The Cambridge History of India, Vol. IV: The Mughul Period v4.c17: Chapter VI. Jahāngīr
The Cambridge History of India, Vol. IV: The Mughul Period v4.c17
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Chapter VI. Jahāngīr
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EIGHT days after his father's death the new sovereign crowned himself in the fort of Āgra, on Thursday, 3 November, 1605, being then thirty-six years old. In his memoirs he explains that he assumed the new name of Jahāngīr (Holder of the world) because the business of kings is the controlling of the world, and the title of Nūr-ud-dīn (Light of the faith) because he took his seat on the throne shortly after sunrise, and also because this title had been foretold by sages.¹
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¹ *Tūzuk*, trans. I, 1–3. An undated coin, struck at Ahmadnagar, probably by an adherent during his rebellion, gives his title as Burhān-ud-dīn.
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Following ancient custom he issued a liberal proclamation of policy defined in twelve rules, which was forgotten almost as soon as it was written.² Prisoners were released, and for the moment some of his old enemies were conciliated. Feelings of gratitude which were innate in his character led to the appointment to high office of several mediocrities who had aided or favoured his revolt, and of descendants of Shaikh Salīm Chishtī whom he regarded as his spiritual guide. While such acts were regarded as not unusual, resentment was felt at the promotion of Rājā Bīr Singh Bundelā, the murderer of Abu-'l-Fazl, which showed itself in a rising led by the raja's brother. In two cases a wiser choice was exercised. Ghiyās Beg, a Persian, who had served Akbar well, was appointed revenue minister with the title of I'timād-ud-daula, and Zamāna Beg, a capable soldier, was ennobled as Mahābat Khān; both of these men were to exercise great influence in the reign, though not without the vicissitudes to which service of a Mughul emperor was liable.
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² See the analysis in E. and D. VI, 493.
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A few months after his accession Jahāngīr celebrated the new year (March, 1606) or vernal equinox with the gorgeous display that marked his reign. Roe has described³ these ceremonies observed some years later when he was present at the festival; the emperor sitting in public received rich presents, delighting in those which were rare or curious, and critical of those which did not strike his fancy. Almost at once, however, occurred a sudden challenge to the new emperor. Rājā Mān Singh, who had begged and obtained assurances for the safety of prince Khusrav, his nephew, had left for his post of governor in Bengal, and Khusrav had been placed in semi-confinement in the fort at Āgra. On the pretext of a ride to visit the tomb of Akbar, a few miles distant, he escaped northwards with a small body of men, which grew rapidly as the flight continued through the Punjab. Funds were obtained by the capture of a convoy with treasure intended for the court, and ‘Abdur-Rahīm, the revenue minister of Lahore, was appointed prime minister; Gurū Arjan Singh, the spiritual leader of the Sikhs, gave a present, and the force, which now exceeded 12,000, laid siege to Lahore. Here, however, the stout resistance of the governor gave time for pursuers to arrive. The emperor himself was following with I‘timād-ud-daula, and he sent ahead Shaikh Farīd, a brave soldier whom he had promoted for his support during Akbar’s last months. Khusrav was now in danger both from the garrison at Lahore and from the relieving force. With most of his troops he turned to meet the latter. Jahāngīr was still willing to treat with his son, who was a favourite even in rebellion, but the negotiations failed and a battle was fought at Bhairowāl. Most of the rebel army consisted of untrained men, and it was defeated by the imperial troops in spite of the success of its cavalry under Husain Beg. After the battle Husain Beg suggested flight to the north, but the fords were guarded and the fugitives were arrested and taken to Lahore. Husain Beg was sewn up in a raw hide and paraded through the city on an ass, while the skin slowly dried and crushed him to death. Several hundred of the rebels were impaled on stakes by the roadside and Khusrav was taken past them in chains to receive the ironical homage of his would-be subjects. Gurū Arjan Singh was executed for aiding the rebel, and his death raised among his followers a mutinous spirit which under Aurangzīb and his successors led to open rebellion. Not long afterwards Rājā Mān Singh was removed from the governorship of Bengal where he had done such excellent service under Akbar.
