race " The prince dethroned or destroyed by Kṛishṇarâja could not have been Dantidurga, as has been supposed by some writers, since he was a powerful monarch who for the first time acquired supreme sovereignty for his family In a grant found at Kâvî, and another found in the Navasârî district, Kṛishṇa is represented to have succeeded to the throne after Dantidurga's death ¹⁰ The prince whom he set aside, therefore, must either have been a son of Dantidurga or some other person with a better claim to the throne than himself The statement of the Kardâ plate that Dantidurga died childless may be discredited as being made two hundred years after the occurrence

c18.12

⁸ Jour. R. A. S., Vol. III.

c18.13

⁹ Published in Jour Beng A S, Vol VIII, pp 292—303

c18.14

¹⁰ See stanza 11 (p 146, Ind Ant, Vol V,) of the first half of which only तस्मिनिन्द्रे [गते] remains, and lines 15 and 16, Jour B B R A S, Vol XVIII, p 257, ll 14, 15

c18.15

Kṛishṇarâja, otherwise called Śubhatuṅga and also Akâlavarsha, carried on the work of Dantidurga and reduced the Châlukyas to complete subjection In two of the grants¹¹ he is spoken of "as having with the aid of gods in the form of his counsellors or followers churned the ocean of the Chalukya race which had been resorted to by mountains in the shape of kings afraid of their wings or power being destroyed¹²—an ocean that was inaccessible to others,—and drawn out from it the Lakshmî'¹³ of paramount sovereignty He is said to have defeated Râhappa who was proud of his own power and prowess, and afterwards assumed the ensigns of supreme sovereignty Who¹⁴ this person was we have not the means of determining In the Wardhâ plates he is represented to have constructed many temples of Śiva, [64] which resembled the Kailâsa mountain ¹⁵

c18.16

¹¹ Vani Dindori, Jour R A S, Vol V, and Râdhanpur, Ind Ant, Vol VI, p 65

c18.17

¹² The legend is that in early times mountains had wings, and as they did considerable mischief by their use, Indra set about cutting them The mountains thereupon took refuge in the sea The story originated from the double sense which the word *parvata* bears in the Vedas It denotes "a mountain" and "a cloud" also Indra was the god who prevented the clouds, from flying from place to place, and compelled them to discharge their freight on the earth for the benefit of his human worshippers

c18.18

¹³ Vishṇu churned the ocean with the aid of the gods and drew out Lakshmî from it, whom he married

c18.19

¹⁴ Ind Ant, Vol XII, p 182, l. 13

c18.20

¹⁵ *Loc cit*

c18.21

In the Baroda grant it is stated that Kṛishṇarâja "caused to be constructed a temple of a wonderful form on the mountain at Elâpura When the gods moving in their aerial cars saw it they were struck with wonder and constantly thought much over the matter saying to themselves, 'This temple of Śiva is self-existent, for such beauty is not to be found in a work of art' Even the architect who constructed it was struck with wonder, saying when his heart misgave him as regards making another similar attempt, 'Wonderful! I do not know how it was that I could construct it' King Kṛishṇa with his own hands again decorated Śambhu (Śiva) placed in that temple, by means of gold, rubies, and other precious jewels, though he had already been decorated by the wonderful artificial ornaments of the stream of the Gaṅgâ, the moon, and the deadly poison" The ending *pura* in the names of towns, when it undergoes a change at all, is invariably changed to *ur*, as in Sihur for Siṁhapura, Indur for Indrapura, Śirur for Śripura, &c The Elâpura of the inscription, therefore, is Elur, and the temple described in the grant in such terms must be one of those excavated on the hills at the place, perhaps the temple of Kailâsa itself ¹⁶ Thus it appears that it was Kṛishṇarâja that caused the Kailâsa to be constructed, and the date assigned to appear to have reigned long, as his brother was on the throne in Śaka 705 and his son in Śaka 716, the year in which the Paiṭhan charter was issued

c18.22

¹⁶ Dr Bühler in his paper in Vol VI, Ind Ant, simply states that the "grant (Baroda) connects him (Kṛishṇarâja) with the hill at Elâpur, where he seems to have built a fort and a splendid temple of Śiva" He has not identified Elâpura and did not perceive the important significance of this and the next two stanzas He, however, suspected that one of the verses was badly deciphered That this and the following verses are somewhat badly deciphered there is no doubt, but the translation in the Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal is far worse and Dr Bühler was misled by it Dr Fleet has published a revised translation (Ind Ant, Vol XII, p 162), but as regards this passage it certainly is no improvement on the first He also once spoke of "a hill fort" (Ind Ant, Vol XI, p 123), and now thinks Flapura is in the passage meant to be represented as Kṛishṇarâja's "encampments" He identifies Flapura with Yellapur in the North Kânara districts But the manner in which the temple is described according to my translation and also the obvious derivation of Elur from Elâpura, and Elurâ from Elâpurala, leave little doubt that a rock-cut temple at Elurâ is meant to be spoken of and actually the existence of a Râshṭrakûṭa inscription in one of the temples confirms my conclusion That my translation is correct and appropriate, I have shown in an article published in the Indian Antiquary, Vol XII, p 228, where the reader will find the point fully discussed

