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The Cambridge History of India, Vol. IV: The Mughul Period v4.c13: Chapter II. Humāyūn

The Cambridge History of India, Vol. IV: The Mughul Period v4.c13

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English

Contents

Chapter II. Humāyūn

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ALTHOUGH Bābur had recognised his eldest son Humāyūn as successor to the large territory he had acquired, the new ruler’s position was extremely insecure. As he lay dying Bābur had warned Humāyūn of the possibility of claims by the three other brothers and had charged him always to forgive their faults.

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By force of arms the Mughuls had imposed themselves on northern India, but they had been so occupied in fighting that they had hardly begun to rule, and India was still only an outlying portion of the realm, Kābul being the proper capital and centre. Their generals were still soldiers and not administrators, and, as Bābur had said on his first conquest of Kābul, the scheme of government was still *saifī* (by the sword) not *qalamī* (by the pen). To strengthen his position Bābur had invited members of the families of Tīmūr and Chingīz freely to join him. Not a few with royal blood in their veins were possible claimants to the throne recently vacated.¹ In the occupied area were many turbulent elements excited by the century of chaos which had followed Tīmūr’s invasion, and among these, especially towards the east, were many Afghāns belonging to the last dynasty which had ruled. Bābur had met and defeated the Rājputs, but had not subdued them, and they, more than the other sections of Indians in the north, had a strong national instinct. South-west of Rājputāna lay Gujarāt, where Bahādur Shāh was reviving and extending the kingdom of his predecessors.²

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¹ There was even a plot in favour of Mahdī Khvāja, brother-in-law of Bābur. (*Humāyūn-nāma*, pp. 25 and 298.)

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² See vol. III, chap. XIII.

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Humāyūn, taking his insecure seat on the throne four days after his father’s death, assigned the westerly Punjab, Kābul and Qandahār to be governed by his brother Kāmrān, and made smaller provisions for the two younger brothers. He then proceeded early in 1531 to besiege the strong fortress of Kālinjar in Bundelkhand, which might be used as a base for attacks on the lower Dūāb. During these operations he received news that Mahmūd Lodī, brother of the late king Ibrāhīm Lodī, who had received support in Bengal, had invaded the east of his territory and taken Jaunpur. Humāyūn marched rapidly towards Jaunpur and defeated the Afghāns.³ They were scattered for a time, but Sher Khān,⁴ who was reported to have failed to support Mahmūd Lodī at the critical time and was the ablest leader among them, began a fresh concentration. In order to break this up Humāyūn despatched an army to invest the stronghold of Chunār on the Ganges south of Benares, and followed it himself. Before any results could be obtained other embarrassments led him to arrange a peace by which Sher Khān was left to continue his plans for an Afghān supremacy in the east. Kāmrān, since his father's death, had cherished hopes of gaining the whole of Bābur's territory in spite of the ample provision he had received. Leaving his brother 'Askarī in charge of Qandahār he advanced with an army to Lahore which he secured by a cunning stratagem, as the governor refused to be false to his trust. At the same time he continued to assure Humāyūn of his loyalty and actually received a further grant of territory round Hissār Fīrūza which had been Humāyūn's own governorship and for some generations to come was regarded as the holding of the Mughul heir apparent.

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³ The site of the battle was probably in the Daunrūā estate, on the banks of the Sāī river, 15 miles east of Jaunpur.

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⁴ For Sher Khān’s earlier history see chap. III.

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While his hold over his own territory was thus weakened through the claims of a treacherous brother and the open attempts of the Afghāns, Humāyūn was forced to take notice of affairs outside. Suspecting the loyalty of Muhammad Zamān Mīrzā, who was not only his brother-in-law but was also descended like himself from Tīmūr, and had been appointed by Bābur governor of Bihār, he removed him from office in 1533 and placed him in confinement at Bayāna. Muhammad Zamān escaped and offered his services to Bahādur Shāh, king of Gujarāt, while a cousin named Muhammad Sultān and his sons who had been plotting with him were seized and sentenced to be blinded. The peaceful relations which existed between Gujarāt and Āgra were broken by the refusal of Bahādur Shāh to turn away the fugitives and by the terms of the letter sent in his name to Humāyūn.¹ His continued extension of authority towards central India and Rājputāna also aroused jealousy and some alarm. Humāyūn received an application for help from the Rānā of Chitor who was in danger of being crushed by his ambitious neighbour, and although Humāyūn's religious principles would not allow him to aid an unbeliever against an enemy of his own faith, he marched to Gwalior late in 1534 and called on Bahādur Shāh to stop his enterprise against the Rānā and again demanded the fugitives. Despairing of help from Āgra the Rānā came to terms with Bahādur Shāh and Humāyūn hoped to be able to attend to his eastern possessions where Afghān intrigue was most dangerous.

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¹ See vol. III, p. 329.

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Peace between Chitor and Gujarāt was, however, short, and Bahādur Shāh not only renewed his attack but also sent a strong force to resist the Mughul power. This army was commanded by Tātār Khān Lodī, whose father 'Alā-ud-dīn was one of the Afghān kings of Delhi, and had himself, after two unsuccessful attempts on the throne, been banished by Bābur to Badakhshān, and escaping thence was one of the refugees in Gujarāt. While 'Alā-ud-dīn took one force towards Kālinjar and another threatened the Punjab, Tātār Khān moved directly on Āgra. He was successful in taking Bayāna and his advance troops even raided the suburbs of Āgra.