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³ *Journal*, 125.
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The stability of an empire under personal rule is particularly dependent on the estimate held from time to time by its officials and its enemies of the capability of its head. Akbar had left a fairly compact territory extending from the confines of Persia to the Bay of Bengal, and from Kashmīr to Ahmadnagar. On the west Shāh ‘Abbās of Persia, a ruler of equal ability, was watching for an opportunity of recovering Qandahār, the gate through which traffic passed between India and Persia. Along the southern border there were watchful foes from Malik ‘Ambar who was consolidating the Muhammadan states, to Orissa which had not been perfectly subdued. Within the empire were many ambitious and unsettled chiefs who needed little inducement to rebel. Khusrav’s revolt was followed by disturbances in Bihār which were soon quelled, and by a more dangerous attempt by Rāi Rāi Singh of Bīkāner who had been promoted by Jahāngīr and was actually conducting the imperial harem to Lahore when he broke away. Rājā Jagannāth of Amber, with the forces intended for Mewār, soon captured and brought him to court.
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The Persian attack was more insidious owing to preoccupation with war against the Turks under Ahmad I, and at first showed itself merely in border incursions and a siege not strongly pressed. A relieving force arrived early in 1607, the garrison was strengthened, and Shah ‘Abbās wrote letters describing the attacks as unauthorised raids by disobedient officers. His immediate anxieties being removed, Jahāngīr sought relaxation in a visit to Kābul during the hot summer months, thus early in his reign displaying the love of pomp and personal ease which distinguished him from his more austere and energetic father. Some action was taken to reduce the turbulence of the Afghān tribes, but the emperor’s personal interest was chiefly evident in horticulture. The low esteem in which he was held was soon shown by a fresh plot on behalf of Khusrav. Some of the younger men about the court, relations of high officials, formed a plan to kill Jahāngīr while he was out hunting. Information leaked out and the scheme failed. The ringleaders were executed or disgraced and I‘timād-ud-daula, whose son had been concerned, was put in prison, but afterwards released on payment of a heavy fine. The danger to the throne of the growing popularity of Khusrav led to his being blinded, though his sight was partially restored later.¹
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¹ See Benī Prasād, *Jahāngīr*, p. 166, n. 12, for a discussion of the various accounts of the blinding.
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Before his accession Jahāngīr had been deputed by his father to complete the conquest of Mewār, but had proceeded no farther than Fathpur Sīkrī. Early in his reign he sent his son Parvīz with a large force commanded by Āsaf Khān and accompanied by Rājā Jagannāth of Amber or Jaipur. Their plan was to instal, as Rānā, Sāgar, an uncle of the real chief Amar Singh, and thus create internal feuds. Amar Singh, who had succeeded his father in 1597, had devoted himself to internal reforms but had to some extent lost the martial vigour which had marked the rulers of Chitor. Spurred by his nobles he roused himself, and though the forces sent against him were able to occupy several places and left Sāgar in possession of Chitor, they were withdrawn when Khusrav rebelled and Amar Singh still held most of his state. Jahāngīr on his return from Kābul to Āgra despatched a new force under Mahābat Khān, whose skill and bravery were effective so long as he could meet the Rājputs in pitched battles. In the wild and broken country of the interior, however, the enemy was able to avoid defeat. After a year, a fresh commander, ‘Abdullah Khān, who like Mahābat Khān had risen from the lowest rank, was appointed and had more success, defeating Karan the son of Rānā Amar Singh in 1611.
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While Jahāngīr was thus attempting the reduction of Mewār which he had neglected when it was committed to his charge, another portion of his empire also claimed his attention. Akbar’s last campaign in the Deccan had been checked, after the fall of Asīrgarh, by his need to return to northern India caused by Salīm’s revolt.