c18.23

Dhruva Nirupama was succeeded by his son Govinda III The Râdhanpur and Vaṇi-Ḍiṇḍorî grants were issued by him in the Śaka year 730 corresponding to A D 808²² while he was at Mayûrakhaṇḍî This place has been identified with a hill-fort in the Nâsik territory of the name of Morkhaṇḍ Whether Mayûrakhaṇḍî was the capital of the dynasty in the time of this king cannot be satisfactorily determined Govinda III was certainly one of the greatest of the Râshṭrakûṭa princes, and the statement in his grant that during his time the Râshṭrakûṭas became invincible, as the Yâdavas of Purâṇic history did when under the guidance of Krishṇa, appears credible Seeing he had grown up to be a brave prince his father proposed to abdicate the throne in his favour, but he declined, expressing himself perfectly satisfied with his position as Yuvarâja or prince-regent ²³ When after his father’s death he ascended the throne, twelve kings united their forces and rose against him, desirous of striking an effectual blow at the power of the Râshṭrakûṭas But alone and unassisted, he by his personal valour suddenly inflicted a crushing defeat on them and broke the confederacy He released the Ganga prince of Chera, who had been kept in custody by his father, but no sooner did he go back to his native country than he put himself into an attitude of hostility But Govinda III immediately vanquished him, and threw him into captivity again Subsequently he marched against the Gûrjara king, who fled away at his approach Thence he proceeded to Mâlvâ, the king of which country knowing himself to be unable to resist his power surrendered to him After receiving his obeisance he directed his march to the Vindhyas When Mârâśarva, the ruler of the adjoining country, who had been watching his movements, heard from his spies that Govinda's army had encamped on the slopes of that mountain, he went up to him, and throwing himself at his feet presented to him his most highly valued heirlooms which no other prince had ever got before On this occasion Govinda spent the rainy season at a place called Śrîbhavana, which has not been identified When the rains were over, he marched with his army to the Tungabhadrâ, where he stayed for a short time, and brought the Pallava king of Kâñchî under a more complete subjection than before Thence he sent a message to the king of Vengî, or the country between the lower Kṛishṇâ and the Godâvarî, who probably belonged to the eastern Châlukya dynasty, and he came and attended on him as if he were his servant ²⁴ This grand victorious march to the north and the south must have taken place before Śaka 726 or A D

c18.24

²² The Saṁvatsara or cyclic year given in the first is Sarvajit the current Śaka year corresponding to which was 730 while in the second it is Vyaya corresponding to 729 current As regards the exact signification to be attached to these dates, see Appendix B

c18.25

²³ The Kâvî grant, however, states that the father did raise him to the supreme sovereignty which his enemies were endeavouring to deprive his family of, *i.e.*, when he found the enemies of his family too powerful for him, he raised his son to the throne and assigned to him the task of suppressing them Ind Ant, Vol V, p 147, v 27 The reading, however, is somewhat corrupt The enemies spoken of here must be those twelve whom he is represented to have vanquished in the other grants

c18.26

²⁴ Vaṇı-Dıṇḍorî and Râdhanpur plates

c18.27

For in a copper-plate grant bearing that date found in the Kânarese country, it is stated that when the king (Govinda III ) "having conquered Dantiga who ruled over Kâñchî, had come to levy tribute, and when his encampments were on the banks of the Tungabhadrâ," he allotted some lands to one Śivadhârî at a holy place named Râmeśvara ²⁵ His expeditions against the neighbouring princes must have been undertaken after [67] Śaka 716 *past*, or 794 A D , since the Paithan charter which was issued in that year makes no mention of them

c18.28

²⁵ Ind Ant, Vol XI, pp 126-7

c18.29

Govinda III thus acquired a large extent of territory and established his supremacy over a number of kings He appears to have become the paramount sovereign of the whole country from Mâlvâ in the north to Kâñchîpura in the south, and to have under his immediate sway the country between the Narmadâ and the Tungabhadrâ The Vanî-Diṇḍorî plates convey a village situated in the Nâsik district, while those found in the Kânarese country assign some land near the Tungabhadrâ The province of Lâṭa, situated between the Mahî and the lower Tâpî, was assigned by him to his brother Indra,²⁶ who became the founder of another branch of the dynasty Govinda III, as stated in the Baroda grant, made and unmade kings His secondary names as found in his own grants were Prabhûtavarsha or "Raining profusely," Pṛithvîvallabha or "the Lover of the Earth," and Śrî-Vallabha Others will be noticed below The Baroda grant was issued by Karka, the son of it was he who founded it and made it the capital of the dynasty cannot be clearly made out from that grant, as the reading given by Mr Wathen is corrupt But the Wardhâ plates are clear on the point In them the successor of Jagattunga is called Nṛipatunga, and he is represented to have founded the city of Mânyakheṭa, which "put the [68] city of the gods" to shame Mânyakheṭa has been properly identified with Mâlkhed in the Nizam's territory In the Kânheri caves there are three inscriptions, in which the reigning paramount sovereign is represented to be Amoghavarsha In one of them Pullasakti of the Śilâhâra family, and in the other two his son, Kapardin, are mentioned as his dependents ruling over Konkan, which province had been assigned to them by Amoghavarsha The dates occurring in the last two are Śaka 775 and 799 ²⁹ An inscription at Sirur in the Dhârvâḍ district published by Dr Fleet is dated Śaka 788, *vyaya*, which is represented as the fifty-second year of the reign of Amoghavarsha,³⁰ so that the year 799 Śaka of the Kânheri inscription must have been the sixty-third of his reign The cyclic year *vyaya* corresponds to the Śaka year 788 *past* and 789 *current* This prince appears thus to have begun to reign in Śaka 737 *past* In a historical appendix at the end of a Jaina work entitled Uttarapurâṇa, or the latter half of the Mahâpurâṇa, by Guṇabhadra, Amoghavarsha is represented to have been a devoted worshipper of a holy Jaina saint named Jinasena, who was the preceptor of Guṇabhadra, and wrote the Âdipurâṇa or the first part of the same work³¹ Jinasena himself at the end of his poem the Pârśvâbhyudaya gives expression to a wish that Amoghavarsha may reign for a long time An important work on the philosophy of the Digambara Jainas entitled Jayadhavalâ is represented at the end to have been composed when 759 years of the Śaka king had elapsed, in the reign of Amoghavarsha In the introductory portion of a Jaina mathematical work entitled Sârasaṃgraha by Vîrâchârya, Amoghavarsha is highly praised for his power and his virtues, and is spoken of as a follower of the Jaina doctrine (Syâdvâda)³² He is mentioned there also by his other name Nṛipatuṅga The authorship of a small tract consisting of questions and answers on moral subjects, entitled Praśnottara-ratnamâlikâ, which has

c18.30

²⁶ Kâvî plate, Ind Ant, Vol V, p 147, v 29, Baroda grant, Jour Beng A S, Vol VIII, p 296, v 21, in which सदा ought to be सहसा as in the Kâvî