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Humāyūn now displayed better qualities of determination than hitherto. He directed his brothers Hindāl and 'Askarī who were at Āgra to attack the invaders and himself moved through eastern Mālwā to Sārangpur, receiving the capitulation of the strong fortress of Rāisen on the way. Tātār Khān's army, in spite of its initial success, did not await the Mughul forces under 'Askarī. Most of his troops abandoned him with their booty and having only a few thousand horse remaining with him he was overwhelmed and slain by 'Askarī at Mandrel. 'Alā-ud-dīn's force, threatened by Humāyūn himself, withdrew to Gujarāt, and the army which had marched towards the Punjab also returned.

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When Humāyūn reached Sārangpur Chitor had not fallen, and a council was held in the Gujarāt camp to decide whether the siege should be pressed or the Mughul enemy met. It was correctly guessed that Humāyūn would not fight a Muslim king while he was engaged against an unbeliever like the Rānā, and efforts were redoubled to take the fortress. The Gujarāt artillery prevailed at last, and while the women of the city perished voluntarily in flames the remnant of the garrison hurled themselves to death against the weapons of the besiegers. As the end of the siege was approaching Humāyūn had moved on into Gujarāt territory till he reached Mandasor only 60 miles from Chitor, and once again Bahādur Shāh had to make choice of his plan of campaign. This time he rejected the advice of his most acute councillor who wished him to attack Humāyūn at once with troops elated by their recent success. He decided to remain on the defensive and rely on his superior artillery to repel the Mughuls. An entrenched camp in such a position was merely a trap. When the besieged made a sally they were easily defeated in the open field by the Mughuls even with odds in their favour, and rarely succeeded in drawing them close enough to bring them under artillery fire. As the siege continued supplies ran short and could not be replaced. The garrison was dying of starvation and Bahādur Shāh decided to escape. With a few attendants he left the camp in the night (March, 1535) and made his way to MĀndū with Mallū Qādir Khān, the governor of that place, while some of the surviving troops either followed him or were led by Muhammad Zamān Mīrzā to cause revolt in the Punjab.

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The tumult of departure added to the explosion of cannon made the Mughuls believe that they were about to be attacked and their forces were drawn up in readiness. As daylight appeared the truth was known and they broke into the camp and divided the spoil. A body of horse was sent in pursuit of the fugitives and Humāyūn followed it to Māndū. This vast fortress with a battlemented wall 23 miles in length stands on an isolated plateau 2079 feet above the sea. Its size and the length of its defences have frequently enabled surprise attacks to penetrate its walls, though later it held out for six months when besieged by Akbar.¹ Bahādur Shāh opened negotiations for peace in which the cession of Mālwa to Humāyūn was proposed, but while the terms were still being discussed a small body of Mughuls forced their way over an unguarded part of the walls and opened the nearest gate. Mallū Khān at once warned Bahādur Shāh, who tried to escape and meeting a Mughul force cut his way through and reached the citadel. Despairing of his ability to hold this he ordered his horses to be raised and lowered over the wall and fled to Chāmpāner² while the Mughul army sacked Māndū. For the time being the whole of Mālwa lay at the mercy of Humāyūn, who followed up his success by a hasty pursuit of Bahādur Shāh. As the Mughul troops reached Chāmpāner, Bahādur Shāh, after setting fire to the town, fled north to Cambay where he halted only to destroy the fleet he had prepared to combat the Portuguese, and escaped thence to Diu, evading Humāyūn by only a few hours and outstripping the force which pursued him. Humāyūn at Cambay was the first of his house to see the ocean. During his halt there his small escort had a narrow escape from being overwhelmed by the local chieftains who were tributary to Bahādur Shāh, and who planned a night attack. Though they were able to plunder the camp during the night Humāyūn had been warned of the design by an old woman of the neighbourhood whose son had been enslaved by the Mughuls and who hoped by this service to gain his release. As light appeared the marauders were attacked and driven off with great slaughter.

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¹ For a description see G. Yazdani, *Mandū*, 1929.

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² In 22° 29′ N., 73° 32′ E.

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When Bahādur Shāh had fled from Humāyūn before Chitor, his chief artillery officer, a Turk called Rūmī Khān, had deserted to the Mughul side and had remained with Humāyūn. He was now approached by an emissary from Bahādur Shāh, who by a skilful mixture of abuse and persuasion induced him to dissuade Humāyūn from an attack on Diu. Humāyūn was convinced that the air of the seashore did not suit him and he returned to Chāmpāner which was being stoutly defended by Ikhtiyār Khān, a Gujarāt general.

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Though this magnificent city had been laid in ashes after an existence of only 50 years the citadel was still intact, well equipped for a siege, and situated in difficult jungle through the concealed paths of which the people of the country could take fresh supplies. The Mughul army was not well supplied for siege operations and four months passed without any progress being made. Success was finally due to the intelligence of the emperor fortified by his personal bravery. While reconnoitring the position he saw some villagers come out of the woods and as their explanations were not satisfactory he had them beaten. They then guided the Mughuls to the foot of the walls. Though these could not be breached Humāyūn at once devised a means of scaling them by driving spikes into the mortar between the stones, and on a moonlight night, while a furious attack was made on other parts of the fortress 300 men climbed the wall, Humāyūn himself being the fortieth. This unexpected attack inside the citadel, with the news that the emperor himself was in command, terrified the defenders, who allowed Humāyūn's party to capture a gate. Ikhtiyār Khān although safe in the upper fort had not sufficient munitions there to prolong his resistance and was forced to surrender on 9 August, 1535. Since its foundation Chāmpāner had been a repository for the treasure of the Gujarāt kings and Humāyūn's army was enriched by great booty. One of Bahādur Shāh's officers whom Humāyūn plied with drink, instead of putting to the torture as his counsellors advised, revealed great treasures hidden in a reservoir and well. The capture of the two celebrated forts at Māndū and Chāmpāner so delighted Humāyūn that he commemorated his victories by striking coin at these places.