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The kingdoms of the Deccan, torn by constant broils with no object but territorial expansion, and misruled by successions of licentious and drunken monarchs, were still able to command the services of a few able men. One of these named Malik ‘Ambar was an Abyssinian slave who had been in the service of Chingīz Khān,¹ the faithful general of Murtaza Nizām Shāh I. Akbar’s departure had left his army without direction or capable leadership. Though the city of Ahmadnagar was still held by the imperial forces Malik ‘Ambar had set up a ruler named Murtaza Nizām Shāh II in the south of the kingdom, and had instituted valuable reforms in the administrative system. He also saw the military advantage to be gained in the rugged country of the Deccan by developing guerrilla tactics and using the Marāthās as predatory bands. In 1608 Rājā Mān Singh was first ordered to command the imperial army, but when he proceeded to his home to make preparations the Khān Khānān who had come north from Burhānpur persuaded Jahāngīr to allow him to undertake the conquest, promising to complete it within two years if adequate troops and funds were supplied. Within a year, however, it had become clear that success was still remote, and prince Parvīz took command with Āsaf Khān as his tutor. Khān Khānān attempted a campaign on the arrival of the prince but his forces were ill-supplied, the terrain was difficult, and the commanders quarrelled. Having thus failed he came to terms with Malik ‘Ambar and withdrew to Burhānpur, which was the base for operations in the Deccan. Ahmadnagar itself, though bravely defended by Khvāja Beg Mīrzā, a Persian soldier who had been in charge of it since its first capture, was beset; a relieving force from Burhānpur failed to reach it through bad leading, and it was surrendered.
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¹ See Vol. III, pp. 451–5.
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Affairs were going so badly that Jahāngīr contemplated taking command in person, but decided to adopt the simpler though less satisfactory plan of changing his generals. Pīr Khān Lodī, who belonged to an old ruling family, and had won the title of Khān Jahān, arrived with reinforcements soon after the disasters. Impressed by his reports and promises Jahāngīr gave him the command, in 1610, and also restored to active service Khān A‘zam, who had been kept at court since the rebellion of Khusrav, and though nominally governor of Gujarāt, had administered that province through his son as deputy. Khān A‘zam had previous experience of warfare in the Deccan during Akbar’s reign, and a disloyal letter written by him at that time to the ruler of Khāndesh, but craftily produced soon after Khusrav’s revolt had nearly led to his execution. Mahābat Khān, who was probably at this time and for many years the most trustworthy servant of the empire, was deputed to bring Khān Khānān back to court. There he was received by Jahāngīr with strong marks of disfavour in spite of the old bond of affection which had existed since he had been guardian and tutor to the emperor’s youth.
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These changes in the supreme command, though accompanied by reinforcements in men and money, were ineffectual against the difficulties of the country of which the defenders made the most by their strategy and tactics. Want of combination continued to mark the leadership on the imperial side. Affairs in Mewār had been sufficiently prosperous to justify the replacement of ‘Abdullah Khān, who was also sent to the Deccan in 1611, though he had been appointed governor of Gujarāt. An enveloping movement was planned in which Khān Jahān and Rājā Mān Singh were to take the left or eastern side through Khāndesh and Berār while ‘Abdullah Khān advanced on the west. Eager to obtain the whole credit for himself, ‘Abdullah Khān rashly pressed on through Nāsik with inadequate scouting and failed to keep touch with the other army though pressed by Rājā Mān Singh to make a concerted plan. Marāthā skirmishers harassed his forces by day and night, acting as a screen to hide the concentration by Malik ‘Ambar of a large force. Though he penetrated the Ahmadnagar country as far as Daulatābād, his forces had suffered so much that in the absence of reinforcements he was forced to retire, and withdrew to Gujarāt sustaining heavy losses so long as he was within hostile territory.