c18.31

²⁹ Jour B B R A S, Vol VI, West's copies Nos 15 and 42, Vol XIII, p 11, and Prof Kielhorn's paper, Ind Ant, Vol XIII, p 133 The cyclic year given with 775 is *Prajâpati*, the current Śaka year corresponding to which, however, was 774 Prof Kielhorn has recently calculated the true Śaka from the day of the week and fortnight and found it to be 773 expired *i c*, 774 current

c18.32

³⁰ Ind Ant, Vol XII, p 216

c18.33

³¹ Several copies of this Purâṇa have been purchased by me for Government The stanza in which Amoghavarsha is alluded to is this —

c18.34

³² This and the two preceding references I owe to the kindness of Mr K B Pathak

c18.35

यस्य प्रांशुमखांग्रजालविसरद्धारान्तराविर्भव-
त्पादांभोजरज पिशङ्गमुकुटप्रत्यग्ररत्नद्युति ।
संस्मर्ता स्वममीघवर्यन्नृपति पूतोऽहमद्येत्यलं
संश्रीमाञ्जिनसेनपूज्यभगवत्पादो जगन्मङ्गलम् ॥
"The king Amoghavarsha remembered himself to have been purified that day when the lustre of the gems was heightened in consequence of his diadem becoming reddish by the dust pollen of [Jinasena's] foot-lotuses appearing in the stream [of waterlike lustre] flowing from the collection of the brilliant rays of his nails,—enough—that prosperous Jinasena with the worshipful and revered feet is the blessing of the world "

c18.36

been claimed for Śaṁkarâchârya and one Śaṁkara-guru by the Brâhmaṇs, and for Vimala by the Śvetâmbaras, is attributed [69] to king Amoghavarsha by the Digambara Jainas. At the end of the Digambara copies occurs a stanza, in which it is stated that Amoghavarsha composed the Ratnamâlikâ after he had abdicated the throne in consequence of the growth of the ascetic spirit³³ in him. There is another Amoghavarsha in the dynasty who is represented as being of a thoughtful and religious temper. But he reigned for a short time and does not appear to have had any connection with the Jainas. There is a translation of the work in the Thibetan language, and there, too, the tract is attributed to Amoghavarsha, who is represented as a great king. The Thibetan translation of the name has been retranslated, however, into Amoghodaya by Schiefner, but if he had known the Digambara tradition, he would have put it as Amoghavarsha.³⁴ From all this it appears that of all the Râshṭrakûṭa princes, Amoghavarsha was the greatest patron of the Digambara Jainas, and the statement that he adopted the Jaina faith seems to be true.

c18.37

³³ See my Report on the search for Sanskrit MSS. for 1883-84. Notes, &c., p. 11. The stanza is

c18.38

³⁴ Weber's Indische Streifen, Vol. I. p. 210.

c18.39

Amoghavarsha's son and successor was Akâlavarsha. He married the daughter of Kokkala, king of Chedi, who belonged to the Haihaya race, and by her had a son named Jagattuṅga. Akâlavarsha's proper name was Kṛishṇa as is evident from the Navasârî grant and also from the Wardhâ and the Karḍâ plates. He is the Kṛishṇarâja during whose

c18.40

विवेकात्त्यक्तराज्येन राज्ञेयं रत्नमालिका।
रचितामोघवर्षेण सुधियां सदलं‌कृतिः॥

c18.41

reign a tributary chief of the name of Pṛithvîrâma made a grant of land to a Jaina temple which he had caused to be constructed in the Śaka year 797 at Saundatti ³⁵ Another Jaina temple was built by a Vaisya or Bania named Chikârya during his reign in Śaka 824 at Mulgunda in the Dhârvâḍ district, and in the inscription which records this fact he is styled Kṛishṇa Vallabha ³⁶ Kṛishṇa or Akâlavarsha appears to have been a powerful prince He is represented as having frightened the Gûrjara, humbled the pride of the Lâṭa, taught humility to the Gauḍas, deprived the people on the sea-coast of their repose, and exacted obedience from the Andhra, Kaliṅga, Gâṅga, and Magadha.³⁷

c18.42

³⁵ Jour B B R A S, Vol X, p 200 The cyclic year mentioned is Manmatha, which corresponds to Śaka 797 *past*

c18.43

³⁶ *Ib*, p 192 The cyclic year is Dundubhi, which fell in 825 *current*

c18.44

³⁷ Wardhâ and Navasârî plates Jour B B R A S, Vol XVIII, pp 239-269

c18.45

In the reign of this prince the Jaina Purâṇa noticed above was consecrated in Śaka 820, the cyclic year being Piṅgala,³⁸ by Lokasena [70] the

c18.46

³⁸ > अकालवर्षभूपालॆ पालयत्यखिलामिलाम् । all mankind, at the end of the year measured by 820 of the era of the Saka king * * *, while that king Akâlavarsha, all of whose enemies were destroyed and whose fame was pure (or who acquired religious merit and fame) was protecting the whole earth" The cyclic year Pingala corresponded to 820 Śaka *current*

c18.47

तस्मिन्विध्वस्तनि शेषद्विषि वश्रियशोर्जुषि ॥
धसं *v l*
\* \* \* \* \*
शकनृपकालाभ्यन्तरविशत्यधिकाष्टशतमिताब्दान्ते ।
मङ्गलमहार्थकारिणि पिङ्गलनामनि समस्तजनसुखदे
\* \* \* \* \*
निष्टितं भव्यबर्यै
प्रासेन्यं शास्त्र सार अगति विजयते पुष्पमेत्तरपुराणम् ॥
"Victorious in the world is this holy Purâṇa, the essence of the Sâstras which was finished and worshipped by the best among respectable [men]\* \* \* in the year Piṅgala that brings about great prosperity and confers happiness on