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While Humāyūn had thus beaten down open resistance, had taken strongholds and had assumed the outward appearance of sovereignty, he took no steps to consolidate his rule and wasted months in revelry and enjoyment of his booty. An army sent by Shāh Husain of Sind to help in his campaign against Gujarāt was diverted by a bribe offered by the governor of Pātan in the north of the kingdom who still held out for Bahādur Shāh, and it finally returned as Shāh Husain feared that his troops might be corrupted by the luxury of the imperial army. Bahādur Shāh in his retreat at Diu was approached by the chiefs in the north of his lost kingdom, who offered to remit their land revenue to him as the Mughuls were taking no steps to collect it. He commissioned 'Imād-ul-Mulk to march to Ahmadābād with full powers over collection and remission. As the new governor progressed, taking steps to restore administration, he was joined by considerable forces and was able to recruit more by using the funds he had collected. Humāyūn, though he easily fell into habits of sloth and luxury during success, could always rouse himself when danger was apparent. He marshalled forces and sending his brother 'Askarī in advance went to meet 'Imād-ul-Mulk. Although the latter was able to surprise 'Askarī at a disadvantage and plunder his camp, the Mughul army reformed and won the battle which ensued. Humāyūn then advanced to and occupied Ahmadābād and at last took steps to organise the newly acquired province. He placed 'Askarī in charge as viceroy with Hindū Beg, an experienced general, to aid him and appointed officials to other posts. His advisers pressed him in view of the disturbances and rebellion which were taking part in the east of his realm to restore Gujarāt to Bahādur Shāh. So far was he from taking this sound advice that he planned to attack Diu where Bahādur Shāh was sheltering.

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Mālwā had been left in such haste, with no arrangements for the proper government of the province, that it had been invaded by former officials and the Mughul troops had been driven to Ujjain. Humāyūn decided to return to Māndū which had greatly attracted him, and his arrival there was sufficient for the time to quell opposition. His departure from Gujarāt was, however, the signal for disaster in that tract; Bahādur Shāh still had a fleet, and his people held one or two ports on the coast. With help from the Portuguese and a body of African slaves he was able to re-establish a stronger footing and took town after town. There was no master mind to direct the sending of reinforcements and ‘Askarī showed more disposition to call in troops to ensure his own safety than to help his subordinates. Moreover, detachments of Gujarāt forces left scattered in the north and east when Bahādur Shāh abandoned Chitor were now coming together. Ghazanfar, who was a foster brother of ‘Askarī, deserted after being confined for a rude jest at the viceroy and offered to disclose to Bahādur Shāh full details of the Mughul position at Ahmadābād, which he described as so precarious that ‘Askarī would fly if attacked. The local chiefs in Gujarāt, who had found no reason to prefer the new rulers, also urged their former king to return, promising him their assistance.

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While Bahādur Shāh was rallying his former subjects, collecting troops and approaching Ahmadābād, his opponent ‘Askarī began to lose heart. No help was to be expected from Humāyūn, and a section of ‘Askarī’s advisers urged him to declare himself independent of his brother in the hope that such a measure would be popular in the locality and an encouragement to the troops. Bahādur Shāh had arrived within a few miles of Ahmadābād and the Mughul army moved out to meet him. Although ‘Askarī was not prepared to set himself up against Humāyūn he was convinced that retreat was necessary, and his counsellors planned to take what treasure was left in Chāmpāner and to make for Āgra where they still hoped to persuade ‘Askarī to assume the royal title. After a bombardment which nearly led Bahādur Shāh to execute Ghazanfar, as he had foretold no opposition, the Mughuls abandoned their camp and even their private baggage and hastened towards Chāmpāner. Their flight encouraged Bahādur Shāh to pursue them rapidly and even to attack the rear-guard. This, however, turned on the Gujarāt forces with such bravery that the Mughuls were able to reach the Māhī river, and to cross it, though not without loss owing to the hastiness of their flight. Thirty miles beyond it lay Chāmpāner where ‘Askarī hoped to secure treasure and supplies. In this he was disappointed, as Tārdī Beg, the governor, was faithful to Humāyūn, to whom he had already sent news of the plan for ‘Askarī’s independence. Accordingly, while he refreshed the troops he gave no access to the fort and in reply to demands for its contents urged that he must await Humāyūn’s orders. Hindered in their plans the officers of the army now proposed to seize Tārdī Beg by stratagem, to take the treasure, and to proclaim ‘Askarī. Tārdī Beg, however, evaded capture and bade them move. As their camp still surrounded the fort he used his artillery and drove them off towards Āgra. News of their departure drew on Bahādur Shāh, who had halted at the river. Tārdī Beg, either on instructions from Humāyūn or unwilling in the circumstances to stand a siege, then carried off as much of the treasure as he could to Māndū where he was praised for his bravery by the emperor. Thus ended for the time the Mughul occupation of Gujarāt which had lasted barely more than a year (1535–6).