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The Punjabi Rājā Basu, who had replaced ‘Abdullah Khān in the Mewār campaign, had not been successful in it, as might have been anticipated from his previous history. He had several times revolted during Akbar’s reign, and had supported Salīm in his attempt to seize the throne. Apart from the Mewār campaign and the unsatisfactory operations in the Deccan the country was generally quiet. In 1610 a man who pretended that he was Khusrav, and to support his claim pointed to certain marks round his eyes alleged to be the result of an attempt to blind him (see p. 158), had seized Patna during the absence of the governor, but the rebellion was soon quelled. The Afghāns of Bengal had also given trouble. A Persian adventurer called ‘Alī Qulī, after rendering good military service, had been attracted to Salīm’s staff, and was rewarded by the title of Sher Afgan (tiger-slayer) for his gallant conduct during a hunting expedition. Though he had resumed his allegiance to Akbar after first joining in Salīm’s revolt he had been forgiven by Jahāngīr on his accession and appointed to an office in Bengal. In 1607 he was suspected of complicity with the Afghāns and Qutb-ud-dīn, the foster-brother of Jahāngīr who had been appointed successor to Rājā Mān Singh as governor of Bengal, was directed to send him to court. Sher Afgan appeared before the governor and was at once surrounded by guards. Impelled either by apprehension for his own life, or by the knowledge of his own guilt, he immediately attacked Qutb-ud-dīn, wounding him mortally, and was cut to pieces on the spot.
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Another successor died and Islām Khān became governor with a mission to subdue the Afghāns. Chief among these was 'Usmān Khān, a fat heavy man who went to war on an elephant. In his memoirs Jahāngīr gives a spirited account of the fight in which Islām Khān's commander defeated and killed 'Usmān Khān and restored order (1612).
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Jahāngīr now felt that he could leave the capital and be nearer the control of the campaign in Mewār. He also wished to visit the tomb of Khvāja Mu'īn-ud-dīn Chishtī at Ajmer, whom he regarded as a patron saint. Leaving Āgra in the autumn of 1613 he proceeded in a leisurely manner, hunting on the way. The ladies of the imperial zanana took advantage of a Hindu festival, the Dasahra, to reconcile him to Khusrav and it was arranged that father and son should meet daily. The Khān A'zam, who had seen no advantage to himself in the unsatisfactory position in the Deccan, had been transferred to Mewār, and at his request Jahāngīr also deputed his own son Khurram, Rājā Basu having died while the emperor was marching to Ajmer. This arrangement was not congenial to Khurram, who reported that Khān A'zam was unsatisfactory and was suspected of intrigues in favour of his son-in-law Khusrav. Jahāngīr was so impressed by these reports that he removed Khān A'zam from the command and made him over to the custody of Āsaf Khān with instructions that he should be kept in the fort of Gwalior, which had been the enforced residence of so many *détenus*. Jahāngīr also forbade Khusrav to come before him, as he had shown no signs of pleasure at seeing his father but preserved a sad attitude. Orders were issued that the Khān A'zam was to be treated well, but his children were kept under surveillance at the royal camp in Ajmer. Before long he was himself released and brought to court where he was allowed to stay on condition that he restrained his language.
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Relieved of the presence of one whom he believed to be his enemy Khurram pressed on the occupation of Mewār, establishing posts in a number of places. And though losses were severe from the heat of the summer, the unhealthiness of the rainy season and even from dearth of supplies, the injury to the defenders was still greater. The families of many Rājput nobles were captured, and the fortitude of the Rānā himself, which had never been strong, was gradually sapped. He sent overtures to Khurram offering to recognise Moghul supremacy, but begging that he might be excused attendance at court owing to his age. Jahāngīr, delighted¹ by the success which had escaped his father, accepted the submission in a letter under his own seal, and invited the Rānā's son to visit him. It was decided that Chitor should never again be fortified, but no matrimonial alliance was enforced and the generally favourable nature of the terms allowed bound the Rājputs to a loyalty which was honourably observed. Before long the Rānā abdicated in favour of his son Karan Singh.
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¹ A coin struck at Ajmer about this time probably commemorates the victory. See Panna Lal, "A rare rupee of Jahāngīr", *J.A.S.B.* 1915, p. 483.