c18.48

pupil of Gunabhadra, who was the author of the second part In the historical appendix, "the lofty elephants of Akâlavarsha" are represented "to have drunk the waters of the Ganges rendered fragrant by being mixed with the humour flowing from their temples, and, as if not having their thirst quenched, to have resorted to the Kaumâra forest (in the extreme south), which was full of sandal trees set in gentle motion by the breezes blowing over the sea waves, and into the shade of which the rays of the sun did not penetrate "³⁹ The date 833 Śaka has also been assigned to Akâlavarsha ⁴⁰ It will have been seen that an inscription at Saundatti represents Krishnarâja to have been the reigning prince in Śaka 797, while one in the Kânheri caves speaks of his father Amoghavarsha as being on the throne two years later, *i c*, in 799 This discrepancy must be due to the fact mentioned in the Ratnamâlikâ that the latter had abdicated the throne in his old age The real reigning prince therefore in Śaka 797 and 799 must have been Akâlavarsha his son, but the writer of the Kânheri inscription must in the latter year have put in Amoghavarsha's name, as he was not dead, and his having abdicated had probably no significance in his eyes

c18.49

³⁹ यस्योत्तङ्गमत्तंगजा निजमदस्त्रोतस्विनीसंगमा- द्भाङ्गं वारि कलङ्कितं कटु मुहु पीत्वाप्यगच्छत्तृष । कौमार घमचन्दन वनमपांपत्युस्तरङ्गानि लै- र्मन्दान्दोलितमक्षमभास्करकरच्छायं समाशिश्रियम् ॥

c18.50

⁴⁰ Ind Ant, Vol XI p 109

c18.51

Akâlavarsha's son was Jagattunga But he did not ascend the throne as appears from the fact that his name is not mentioned in the list of kings given in the Khârepâtaṇ grant, after Akâlavarsha, but that of Indra, who is spoken of as Akâlavarsha’s grandson, while Jagattunga is mentioned in another connection below And in the Navasârî grant Indra is represented as “meditating on the feet” of Akâlavarsha, and not of Jagattunga though he was his father, which shows that he was the immediate successor of Akâlavarsha But the Wardhâ grant is explicit It tells us that Jagattunga had a beautiful person, and that he died without having [71] ascended the throne Jagattunga married Lakshmî, the daughter of his maternal uncle, the son of Kokkala, who is called Raṇavigraha in the Sângalî and Navasârî grants, and Śamkaragaṇa in the Karḍâ plates But it will be presently shown that the Karḍâ plates contain many mistakes and are the source of a good deal of confusion in the history of this dynasty

c18.52

From this union sprang Indra, who succeeded his grandfather His title was Nityavarsha according to the Navasârî grant, and his son Govinda IV is in the Sângalî grant spoken of as “meditating on the feet” of Nityavarsha, which also shows that that was Indra’s title Nityavarsha is the donor in the Navasârî grant He is represented as residing at his capital Mânyakheṭa, but to have on the occasion gone to Kurundaka, identified with the modern Kaḍoda on the banks of the Tâpî, for his Paṭṭabandhotsava This must have been the festival in honour of his coronation At Kurundaka he granted that and many other villages, and restored four hundred more which had once been given in charity but had been resumed by former kings He also gave away twenty lacs of Drammas in charity after having weighed himself against gold The village conveyed by the Navasârî grant is Tenna situated in the Lâṭ country It has been identified with Tenâ in the Navasârî division of the Baroda State The grant was issued in Śaka 836, so that Indra appears to have come to the throne in that year Another set of copper-plates found in the Navasârî district records the grant of the village of Gumra identified with the modern Bagumra by the same prince The grant was issued at the same time as the other, and the contents *mutatis mutandis* are exactly the same⁴¹ From these grants of villages in the Navasârî district which must have formed a part of the old country of Lâṭa, and from the statement in the Wardhâ plates that Kṛishṇa or Akâlavarsha humbled the pride of the Lâṭa prince, it appears that the main branch of the Râshṭrakûṭas reigning at Mânyakheṭa must have in Akâlavarsha's time supplanted or reduced to a humble position the dynasty of their kinsmen in Gujarât, which had been founded in the time of Jagattunga or Govinda III Indra was the reigning monarch in Śaka 838, the cyclic year being *Dhâtu*, as appears from an inscription published by Dr Fleet⁴²

c18.53

⁴¹ Jour B B R A S, Vol XVIII, p 261 *et seq*

c18.54

⁴² Ind Ant, Vol XII, p 224

c18.55

As regards the next king there is some confusion in the Karḍâ plates The Sângalî grant, however, is clear Indra married a lady from the Haihaya family of Chedi again Her name was Vijâmbâ,⁴³ and she was the daughter of Aṅgaṇadeva, the son of Arjuna, who was the eldest son of Kokkala, mentioned above. By her Indra had a son named Govinda, who is the last king noticed in the Sângalî grant, since it was issued by him. But according to the Khârepâṭan grant, Govinda was the younger brother of a prince named [72] Amoghavarsha.³ The immediate successor of Indra, therefore, was Amoghavarsha, and after him his younger brother Govinda came to the throne. And this is confirmed by the Kardâ plates also. Amoghavarsha and Govinda are there meant to be mentioned as the two sons of Ambâ, who is the same as the Vîjâmbâ of the Sângalî plate. But in the text of the grant Govinda and Ambâ form one compound, so that the translators of the grant call the lady Govindâmbâ, which certainly is an unique or an absurd name. Thus they drop king Govinda altogether.⁴ But the

c18.56

⁴³ Dr Fleet in his revised transcript and translation of the Sângalî grant calls her Dvijâmbâ, but in the facsimile given by him the name is distinctly Vijâmbâ in both the places where it occurs The Sanskrit of Vijâmbâ is Vidyâmbâ Ind Ant, Vol XII, p 250

c18.57

³ Dr. Fleet, in his genealogical table at p. 109, Vol. XII, Ind. Ant., speaks of Govinda's brother as unnamed. But he is named Amoghavarsha in the Khârepâṭan grant, and also in that of Kardâ, if properly understood.