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Impressed by the fuller news which Tārdī Beg was able to give him Humāyūn was convinced of the necessity for action to save the centre of his precarious rule. He hastily left Māndū and made for Āgra through Chitor territory where he met the disorganised force of ‘Askarī. It was not a suitable time for recriminations and punishment of disaffection. A sterner character might have swept aside a father’s dying injunctions, but Humāyūn knew that during his idle sojourn in Mālwā rebellion had broken out in the eastern provinces. A fratricidal struggle would end all his hopes of restoring peace. He therefore affected forgiveness and even rewarded the plotters, before he marched with them to Āgra. Very soon after his departure from Mālwā that province was seized by Mallū Khān who had once been in the service of the kings of Mālwā, and later governor after the annexation by Gujarāt.¹ Mughul domination in western India thus ceased entirely.

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¹ See vol. iv, p. 369.

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In the eastern provinces it was also becoming insecure. Muhammad Sultān, who had been confined, with the additional sentence of blinding, when he revolted with his cousin Muhammad Zamān Mirzā, had evaded the operation and later made his escape from prison. He then established himself beyond the Ganges at Bilgrām, a few miles north of Kanauj, which he also took, while one of his sons secured the country along the river as far as Mānikpur and another marched on Jaunpur. The danger of losing a rich province led Hindāl, the youngest brother of Humāyūn, who had been left in charge at Āgra, to proceed against the rebels. He soon retook Kanauj, and though his crossing there was opposed he discovered a ford higher up the river and passing over it unobserved met Muhammad Sultān and defeated him before his sons could rejoin their father. He then pursued the flying rebels as far as Ajodhya and halted as he felt himself unable to attack the rebel whose forces had been strengthened by the recall of his sons from their various enterprises. The deadlock was relieved by news that Humāyūn was approaching Āgra on his return from Mālwā, and Muhammad Sultān Mīrzā decided that his best chance of success was to fight before the emperor’s forces arrived. In the battle which ensued the rebels fared the worse and being a collection of mercenaries with no common bond except the hope of success they lost heart and began to desert. Muhammad Sultān himself fled with his sons far into Bengal and Hindāl was able to occupy Jaunpur, where he stayed till Humāyūn arrived at Āgra and then joined him.

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When Humāyūn had made his peace with Sher Khān after his fruitless siege of Chunār, so that he might be free to pursue his expedition against Gujarāt he had taken with him by way of guarantee a son of Sher Khān variously known as Qutb Khān or ‘Abdur-Rashīd with a small force of Afghāns. The alliance was short and Qutb Khān had deserted with his followers to join his father. And while the emperor was engaged in what did not amount to more than military promenades, or was sitting still to enjoy the temporary gains of his enterprises, Sher Khān had consolidated his hold on south Bihār without the slightest opposition by Mughul forces,¹ whose able commander Sultān Junaid Barlās was dead. Humāyūn after his return to Āgra remained there for a wasted year, at times meditating the recovery of Gujarāt and Mālwā, where he had an offer of help from the king of Ahmadnagar, but usually occupied with the pleasures of social life, which were always apt to distract him from serious affairs. It was not till the rainy season of 1537 had set in that he started out to crush or at least check Sher Khān, having made some attempt to settle the administration of the provinces he still held. His naturally forgiving disposition, aided by the persuasion of his sister, led him on the way to accept the submission of her husband Muhammad Zamān, who after his unsuccessful attempt to rouse the Punjab had also failed to seize the throne of Gujarāt after the death of Bahādur Shāh.² Travelling by boat along the Jumna and Ganges, Humāyūn reached the strong fortress of Chunār which he besieged. This ancient castle, founded on a steep rock jutting into the Ganges, was built by the Hindus and strengthened by successive Muslim rulers. It had come into Sher Khān’s possession through his marriage to a daughter of a governor and was held for him at this time by his son Qutb Khān. As Humāyūn approached Qutb Khān withdrew part of his forces to the forest-covered hills in the neighbourhood from which he could harass the Mughuls. A siege of several months ensued during which Rūmī Khān, the Turkish gunner who had deserted from the Gujarāt army to join Humāyūn, made many unsuccessful attempts to force an entry. Finally he obtained certain information about the state of the defences by stratagem. An African slave possessed of some ability and willing to endure hardship was savagely flogged in the Mughul camp and then managed to enter the fort, where he showed his wounds and offered to help the garrison by advice on their defence in revenge for the treatment he had received. He was thus allowed to inspect the fortifications, and escaping after a few days was able to tell Rūmī Khān where to direct his fire. A floating battery was moved close to the fort and a breach made. Though the first assault was driven back the garrison, seeing the battery being repaired for further work, lost heart and yielded under a promise of amnesty, but this was broken by one of the Mughul leaders who had the hands of several hundred gunners struck off. Rūmī Khān who was appointed commandant for his services held his post for only a few days, when he died suddenly, probably poisoned at the instance of jealous rivals.

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¹ See chap. III, p. 50.

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² Vol. III, p. 334.