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At this period (end of 1614) occurs the first mention of the English in the Mughul records. Hawkins had resided at Āgra as ambassador from the king of England during 1609–11 and had received a welcome, though he had been unable to negotiate a treaty.¹ The unruly behaviour of British shipwrecked sailors produced a bad impression, and trade facilities were denied. Sir Henry Middleton's action against the trading vessels from Gujarāt to the Red Sea (1612), however, created a spirit of respect, and the hope that the newcomers might be of assistance to check the claim of the Portuguese to command of the sea. The capture by the latter of four Indian ships with many Muslim passengers (1613) had been irritating as they were provided with a Portuguese pass, and Jahāngīr's mother had an interest in the cargo. A year later when Downton arrived off Surat he was pressed by Muqarrab Khān the governor, a Mughul officer who had been envoy to the Portuguese in 1607 and was in the close confidence of the emperor, to join against the Portuguese, who had been intriguing at court to get the English expelled from India. Though Muqarrab Khān promised concessions, Downton was not prepared to do more than defend himself, and Muqarrab Khān sent messages to the Dutch at Masulipatam. In January, 1615, the viceroy of Goa arrived with his fleet, having sent his smaller vessels ahead. Having no naval force, and no promise of help from the English or Dutch, the Mughul governor made overtures for peace, which were contemptuously rejected. The Portuguese, feeling sure of success in crushing the English, attacked Downton and were beaten off with great loss. They were afraid to land troops and attack Surat and withdrew to Goa. This action is mentioned with approval by Jahāngīr in his memoirs, though he passes over in silence the visit of Hawkins and his successor Sir Thomas Roe² who arrived in India in September, 1615. The effect of Downton's victory was by that time evaporating, and peace was being arranged between the Mughuls and the Portuguese. Prince Khurram, whose governorship included Surat, was in their favour and actually issued an order that the English should be allowed to trade for only a month and should have no residence, while the draft terms with the Portuguese stipulated that the English should be absolutely excluded. Roe's stout resistance to indignities and solicitations for bribes had some effect on the local authorities, and he proceeded to the royal court at Ajmer. For nearly three years he strove to obtain a trade treaty, following the court in its progress to Māndū and to Ahmadābād. By the emperor he was treated with the courtesy that was natural to him, but Jahāngīr had no inclination to deal on terms of equality with a nation of which he knew nothing except that it desired Indian trade, and which was represented to him by the Portuguese in the worst possible light. Khurram was anxious that nothing should be done to detract from his authority over the port, and Āsaf Khān, who dealt with the draft treaties put forward by Roe, showed himself greedy for gifts and unreliable in every way. By September, 1618, Roe secured a *farmān* or grant from Khurram as viceroy of Gujarāt which, though not so complete as the draft treaty he had first tried to obtain from the emperor, gave reasonable facilities for trade, but it did not allow any building to be bought or built as a permanent residence. Beyond this Roe's stay at the court and behaviour there did much to enhance the respect with which the newcomers were regarded.
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¹ See vol. v, chap. iv.
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² He mentions the use of a carriage presented by Roe.
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The chief power in the empire was now vested in the empress Nūr Jahān, who acted with her father I'timād-ud-daula, and brother Āsaf Khān. A legend grew up later that Jahāngīr had fallen in love with her in childhood, and had treated her husband as David dealt with Uriah. Contemporary history does not support this story,¹ which appears to have grown up long after her influence was established. When Sher Afgan was killed in 1607 his widow who was then styled Mihr-un-Nisa (Sun of womankind) was sent to court and became an attendant on Salīma Begam, the widow of Akbar. At the spring ceremony in March, 1611, Jahāngīr was attracted by her and married her two months later, changing her name to Nūr Mahall (Light of the palace). Her charm and beauty was equalled by her devotion to Jahāngīr and by her capability and tact, and her own influence over the emperor was immensely enhanced by the other members of her family. Rapid promotion was given to her father and brother, and her mother's discovery of the way to prepare attar of roses won the admiration of the aesthetically-minded emperor. A year after his own marriage Jahāngīr celebrated the wedding of his son Khurram with Arjumand Bānū, daughter of Āsaf Khān, thus cementing a link which bound Khurram to the leading spirits for many years. As the emperor's intellect deteriorated through his bodily indulgences and his concentration on pleasure, he was glad to leave to his wife and her advisers the task of deciding most affairs of state. His biographer records that he repeatedly said that he had bestowed the sovereignty on Nūr Jahān and for himself needed nothing but a quart of wine and a pound of flesh. Within a month of his arrival at the court at Ajmer, Roe discovered the power exercised by her and her clique. When his draft of a treaty was returned with alterations which he could not possibly accept he at first supposed that the lower officials were responsible. He soon found that Āsaf Khān was unreliable and had strong influence over Khurram. He writes bitterly:
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¹ See Beni Prasād, *Jahāngīr*, chap. VIII.