c18.58

⁴ The 15th stanza, the latter part of which I have construed as in the text, is:— of his sons Amoghavarsha and Govinda IV., the latter of whom reigned, as we shall see, for at least fifteen years. Such an omission is not likely. Then, again, the Sângalî grant makes no allusion whatever to Jagattunga's marriage with a lady of the name of Govindâmba. And the second line श्रीमानमोघवषो॑ गोविन्दांबामिधानामाम्। looks as if the intention of the writer of it was set forth the names of the two sons of Indra, Amoghavarsha and Govinda, and of their mother Ambâ or Vijambâ. And it seems to me that the following stanza, in which the liberality of a monarch has been praised refers to Govinda IV., who, as noticed in the text below, was called Suvarṇavarsha by people, because he "rained down gold." The name of that prince, therefore, must occur in the verse immediately previous. The first line must, it is clear to me, have crept in through mistake. If it were not read here, the second would be applicable to the king mentioned immediately before, *i.e.*, Indra, and the whole would be consistent with the information derived from the Sângalî grant. The emendation I make in the second line is to read च्यै for न्दा and then Ambâ would be released from her incongruous association with Govinda, and the whole would be consistent and intelligible. There must be other mistakes also in the Karda grant. Very probably a verse or two are omitted here, as also after the next stanza, where Krishṇarâja is abruptly introduced and spoken of parenthetically.

c18.59

शौर्यात्तं गाङ्गमभ्यर्च्यभरद्वाजसगोत्रजाया मम्बाय।मभवद्गुप्तः।

c18.60

Wardhâ grant is explicit on the point. From it we learn that Amoghavarsha was the elder brother of Govinda, but that he died immediately after his father, as if "out of love for him," and then Govinda came to the throne. The Sângalî grant of Govinda IV., as he must be called, does not mention Amoghavarsha by name, but states that "though Govinda had the power, he did not act with any reprehensible cruelty towards his elder brother, and did not render himself infamous by incest, or assume the nature of a devil by casting aside considerations of purity and impurity, but became Sâhasâṅka by his matchless enterprise and liberality." What this it must be understood that the year meant is 841 Śaka It will appear from this that Indra or Nityavarsha, who succeeded his grandfather in Śaka 836, had a very short reign, and his eldest son, Amoghavarsha, could have been on the throne only for a few months Govinda IV like Amoghavarsha I was at war with the Châlukyas of Vengî ⁴⁸ Another inscription represents Govinda IV as the reigning monarch in Śaka 851 ⁴⁹

c18.61

⁴⁸ Ind Ant , Vol XII, p 249, and my note on Professor Peterson's Report on MSS for 1883-84, p 48

c18.62

⁴⁹ Ind Ant, Vol XII, p 249

c18.63

From the Khârepâṭan plates it appears that Govinda IV was succeeded by his paternal uncle Baddiga, the second son of Jagattunga He is represented to have been a virtuous prince, serene like a sage He was succeeded by his son Kṛishṇarâja, and after his death his younger brother Khoṭika became king The Karḍâ grant is somewhat confusing here, but when properly understood it is perfectly consistent with that of Khârepâṭan It states "When the elder brother Kṛishṇarâjadeva went to heaven, Khoṭṭigadeva, who was begotten by the king Amoghavarsha on Kandakadevî, the daughter of Yuvarâja, became king "⁵⁰ Here the expression "elder brother" must be taken as related to Khoṭṭigadeva and not to the preceding king,⁵¹ whoever he may have been Khoṭika therefore was, even [74] according to the Karḍâ grant, the younger brother of Kṛishṇarâja But he is represented to have been the son of Amoghavarsha, while Kṛishṇarâja is spoken of in the Khârepâṭan plates as the son of Baddiga In an inscription at Saloṭgi, Kṛishṇarâja, the son of Amoghavarsha, is represented to have been reigning at Mânyakheṭa in 867 Śaka,⁵² that is, twelve years after the Sângalî grant of Govinda IV was issued He must have been the same prince as that mentioned in the grants we have been examining For the Kṛishṇa of these was the second king after Govinda IV His father Baddiga, who was Govinda's uncle, must have been an old man when he succeeded, and consequently must have reigned for a very short time Hence his son Kṛishṇa came to be king within twelve years after Govinda's grant , and there is no other Kṛishṇa mentioned in the grants who is likely to have been on the throne in 867 Śaka If, then, the Kṛishṇa of the grants is the same as the Kṛishṇa of the Saloṭgi inscription, here we have evidence that his father's name was Amoghavarsha , so that the Baddiga of the Khârepâṭan plates was the same as the Amoghavarsha of the Karḍâ plates Kṛishṇarâja and Khoṭika were thus brothers, and it would appear from the wording of the statement in the Karḍâ plates that they were the sons of the same father but of different mothers ⁵³ was [75] "first among the wise" and the "best of serene sages", to assume the reins of power He was assisted in the government by his son Kṛishṇa, who though but a crown-prince wielded very great power The enemies who transgressed his commands were punished, he put to death Dantiga and Bappuka who had grown insolent He thoroughly subdued the Gânga prince, and planted what appears to be a colony of the Âryas in his dominions Hearing of the ease with which he captured the strongholds in the south, the Gûrjana prince, who was preparing to take the fortresses of Kâlanjara and Chitrakûṭa in the north, had to give up the enterprize All feudatory chiefs between the eastern and the western oceans and between the Himâlava and Siṁhala (Ceylon) paid obeisance to him After he had thus rendered the power of his family firm, his father died, and he ascended the throne The Wardhâ plates announce the grant of a village to the north-west of Nâgpur near the modern Mohagaon made by Kṛishṇarâja, who is also called Akâlavarsha, in the name of his brother Jagattunga to a Brâhman of the Kâṇva school of the White Yajurveda on the 5th of the dark half of Vaiśâkha in Śaka 862, corresponding to 940 A D, the cyclic year being Śârvarı This prince is called Śrı-Vallabha also in the grant

c18.64

⁵⁰ ऐन्द्रपदजिगीषयेव स्वर्गमधिरूढे च ज्येष्ठे भ्रातरि श्रीमत्कृष्णराजदेवे युवराजदेवदुहितरि कन्दकदेव्याममोघवषंनृपा- ज्जातः खोट्टिगदेवो नृपतिरभूद्भुवनविख्यातः ॥ १६ ॥