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As an isolated military exploit the capture of Chunār was notable, but it commanded no land routes and the time occupied in its reduction was wasted. Sher Khān, having strengthened his position in Bihār while Humāyūn was in western India, had advanced into Bengal. He was held up for a time at the pass of Teliyāgarhī by the forces of Ghiyās-ud-dīn Mahmūd of Bengal, but finally compelled him to retreat to his capital at Gaur. During the blockade Mahmūd sought help from Humāyūn and receiving none fled by boat to Hājīpur and the city was taken soon after. Pursued by Sher Khān's troops Mahmūd barely escaped with his life and reached Humāyūn's camp severely wounded. Humāyūn, after moving the short distance from Chunār to Benares and halting there, had at last made up his mind to prevent Sher Khān from acquiring further territory. He therefore began his march eastwards and met Mahmūd near the confluence of the Son and Ganges (1538). Even now, though he knew that Sher Khān had seized the capital and treasure of Bengal, he first sent an envoy to Sher Khān offering him a governorship near his home if he would surrender his new gains. When the envoy after some delay returned he brought the news that Sher Khān was already removing his booty to the hills of south Bihār. The rainy season having set in Humāyūn's officers suggested a halt until the country could be more easily traversed but the emperor accepted the suggestion of Mahmūd that it was best to attack before Sher Khān had consolidated his power. Accordingly the Mughul forces advanced into a trap devised by the strategy of Sher Khān. When they reached the difficult pass at Teliyāgarhī they found it strongly defended by Jalāl Khān, a son of Sher Khān. Halting to reconnoitre they were attacked by Jalāl Khān, who had orders from his father to delay the advance till the treasure was secured, and who observed that the Mughul forces were carelessly disposed. He inflicted considerable loss and drove the van back on the main army at Kahalgāon.¹ A heavy storm which sank Humāyūn's barge and flooded the country prevented advance for several days. When a scouting party was able to move it was discovered that Jalāl Khān, who had now received news of his father’s safe arrival in the fastnesses of south Bihār, had abandoned the defence. Sher Khān had in fact gained by stratagem the fort of Rohtās as a place of refuge for his family and treasure now that Chunār was lost.

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¹ Colgong in 25° 16ʹ N. and 87° 14ʹ E.

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While the emperor was at Kahalgāon Mahmūd received news that two of his sons had been killed by the Afghāns, and still suffering from his wounds he died from the effects of this last shock. Humāyūn now pressed on to seize what he hoped would be a rich prize. But Gaur, though entered without further opposition, was a desolate place with corpses still lying in the streets, and the rich granaries which Mahmūd had promised him were wasted. In spite of these warnings of the vanity of his hopes, Humāyūn liked the attractive fertility of the place and gave it the name of Jannatābād, or abode of Paradise, on the coins he struck to commemorate his success. The former government having been destroyed there was no opposition in the country-side to his officers or to his parcelling out the districts among his followers. Once more reaction set in after an apparently successful enterprise, and the whole force from emperor to private soldier devoted itself to ease and pleasure.

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Gaur is about 350 miles east of Benares which was the nearest place really within the Mughul occupation. To secure communications and supplies Humāyūn left his brother Hindāl on the north bank of the Ganges, neglecting all precaution on the south, where the level alluvial plain soon meets the Kaimur range and its eastern extension. In these hills covered with thorny jungle and hence known as Jhārkhand, Sher Khān found a convenient base from which to develop his plan of cutting off Humāyūn from his capital. Hindāl soon deserted his post in north Bihār and there were grounds for suspecting his loyalty, while Sher Khān rapidly overran the south as far as the river, and crossing it took Benares. He sent his son Jalāl Khān to besiege Jaunpur, arrested and imprisoned the families of the leading men in the district, and invested Chunār. Though the governor of Jaunpur still held the city, reinforcements which arrived from Oudh were roughly handled by Jalāl Khān owing to the rashness of their leader.

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Humāyūn’s officers, who for a time had successfully concealed from him the serious events which were taking place, were now alarmed. He himself realised that further delay would entail complete loss of his position, and he was spurred by finding that the officer whom he designated to hold Bengal while he attempted to cut his way through Sher Khān’s forces regarded such promotion as equivalent to a sentence of death. Delay had once more placed him in the unfavourable position of a campaign during the rainy season and as his force laboured through the adhesive mud of the Ganges valley in 1539, he received news that his vanguard had been taken in the town of Monghyr and its leader captured. In doubt as to the best method of advance he offered through his brother ‘Askarī to grant any boons to those who could suggest suitable plans. ‘Askarī would have asked for money, silks, slaves and eunuchs, but the officers of the army, impressed by their critical situation and perhaps less corrupted by the recent period of sensuality and luxury, were content with rank, and better pay for themselves and their troops. When ‘Askarī advanced he found that Sher Khān had not only gained the victories already reported, but had also sent troops as far as Kanauj and had styled himself Shāh or King. Humāyūn now joined ‘Askarī on the north bank of the Ganges opposite Monghyr, and would have been wise to pursue his march on that side. Accepting, however, the advice of an unworthy favourite against that of more experienced and reliable officers, he crossed to the south bank, which was the more usual route. When the Mughul army reached the confluence of the Son and Ganges the Afghān forces of Sher Khān were in sight, and the great gun made by Rūmī Khān for the siege of Chunār was taken by them in the boat which was conveying it up the river. So far only slight opposition had been met with and the army was able to reach Chausa, a short distance from the Karamnāsa which divides Bihār from the territory of Benares.

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Here it was necessary to halt in view of the uncertainty as to Sher Khān’s exact position. His near approach was certain and he had in fact withdrawn his troops from the siege of Jaunpur and arrived near the western bank of the river as Humāyūn reached the eastern. Once again Humāyūn rejected the sound advice of his officers who pointed out that his troops were that day comparatively fresh after a short march, while Sher Khān’s cavalry had ridden many miles. An immediate attack might have given him victory. But he preferred his favourite’s plan merely to cross the river and postpone the struggle. The delay favoured Sher Khān, who set about fortifying his camp, knowing that the Mughul army would deteriorate and was already weakened by its long march and absence of the stimulus of success.