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The King was my only refuge, from whom I was sure of justice if I complayned, but I feard I should draw upon me the hate of Normall the beloved queene, ante to Sultan Corrons wife, sister of Asaph Chan, whose daughter the Prince married, and all that powerfull faction, against whom, though I might once prevayle, yet the advantage of tyme, language, and opportunitye, the power of a wife, sonne, and a favorite would produce revenge.
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The power of the faction was not unchallenged, and its growth was extended over a long period by the gradual appointment of its nominees to offices of trust. Of the opponents Mahābat Khān was the most notable and he was left without promotion for twelve years, though he was one of the most capable men in the country. Persuasion rather than domination was the method first used with the emperor. One element in the policy was the support of Khurram as heir to the throne, and this led to opposition by those who preferred the elder son Khusrav. In spite of the two rebellions of which Khusrav was the nominal leader Jahāngīr never appears to have lost his affection for him, and popular sympathy was strong in his favour. Though his perpetual confinement gave him no opportunity of showing his capability in administration, his disposition was admired and his devotion to his only wife, the daughter of Khān Aʻzam, was well known. In October, 1616, an attempt was made to get the charge of Khusrav transferred from Ani Rāy, a brave and faithful Rājput attendant on the emperor, to Āsaf Khān, and Roe narrates that a verbal order was actually obtained late one night when Jahāngīr was intoxicated. Ani Rāy, who refused to comply, appeared at court the next day and was commended. A few days later when Khurram was about to proceed in person to conduct the Deccan campaign his fear for his interests during his absence led him to make another attempt which was successful, and caused great fears for Khusrav's own life. Roe gives a vivid report of the consternation in the women's quarters, where Khusrav's relations threatened to burn themselves if he were killed, and of the rumours that Khurram desired the death of his father as well as of his brother, and he compares the state of India to that of Rome during the contest between Otho and Vitellius related by Tacitus.¹ It appeared to Roe that the Company would do well to avoid siding in the quarrel, to make few debts and to limit their establishments in the country.
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¹ *Hist.* I, 50.
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During his seven years' tenure of the office of governor of the Deccan prince Parvīz and the officers under him had made no progress in their campaigns. Like his father he was addicted to wine and he was fonder of pleasures than of his business. Jahāngīr, anxious to complete his conquest of the Deccan, transferred Parvīz to the easier charge of Allahābād in 1616 and sent in his place Khurram on whom he conferred the title of Shāh, while he himself moved his court to Māndū so as to be nearer the scene of operations. A graphic description of the luxury of his camp equipage, with the ladies of the court riding in gold howdahs on 50 elephants, is given by Roe, whose meagre allowance from the Company did not permit him to buy or hire reasonable equipment. The route lay through difficult country where supplies were always, and water was sometimes, scarce, while the straggling cortège was often liable to be plundered by the inhabitants. In December, 1616, Roe saw a hundred corpses of people who had been executed for robbery, and in January he writes: “I am yet following this wandering King over mountaynes and through woods, so strange and unused wayes that his own people who almost know no other god, blaspheame his name and hers that (it is said) conducts all his actions.” While he stayed at Ujjain the emperor took pleasure in a visit to a celebrated *faqīr* called Chid Rūp¹ who had met Akbar some 15 years earlier. In the sage’s teaching of Vedānta philosophy Jahāngīr thought he recognised the germ of Sūfī mysticism. The slow march through country which presented many opportunities for the emperor’s favourite pastime of hunting ended in March, 1617, when he arrived at Māndū, the old capital of the independent rulers of Mālwā.² The magnificent buildings of the Mālwā kings drew his admiration, while his disgust at the misdeeds of one of the most infamous led him to desecrate the tomb and have the remains cast in the Narbadā river which flows a few miles away. The difficulties of water supply on the rocky hill where the emperor resided were so great that it had to be purchased, and Roe considered himself lucky in finding a residence near an assured supply. Throughout the summer intrigues continued regarding the succession, and attempts were made to arrange a marriage between Khusrav and Nūr Jahān’s daughter by her former husband Sher Afgan. The match would have been generally popular, and might have secured Khusrav’s position, but he declined to accept it, through devotion to his only wife.