c18.65

⁵¹ For, the clause containing that expression is depend-

c18.66

⁵² Ind Ant , Vol I, p 205, et seq The cyclic year given is Plavanga, which followed next after Śaka 869 and the current year corresponding to which was 870 According to another system, which however was rarely used in Southern India, it was Plavanga in a part of the year 867 *Śaka expired*

c18.67

⁵³ Dr Fleet, following Mr Wathen's translation, makes Kṛishṇa, whom he calls Kṛishṇa III, the elder brother of Amoghavarsha and thus a son of Jagattunga But in the Khârepâṭan grant he is distinctly represented as the son of Baddiga who was the son of Jagattunga, and in the on the throne from 867 to 878 Saka, that is, before his elder brother Kṛishṇa, therefore, was the elder of the two as stated in the Khârepâṭan grant, and Khoṭṭika the younger Dr Fleet, however, being under the belief that this last was the elder brother, gives the following explanation of the discrepancy in the dates — "Koṭṭiga or Khoṭṭiga left no issue, and this explains why the date of his inscription now published is considerably later than the dates obtained for Kṛishṇa IV, viz, there being no probability of Koṭṭiga leaving any issue, first his younger brother Kṛishṇa IV was joined with him in the government and then the latter's son Kakka III"—(Ind Ant, Vol XII, p 255) This supposition is not supported by any circumstance, on the contrary it is utterly discountenanced by the inscriptions of Kṛishṇa which represent him to be the "Supreme king of great kings," (Ind Ant, Vol XII, p 258) and to have been reigning at the time at Mânya kheṭa and governing the kingdom (Ind Ant, Vol I, p 210) Otherwise, they would have spoken of him as *Yuvarâja* Thus there were not two Kṛishṇas but only one He was the son of Baddiga or Amoghavarsha, not his brother His earliest date is that of the Wardhâ grant, *i c*, 862 Saka and the latest 881 that of the Yaśastilaka He was the same monarch as that spoken of in the Saloṭgi and other stone inscriptions bearing the dates 867, 873, and 878 Śaka Khoṭṭiga was his younger brother, and Nirupama the youngest

c18.68

Kṛishṇarâja was the reigning monarch in Śaka 873 and 878⁵⁴ At the end of a Jaina work called Yaśastilaka by Somadeva it is stated that it was finished on the 13th of Chaitra when 881 years of the era of the Śaka king had elapsed, the cyclic year being Siddhârthin, during the reign of a feudatory of Kṛishṇarâjadeva Kṛishṇarâjadeva is spoken of as reigning gloriously, having subdued the Pâṇḍyas, Siṁhala, the Cholas, the Cheras and others⁵⁵ Khoṭika, his brother, was on the throne in Śaka 893 Prajâpatı⁵⁶

c18.69

⁵⁴ Ind Ant, Vol XII, p 257, and Vol XI, p 109

c18.70

⁵⁵ Prof Peterson's Report, *loc cit*

c18.71

⁵⁶ Ind Ant, Vol XII, p 225

c18.72

Khoṭika was succeeded, according to the Khârepâṭan grant, by Kakkala, the son of his brother The name of this brother was Nirupama according to the Kardâ grant Kakkala is said to have been a brave soldier, but he was conquered in battle by Tailapa, who belonged to the Châlukya race, and thus the sovereignty of the Dekkan passed from the hands of the Râshṭrakûṭas once more **[76]** into those of the Châlukyas The Karḍâ grant, which was made in the reign of Kakkala, is dated Śaka 894 or A D 972 And another inscription represents him as being on the throne in 896 *current*,⁵⁷ the cyclic year being *Śrîmukha* But in this year or Śaka 895 *past* Tailapa attained sovereign powers⁵⁸ The Râshṭrakûṭas were thus supreme masters of this country from about A D 748 to A D 973, that is, for nearly two hundred and twenty-five years

c18.73

⁵⁷ *Ind Ant*, Vol XII, p 270

c18.74

⁵⁸ The cyclic year mentioned along with the first of these two dates in Angiras the current Śaka year corresponding to which was 895

c18.75

That the princes of this race were very powerful there can be little doubt The rock-cut temples at Elurâ still attest their power and magnificence Under them the worship of the Purâṇic gods rose into much greater importance than before The days when kings and princes got temples and monasteries cut out of the solid rock for the use of the followers of Gotama Buddha had gone by, never to return Instead of them we have during this period temples excavated or constructed on a more magnificent scale and dedicated to the worship of Śiva and Vishṇu Several of the grants of these Râshṭrakûṭa princes praise their bounty and mention their having constructed temples Still, as the Kânheri inscriptions of the reign of Amoghavarsha I show, Buddhism had its votaries and benefactors, though the religion had evidently sunk into unimportance Jainism, on the other hand, retained the prominence it had acquired during the Châlukya period, or even made greater progress Amoghavarsha was, as we have seen, a great patron of it, and was perhaps a convert to it, and some of the minor chiefs and the lower castes, especially the traders, were its devoted adherents The form of Jainism that prevailed in the country was mostly that professed by the Digambara sect A good many of the extant Digambara works were, as we have seen, composed during this period

c18.76

It is remarkable that, unlike the grants of the early Châlukya princes, those of the Râshṭrakûṭas contain accounts in verse of the ancestors of the grantor, and most of the verses are of the nature of those we find in the ordinary artificial poems in Sanskrit literature, possessing the same merits and faults The Râshṭrakûṭas, therefore, must have been patrons of learning, and probably had poets in their service One of the three Krishṇas belonging to the dynasty is the hero of an artificial poem by Halâyudha entitled the *Kavirahasya*, the purpose of which is to explain the distinction as regards sense and conjugational peculiarities between roots having the same external form He is spoken of as the paramount sovereign of Dakshinâpatha ⁵⁹ Prof Westergaard, however, thought [77] him to be the Krishṇarâva of the Vijayanagar dynasty who reigned in the first quarter of the sixteenth century But in the *Kavirahasya* he is spoken of in one place as "having sprung from the Râshṭrakûṭa race,"⁶⁰ and is in another called "the ornament of the lunar