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From his brothers Humāyūn could rely on no help. Hindāl had abandoned his post on the line of communications when Humāyūn advanced into Bengal, and was living in the palace at Āgra where he enjoyed the outward forms of power without using them for the benefit of the state. But while his immediate advisers traded on his youth and inexperience other officers saw more clearly the dangers which threatened. Faqr ‘Alī, the governor of Delhi, with difficulty persuaded Hindāl to mobilise the troops available at Āgra and to move them east. He also visited Yādgār Nāsir at Kālpī lower down the Jumna and planned a concentration in southern Oudh which would threaten Sher Khān’s designs on Jaunpur. These wise designs were, however, ruined by the arrival at Kanauj of Mughul officers who had abandoned Humāyūn in Bengal, including Zāhid Beg, who had declined to remain there as governor. They found Nūr-ud-dīn Muhammad, who was in charge of Kanauj, favourable to their disloyal proposals though he was married to Humāyūn’s sister. Offering their services to Hindāl they at once advanced to Kol (‘Alīgarh), where they would be in a position to join Hindāl or to move farther west to Kāmrān in the Punjab if Hindāl did not meet their wishes. Hindāl, though he received their message graciously, was not yet prepared to declare his own independence and despatched news of their arrival to Yādgār Mīrzā.

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Before it reached its destination the rebels informed Hindāl that while they were prepared to give him support if he would stand forth as emperor they would join Kāmrān if he declined. Hindāl now decided to revolt, but was for a few days held back by the remonstrances of Shaikh Phūl,¹ whom Humāyūn sent from Gaur on first hearing of Hindāl’s departure from his post. The Shaikh, like his more celebrated brother Muhammad Ghaus, was a renowned religious teacher and was Humāyūn’s own spiritual adviser. His message of remonstrance accompanied by offers of forgiveness and affection seemed at first likely to recall Hindāl to allegiance. Orders were issued to equip and despatch forces to raise the siege of Jaunpur. Unfortunately Nūr-ud-dīn arrived while these measures were being expedited and he was able to destroy the whole effect of the Shaikh’s mission, and Hindāl was persuaded once more to accept the support of the rebel nobles, for which they demanded the sacrifice of Shaikh Phūl as he had caused Hindāl to break his former promises to them. They hoped that Hindāl, involved in such a disgraceful crime, would be irretrievably separated from Humāyūn, whom they hated and despised. A frivolous charge of conspiracy with Sher Khān² was laid and the Shaikh was executed under the orders of Nūr-ud-dīn. Such a crime revolted the ladies of the palace and all officers who still remained faithful to Humāyūn.

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It marked indeed the destruction of Hindāl’s ambitious designs, for when he advanced on Delhi instead of marching to assist the emperor, Yādgār Nāsir and Faqr ‘Alī forestalled him by hasty marches and reached that city before he arrived. While Hindāl was unsuccessfully besieging Delhi Kāmrān arrived from the Punjab. Humāyūn’s generosity had placed him in a commanding position which he had improved by successful expeditions. The capture of Qandahār completed his domination over practically the whole of Afghānistān and the Punjab. He now moved towards Humāyūn’s territory and Hindāl, uncertain as to his intentions, abandoned the siege of Delhi and withdrew to Āgra. If Kāmrān had really exerted himself and pressed on to attack Sher Khān it is possible that the emperor might have come out of his difficulties with some success. But although Kāmrān was persuaded to leave Delhi untouched and to follow Hindāl to Āgra his intentions were completely selfish. On Kāmrān’s approach Hindāl withdrew to his own government at Alwar, but soon was persuaded to offer his submission, together with the rebel officers who were almost his sole adherents. The brothers did indeed set out as if to march to Humāyūn’s help, but the ambition of Kāmrān and the weakness of Hindāl made them yield to the suggestion of the nobles that if Sher Khān defeated Humāyūn the empire would fall to his brother and that if the emperor won he could be persuaded to forgive them.

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So after a few marches they turned back to Āgra just as Humāyūn’s affairs reached a crisis.

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¹ Buhlūl, according to some writers.

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² He was said to have secretly collected military stores; *Humāyūn-nāma*, p. 135.

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He was indeed in a critical position, having missed his first opportunity to engage in battle before Sher Khān was ready. During more than two months of scorching weather he had lain in an open camp and now the rainy season had arrived which made military tactics difficult. Before him was the strongly entrenched camp of the Afghāns; on his right flank lay the Ganges, its stream swelling as the snows melted in the Himālayas and the monsoon rains added to its volume; on the left were the hills with Sher Khān’s stronghold of Rohtās. No help was to be expected from his brothers and after some fruitless skirmishing he made overtures for peace. Sher Khān at first replied that while the Mughul army wished for peace the emperor had made war. He himself also desired peace but his army was for fighting. Later he sent his own spiritual adviser who entered on negotiations, the terms of which are variously stated. Humāyūn was to give up Bihār and, according to some accounts, Bengal and also the prized fortress of Chunār but was to retain sovereignty, as shown by the right to strike coin. With their affairs settled to outward appearance the Mughul forces were negligently disposed, and Sher Khān had beaten off a Hindu ally who was supporting Humāyūn. Seizing his opportunity for destroying his opponent Sher Khān sent a force across the Karamnāsa as if to occupy Bihār and secretly instructed his main army to attack the Mughul camp in two places and also to prevent escape across the Ganges. Their surprise was complete and the attack was well developed before Humāyūn was awake (26 June, 1539). He sprang on a horse and collected a small guard, endeavouring to save his empress, but was unable to reach the tents and would have been killed but for his own personal bravery. The royal harem, crowded with fugitive wives of Mughul officers, was captured and protected by Sher Khān, while Humāyūn, attempting to cross the Ganges on horseback, was forced to use the inflated skin offered him by a water-carrier when he had lost his seat. The rout was complete and the Mughul army practically destroyed.