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¹ Sometimes incorrectly transliterated Jadrūp. For a contemporary picture see *J.R.A.S.* 1919, p. 389.
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² See vol. III, chap. XIV, for a history of the dynasty, and G. Yazdani, *Mandu*, 1929, for a description of the place.
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Meanwhile Khurram had succeeded in a few months by negotiation in settling the affairs of the Deccan more effectively than his brother had done in as many years. The degenerate rulers of the Deccan were weary of the struggle and some of their officials had been corrupted by bribes. Khurram’s success in Mewār had enhanced his reputation. Ibrāhīm ‘Ādil Shāh II the ruler of Bījāpur agreed to pay tribute and restore the conquered territory, including Ahmadnagar. Jahāngīr celebrated the peace by a magnificent reception in Māndū of the Bījāpur envoys and his son Khurram received the unique privilege of a seat in his father’s presence. He also received the title of Shāh Jahān (Sovereign of the world) which he retained later when he succeeded his father on the throne. Roe, who was present, was rather contemptuous of the whole affair, and rightly guessed that the boasted victory was no more than the avoidance of future loss. Some element of personal disappointment tinges his comments, as he had hoped a few months earlier to sell Malik ‘Ambar a quantity of the Company’s cloth and swords which were not in demand elsewhere. But in fact the settlement advanced the Moghul power no further than it had stood when Akbar left the Deccan, and while the Muhammadan rulers were rapidly losing hold the Marāthās who formed the bulk of the population had begun to realise their own strength.
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There was no longer any need for the emperor to remain in the magnificent but uncomfortable surroundings of Māndū, and he decided to visit Gujarāt, where for the first time in his life he saw the sea. Throughout the journey Roe was endeavouring to negotiate with Āsaf Khān, thwarted perpetually by Shāh Jahān, who was against the English and constantly feared that any grant to them of rights of trade would derogate from his powers as viceroy. Roe also attempted to get the Portuguese expelled from Gujarāt, but the emperor told him that he proposed to maintain the arrangements with them that had been concluded by the former rulers of Gujarāt. A respect for the power of the Portuguese on the sea was still the deciding factor. It was not until the late autumn of 1618 that Roe finally concluded an agreement with Shāh Jahān, by which he obtained better terms than had first been offered, but not the complete freedom he desired. In particular the English were not allowed to purchase or construct their own residences,¹ though they were allowed to hire, and either the disorderly conduct of the sailors or fear of actual invasion led to restrictions on the carriage of arms. Jahāngīr with his zest for the amenities of life was disgusted with the climate and scenery of Ahmadābād. He records that he did not know whether to call it Samūmistān (the place of hot winds), Bīmāristān (the abode of sickness), Zaqqūm zār (the thorn or cactus bed) or Jahannumābād (the house of hell).
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His reference to disease is illustrated by the descriptions of a mysterious pestilence at Ahmadābād the exact nature of which cannot be identified. It was characterised by a very high temperature and the appearance on the body of large dark-coloured blisters the matter from which produced others. Death ensued in a few hours and even the small English community lost seven members. Both the emperor and Shāh Jahān were attacked but recovered after a lengthy convalescence. There was nothing to detain the court in western India. Two chiefs in Cutch, the Jām of Navānagar and a lesser chief on the borders of Sind, had been reduced by Rājā Bikramājīt in 1617. Jahāngīr therefore set out for Āgra in the rainy season, and during the leisurely march of the court, a son was born to Shāh Jahān’s wife, who was named Aurangzīb and later became emperor. Another epidemic now threatened the court and prevented its entry into Delhi. This, from the description given by contemporary writers, was clearly bubonic plague, as they describe the characteristic mortality among rats and the appearance of swellings in the neck and groin. It had broken out in the Punjab in 1616 and had spread south and east as far as Āgra, where it was still causing 100 deaths a day early in 1619, so that Jahāngīr on arriving at Fathpur Sīkrī remained there till April.¹ During the halt at that place Nūr Jahān distinguished herself by killing a tiger with one shot.