c18.77

⁵⁹ > अगस्त्यगस्त्यमुनिन्योत्स्नापवित्रे दक्षिणापथे ।

c18.78

⁶⁰ > तोलयत्यतुलं शक्त्या यो भारं भुवनेश्वरः ।

c18.79

कृष्णराज इति ख्यातो राजा साम्राज्यदीक्षित ॥
'In Dakshinâpatha, which is rendered holy by the light of the sage Agastya, there was a king of the name of Krishṇarâja who was crowned as a paramount sovereign"

c18.80

कस्तं तुलयति श्लाघ्या राष्ट्रकूटकुलोद्भवम् ॥
"Who will equal in strength that lord of the world sprung from the Râshṭrakûṭa race, who by his power bears an incomparable burden"

c18.81

race,"⁶¹ which description is of course not applicable to the Vijayanagar prince

c18.82

⁶¹ सोमं सुनोति यन्नेषु सोमवंशविभूषण "That ornament of the lunar race extracts the juice of Soma in sacrifices "

c18.83

Arabic travellers of the tenth century mention a powerful dynasty of the name of Balharâs who ruled at a place called Mânkîr The name of the city would show that the Râshṭrakûṭas, whose capital was Mânyakheṭa or Mânkhed, were meant But Balharâ, the name of the dynasty, has not been identified with any that might be considered to be applicable to the Râshṭrakûṭas But to me the identification does not appear difficult The Râshṭrakûṭas appear clearly to have assumed the title of *Vallabha* which was used by their predecessors the Châlukyas We have seen that Govinda II is called Vallabha in two grants, Amoghavarsha I in a third, and Krishna III in a fourth In an inscription on a stone tablet at Lakshmesvar, Govinda III is called *Srî-Vallabha*,⁶² while in the Râdhanpur plates he is spoken of as *Vallabha-narendra* In the Sângalî and Karḍâ grants also the reigning king is styled *Vallabha-narendra*, while in other inscriptions we find the title *Pṛithivîvallabha* alone used Now *Vallabha-narendra* means "the king Vallabha," and is the same as *Vallabharâja*, the words *râja* (n) and *narendra* both denoting "a king" *Vallabha-râja* should by the rules of Prâkṛit or vernacular pronunciation, become *Vallaha-rây*, *Ballaha-rây*, or *Balha-rây* This last is the same as the Balharâ of the Arabs [78] The genealogy of the Râshṭrakûṭas is shown in the following table:—

c18.84

⁶² Ind Ant, Vol XI, p 156

c18.85

[Figure: 1 Dantivarman

c18.86

2 Indra I

c18.87

3 Govinda I

c18.88

4 Karka I

c18.89

| . . . . .
| |

c18.90

5 Indra II 7 KRISHNA I Akâlavarsha, or Śubhatuṅga

c18.91

| . . . . .
| | |

c18.92

6 DANTIDURGA 8 GOVINDA II 9 DHRUVA Nirupama, (675 Ś) (705 Ś) or Dhârâvarsha

c18.93

| . . . . .
| |

c18.94

10 GOVINDA III Jagattuṅga I Indra or Prabhûtavarsha, | (716, 726 & 730 Ś) . . . . .

c18.95

| Karka Govinda
| (724 Ś) (749 Ś)
| \ . . . . . /
| Gujarât Branch

c18.96

11 ŚARVA NRIPATUṄGA or Amoghavarsha I, (759, 775, 788 & 799 Ś)

c18.97

12 KRISHṆA II or Akâlavarsha (797, 820, 824 & 833 Ś)

c18.98

*Jagattuṅga*

c18.99

| . . . . .
| |

c18.100

13 INDRA III or 16 BADDIGA or Nityavarsha Amoghavarsha III (836 & 838 Ś) |

c18.101

| | . . . . . |
| | |

c18.102

14 AMOGHAVARSHA II 15 GOVINDA IV | (841, 851 & 855 Ś) |

c18.103

| . . . . .
| | |

c18.104

17 KRISHṆA III 18 KHOTTIKA *Nirupama* or Akâlavarsha (893 Ś) | (862, 867, 873, 878 & 881 Ś) | 19 KAKKALA, Karka II or Amoghavarsha IV (894 & 895 Ś)]

c18.105

(*a*) The names of those who were supreme sovereign in the Dekkan are printed in capitals. (*b*) The names of those who were kings before the attainment of supreme power are printed in small letters. (*c*) The order of succession is represented by the numbers. (*d*) The names of those who did not ascend the throne at all have been printed in *Italics*.

c18.106

places six princes only between Kîrtivarman II and Tailapa There is little question that there was no continuity of tradition The titles Jagadekamalla, Tribhuvanamalla, &c , which the later Châlukyas assumed mark them off distinctively from princes of the earlier dynasty, who had none like them In a copper-plate grant dated Śaka 735 found in Maisur a Châlukya prince of the name of Vimalâditya, the son of Yasovarman and grandson of Balavarman, is mentioned To ward off the evil influence of Saturn from Vimalâditya, a village was granted to a Jaina sage on behalf of a Jaina temple by Govinda III , the Râshṭrakûṭa king, at the request of Châkirâja of the Gaṅga family, the maternal uncle of Vimalâditya ² These three Châlukya names do not occur in the usual genealogy of the family This therefore appears to have been an independent branch Another independent offshoot ruled over a province called Jola, a portion of which at least is included in the modern district of Dhârvâḍ In the Kanarese Bhârata [80] written in 863 Śaka by a Jaina poet of the name of Pampa, Arikesarin belonging to this branch, is mentioned by the poet as his patron The genealogy there given is as follows :—

c18.107

² Ind Ant, Vol XII, p 11

c18.108

Yuddhamalla
|
Arikesarin
|
Narasimha
|
Dugdhamalla
|
Baddiga
|
Yuddhamalla
|
Narasimha
|
Arikesarin