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Exulting in his victory Sher Khān related that it had been foretold in a dream the night before, and he promised a safe-conduct to the ladies of the Mughul court, a promise which he honoured later. While Humāyūn and ‘Askarī made their way with difficulty to Āgra, Sher Khān advanced into Bengal and there defeated the governor left by Humāyūn and scattered his small force completely. While he was thus engaged the four brothers had come together. Humāyūn either through a sense of the weakness of his own position or through genuine fraternal love had forgiven, at once, Kāmrān's failure to come to his help and, after a formal rebuke, Hindāl's open rebellion. He still hoped to defeat Sher Khān and refused to accept Kāmrān's offer, prompted by ambitious and selfish aims, to lead the fresh troops from the Punjab against the enemy. Kāmrān, seeing the failure of his design to become the master of Hindūstān, wished to return to the Punjab where his rule was undisputed, and in spite of Humāyūn's opposition was at last able to depart owing to ill-health which he attributed openly to the climate of Āgra, but secretly believed was due to poison administered by Bābur's widows at the instigation of Humāyūn.

v4.c13.39.1

Sher Khān, having now consolidated his position in Bengal, returned along the north bank of the Ganges and felt himself strong enough to attack the Mughuls. A preliminary expedition led by his son Qutb Khān against Yādgār Mīrzā, who still held Kālpī, was a failure and Qutb Khān lost his life. Excited by this success, Humāyūn advanced early in 1540 from Āgra towards the Ganges and Sher Khān retreated across it. The Mughul army though probably twice the size of Sher Khān's was no longer the equal of Bābur's trained forces. Many of its best soldiers had perished in the fruitless expedition to Bengal. As the force drew near the enemy it was abandoned by numbers of experienced leaders, especially those who had joined from Kāmrān's troops. An exception was that of Mīrzā Haidar Dughlāt, a first cousin of Bābur, who had been greatly trusted by Kāmrān and had been left by him in charge of Lahore when he made his successful raid on Qandahār. Both the brothers sought to retain his services and he finally decided to serve Humāyūn, who had treated him as a brother, in the honest belief that if Sher Khān were not defeated he would drive all the Mughuls, including Kāmrān, out of India. The two armies lay facing each other near Kanauj with the broad bed of the Ganges between. As defections continued it was clear that Humāyūn must fight or would find himself a leader without an army. Accordingly the river was crossed and small engagements took place.

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Before any general battle had occurred the rainy season began unduly early and the Mughul camp in the low land near the river was flooded. Mīrzā Haidar suggested a bold manœuvre to mask a change to a better position near the enemy. This was difficult to carry out as the camp was thronged with many thousands of followers and the army would be an easy prey if attacked during the confusion of a move. On 17 May, 1540, the Mughul artillery was sent to the front and the guns and wagons were chained together, so that the camp followers could march behind their protection if an attack was made. Sher Khān moved out his forces against them, while the Mughuls were still in confusion with their numerous non-combatants pressing on behind the guns in such masses that the chains were broken. The leaders were incapable and cowardly and many of them fled for their lives as they saw the Afghān troops arrive. Humāyūn with his usual personal bravery tried to rally his men, but was forced to fly. Mīrzā Haidar laments that 40,000 men in armour fled before 10,000 without a single cannon being fired. A few miles behind them lay the river in which many perished, encumbered by their armour. Humāyūn crossed with difficulty on an elephant but only a few¹ of the thousand men immediately accompanying him succeeded in escaping. As the small band rode towards Āgra it was attacked by Chauhān Thākurs at Bhongāon² and the refusal of ‘Askarī to help in chastising the assailants moved Humāyūn’s wrath.

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At Āgra, the capital, there was no chance of a rally. So great was their distress that Humāyūn, who had lost a daughter after the battle of Chausa, discussed with Hindāl the question of killing their female relations to avoid capture by the Afghāns, but was dissuaded and Hindāl conducted them to Lahore, often having to beat off attacks by the villagers on the route. The emperor’s small party rode in confusion towards Delhi till the news that a party of Afghāns was following roused Humāyūn to instil some order into his small following. After a couple of days’ halt at Delhi he hurried on to Lahore, forced to cross rivers swollen by rain without the help of boats. Close behind them came the Afghāns, who occupied Āgra and Delhi without opposition. At Lahore all four brothers met, Hindāl and ‘Āskarī having visited the headquarters of their charges on the way to collect what treasure could be recovered. Even in the presence of imminent danger from the Afghāns concord was impossible. With Humāyūn driven out of Hindūstān Kāmrān saw that he was likely to have to give up his own possessions in the Punjab and Afghānistān, and the danger of this made him disinclined to join in a hazardous resistance to Sher Khān which might involve the waste of his own resources.

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¹ The manuscripts read variously *hasht*=eight, or *shast*=sixty.

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² In 27° 17′ N. and 79° 14′ E.