c18.109

At the end of a work entitled Saṁkshepaśârîraka, the author Sarvajñâtman, the pupil of Sureśvara, who himself was a pupil of the great Śaṁkarâchârya, states that he composed it while "the prosperous king of the Kshatriya race, the Âditya (sun) of the race of Manu whose orders were never disobeyed, was ruling over the earth "³ This description would apply with propriety to such a king as Âdityavarman, Vikramâditya I, Vinayâditya, Vijayâditya, or Vikramâditya II of the early Châlukya dynasty, since they were very powerful princes and were "Âdityas of the race of Manu " For the Mânavya race to which they belonged may be understood as "the race of Manu " But Śaṁkarâchârya is said to have lived between Śaka 710 and 742, wherefore his grand-pupil must have flourished about the year 800 of that era, while Vikramâditya II, the latest of the four, ceased to reign in 669 Śaka Supposing then that the date assigned to Śaṁkarâchârya is correct, the king meant by Sarvajñâtman must be one of those placed by the Mîraj grant between Kîrtivarman II and Tailapa He may be Vikramâditya, the third prince after Kîrtivarman II,⁴ but if the description is considered hardly applicable to a minor chief, Śaṁkarâchârya's date must be pushed backwards so as to place the pupil of his pupil in the reign of one of the five princes of the early Châlukya dynasty mentioned above

c18.110

³ > श्रीदेवेश्वरपादपङ्कजरज संपर्कपूताशय

c18.111

⁴ See the genealogy at the end of this Section

c18.112

सर्वज्ञात्मगिराङ्कितो मुनिवर सक्षेपशारीरकम् ।
चक्रे सज्जनबुद्धिवर्धनमिद राजन्यवश्ये नृपे
श्रीमत्यातशासने मनुकुलादित्ये भुव शासति ॥

c18.113

The Devaśara spoken of in the first line is Sureśvara, the pupil of Śaṁkarâchârya Tailapa seems to have carried his arms into the country of the Cholas⁵ and humbled the king of Chedi.⁶ He despatched an expedition into Gujarât, under a general of the name of Bârapa, against Mûlarâja, the founder of the Châlukya dynasty of Anahilapattana, [81] who for some time was hard pressed, but according to the Gujarât chroniclers the general was eventually defeated with slaughter.⁷ Somesvara, the author of the Kîrtikaumudî, speaks of Bârapa as the general of the lord of Lâṭa, from which it would appear that Tailapa was in possession of that country.⁸ Tailapa invaded Mâlvâ also, which at this time was governed by Muñja the uncle of the celebrated Bhoja. Muñja, instead of strictly confining himself to the defensive, took the offensive, and, against the counsels of his aged minister Rudrâditya, crossed the Godâvarî with a large army. He was encountered by Tailapa, who inflicted a crushing defeat on him and took him prisoner. At first Muñja was treated with consideration by his captor, but an attempt to effect his escape having been detected, he was subjected to indignities, made to beg from door to door, and finally beheaded.⁹ This event is alluded to in one of Tailapa's inscriptions.¹⁰ Tailapa reigned for twenty-four years.¹¹ One of his feudatory chiefs granted a piece of land to a Jaina temple that he had constructed at Saundattî¹² in the Belgaum district, in the year 902 Śaka or A D 980

c18.114

⁵ Ind Ant, Vol. V, p. 17.

c18.115

⁶ Ind. Ant, Vol. VIII, p. 15.

c18.116

⁷ Râsa Mâlâ, Chap. IV, p. 38, new Ed.

c18.117

⁸ Kîrtikaumudî. II. 3.

c18.118

⁹ Merutunga's Bhojaprabandha and Bhojacharitra by Râjavallabha.

c18.119

¹⁰ Jour. B. B. R. A. S., Vol. IX, p. 12, and Ind. Ant., Vol. XXI, p. 168.

c18.120

¹¹ Jour. B. B. R. S. Vol. IV, p 4.

c18.121

¹² Jour B B R A S, Vol X, p 210

c18.122

Tailapa married Jâkabbâ, the daughter of the last Râshṭrakûṭa king, and had by her two sons, whose names were Satyâśraya and Daśavarman ¹³ The former succeeded him in 919 Śaka or A D 997 Nothing particular is mentioned of him in any of the inscriptions The Khârepâṭaṇ grant, which we have so often referred to, was issued in his reign in Śaka 930 by a dependent chief of the Śilâhâra family which ruled over southern Konkan ¹⁴

c18.123

¹³ Miraj plates, Jour R A S, Vol III, p 262, st 30-35, Ind Ant, Vol VIII, pp 15-17

c18.124

¹⁴ Jour B B R A S, Vol I, p 209

c18.125

Satyâśraya died without issue and was succeeded by Vikramâditya I ¹⁵ the son of his younger brother Daśavarman by his wife Bhagavatî The earliest of his inscriptions is dated Śaka 930, which is also the latest date of his predecessor He therefore succeeded to the throne in that year, *i e*, in 1008 A D, and appears to have reigned for only a short time ¹⁶ He

c18.126

¹⁵ I call him Vikramâditya I and not Vikramâditya V, as others do, because I would keep the two dynasties distinct for the reasons given in the text above I shall call Vikramâditya Tribhuvanamalla, Vikramâditya II, and so on

c18.127

¹⁶ Jour R A S, Vol IV, p 4

c18.128

was succeeded by his brother Jayasiṁha or Jagadekamalla, who in an inscription dated 941 Śaka, *i e*, 1019 A D, is represented to have put to flight or broken the confederacy of Mâlava and is styled "the moon of the lotus which was King Bhoja," that is, one who humbled him ¹⁷ He is also spoken of as having beaten the Cholas and the Cheras The Miraj grant was executed by him five years later, *i e*, in Śaka 946, when "after having subdued the powerful Chola, the lord of the Dramila country, and taken away everything belonging to the ruler of the seven Koṇkaṇs, he had encamped with his victorious army at [82] Kolhâpur in the course of a march to the northern countries to vanquish them."¹⁸ The latest date of this prince is Śaka 962.¹⁹

First 127 of 210 passages. Read on

Linked texts (29)