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As Sher Khān overran the Punjab the need for action increased. Humāyūn sent him a request to allow Sirhind to be the boundary and received a contemptuous warning that he should withdraw to Kābul. Kāmrān hoped that he could at least maintain his hold on the west if he held the rugged tribal country between India and Afghānistān. Humāyūn, while brave in tactical affairs, failed himself to produce any strategical plan. He was pressed by Mīrzā Haidar to withdraw to the Punjab hills and shelter in Kashmīr, while Hindāl and Yādgār Mīrzā suggested a movement through Sind to reconquer Gujarāt from which Hindūstān might be again invaded. While the brothers wrangled, Kāmrān treacherously sent a message to offer his assistance to Sher Khān if he were left alone. An ambassador from Sher Khān was received as if he had come to the court of Humāyūn, while secret negotiations continued. Sher Khān crossed the Beās and the brothers abandoned Lahore in a rout described as being as confused as the Day of Resurrection. The treachery of Kāmrān was now so well known in the Mughal camp that Humāyūn was urged to have him killed, but the memory of Bābur's dying wishes was still too fresh on his mind to allow him to agree to fratricide. He determined to adopt Mīrzā Haidar's scheme for the conquest of Kashmīr and moved in that direction. Before he had advanced far a threatening movement by Kāmrān was reported and his army, disgusted with the treachery of the latter, was eager to oppose him by arms. Humāyūn in his anxiety to avoid a contest which could only have weakened the Mughal strength refused to show a hostile appearance to his brother, and the meeting was thus peaceful. It ended with the departure of Kāmrān for his governorship at Kābul accompanied by his brother 'Askarī. But Humāyūn's clemency convinced Hindāl that his brother was wanting in the firmness which at that time was necessary for one who sought to rule in India. And just as Kāmrān had pursued his self-seeking aims by leaving the emperor when most in need of help, so Hindāl abandoned him and set out on a vain expedition to pursue his scheme of conquering Sind and then Gujarāt again and making it a base for further attacks on Hindūstān. In this expedition he was joined by still more adherents from Humāyūn's shrinking forces.

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Mīrzā Haidar's plan for capturing Kashmīr was sound in every way. His previous experience in 1533, when he had raided the country as a general of the king of Kāshghar,¹ had shown him what little resistance could be expected in a country torn by faction, and he knew and pointed out that a determined force holding it could repel any army of men from the plains, hampered by the difficulty of travel and the absence of supplies. He was, moreover, sure of support from one of the parties in the state. It had been arranged that he should enter Kashmīr from Naushahra and he marched in advance of Humāyūn. When the emperor followed him and reached Bhera, where he hoped to obtain the assistance of the local governor, he found that Kāmrān had already preceded him and forestalled his hopes. Once more he was urged to assert himself and brush Kāmrān from his path, but refused as he had done at Lahore. A proposal that he should retreat through Kābul to Badakhshān was rejected by Kāmrān, whose treacherous nature led him to suspect that Humāyūn might dispossess him from Kābul and advance no farther. The road to Naushahra being blocked and it being impossible for Humāyūn to stay between an envious and unscrupulous brother on one hand and the victorious Sher Khān who was pressing on from Lahore, he decided to abandon the hope of Kashmīr and to follow Hindāl to Sind (end of 1540). He had hardly started when again a collision with Kāmrān was imminent. Their forces met in a defile of the Salt Range near Khushāb, at the end of which the roads towards Sind and Kābul diverged, and a dispute arose as to which should pass through it first. Kāmrān’s thinly veiled intention of assuming the headship of the family appeared more clearly than ever when he asserted his own right of precedence, and for once Humāyūn’s pride was stung and battle seemed inevitable. It was averted only by the remonstrances of a man of saintly reputation in the train of Kāmrān.

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¹ Vol. III, p. 287.

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Thus began a wearying exile which lasted for nearly 15 years and was endured only by the greatest fortitude and perseverance, though it was constantly prolonged by Humāyūn’s inability to command respect and faithful allegiance. Before he could join Hindāl news came that the country round Multān, which had been ceded to Bābur by the Arghūn ruler of Sind, was in a state of anarchy. Hindāl’s force had met and overwhelmed a small escort of Afghāns accompanying Kāmrān’s messenger to Sher Khān, but was unable to face the Baloch raiders who had overrun the country and cut off what scanty supplies were available. Hindāl was thus compelled to return and the brothers met, but were almost immediately faced with the danger of attack by Khavāss Khān, an Afghān general who had taken Multān and was searching for them, but retired to headquarters as he could get no news of them. While Humāyūn thus marched or lay in great discomfort in the most inhospitable part of the Indian plain his faithful general Mirzā Haidar had carried out the plan of seizing Kashmīr with a minute force, and was so successful in establishing himself that he ruled till his death in action ten years later.

v4.c13.46.1

Humāyūn’s first experiences in Sind illustrate his lack of skill in the conduct of a difficult campaign, against an opponent so able as Shāh Husain, the ruler of the country. Making his toilsome journey down the Indus he reached Rohrī on the left bank not far from the island fortress of Bhakkar. Shāh Husain had strengthened the garrison and bidden the governor lay waste the country round so that the Mughul forces would be unable to obtain supplies. This was easily effected as population was scanty and cultivation sparse and only possible where land could be irrigated from the river. To relieve the pressure of want Humāyūn divided his troops, himself remaining in fairly comfortable quarters to prosecute the siege, while Hindāl and Yādgār advanced towards Sehwān where they hoped to obtain better supplies. In reply to the emperor’s summons to surrender the fortress the governor replied that he was subordinate to Shāh Husain and could obey only him, though he sent a small supply of grain to relieve the immediate wants of Humāyūn’s camp. Envoys were then despatched to Shāh Husain, who detained them for months by holding out promises he had no intention of fulfilling. He thus reduced the Mughul forces to such extreme want that many of the soldiers killed their horses and camels for food.

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