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¹ The landing of a few bricks for recasting the broken bell of a ship caused rumours that they had projected the building of a fort.
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¹ The disease, being carried as is now known by the flea which infests rats, usually decreases as the hot season advances, because the people sleep outside their houses.
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Jahāngīr's intemperance had now begun to tell seriously on his health, which had also suffered from the climate of the districts in which he had spent the last five years. The advice of his physicians, supported by the influence of his wife, induced him to reduce his potations, but a permanent cure was not within his power. During his journey to Kābul in 1606 the crossing of the Jhelum river had reminded him of two visits he had paid to Kashmīr in his father's lifetime, and he had recorded a wish that he might visit that lovely tract in the spring. Hoping that he might recover his health in more pleasing conditions, he left Āgra at the end of 1619 and spent the whole of the following summer in the hills. The ascent by the rough tracks which had to be followed was difficult, and on one day, after a fall of snow, as many as twenty-five elephants were lost.
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As the royal train penetrated higher into the mountains it had to divide into parties, because supplies could not be brought together for the whole retinue. Arrived in the vale of Kashmīr Jahāngīr was able to indulge his love of nature, and the journal is full of well-phrased descriptions of the meadows abounding in wild flowers, the stately trees, the springs, cascades and the brooks starting from these and swelling into majestic rivers, or expanding into picturesque lakes. On this and his many succeeding visits he planned and carried out the construction of houses and gardens, some of which still exist. While the emperor thus found new pleasures to distract his mind from his failing health his court, from the highest nobles to the meanest servant, suffered from bad lodging, from the inclemency of the weather to which they were not accustomed, and from the dearness and scarcity of food.
v4.c17.38
The emperor was met at Srīnagar by the governor of Kashmīr, who had just succeeded after prolonged efforts in taking a small tract in the south of Kashmīr, known as Kishtwār, and who brought the raja in chains. Misrule and oppression by the official in charge, however, led to a revolt by the high-spirited inhabitants, who were not finally subdued for a couple of years.
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A greater triumph was the conquest of Kāngra, a state protected by many strong forts and containing the ancient shrine of Jwālāmukhi with its natural fire. The temple, enriched by many precious gifts from its devotees, had been plundered by Mahmūd of Ghaznī in 1009, but in spite of many attempts by the later rulers of Delhi, including Akbar, the fort of Kāngra had still held out, though the hill-country round it had been largely subdued. Efforts made under the orders of Jahāngīr himself to subdue this stronghold had failed, in some cases owing to the omission to press an attack by the commander, who really sympathised with the holders and finally broke into rebellion. Rājā Bikramājīt, who was then sent to command, crushed the revolt and after a close siege for more than a year during which the garrison was nearly starved, the fort surrendered towards the end of 1620, just after the emperor had started for the plains. Apart from the booty secured the capture had no political value, but it gave Jahāngīr exquisite pleasure that his forces had succeeded where so many of his predecessors had failed.
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The failing health of the emperor, while it added to the influence of Nūr Jahān over the affairs of state, also increased her apprehension of diminished power if he should die. Of all Jahāngīr's sons Shāh Jahān was most to be feared, as Khusrav though more popular was still a prisoner and untried in public affairs. She now decided to arrange a marriage between Lādlī Begam, her daughter by her former husband, Sher Afgan, and Jahāngīr's youngest surviving son, Shahryār, whose mother had been a concubine, and who was then an immature young man with dissolute inclinations. The formal betrothal took place at Lahore, to be followed by a wedding at Āgra.
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While Jahāngīr had been seeking health in Kashmīr the position on the southern frontier had deteriorated. Malik ‘Ambar, ever restless and intriguing on behalf of his master, had again reconciled the kings of Bījāpur and Golconda and pursued his recruiting among the Marāthās. The Mughul governor was besieged in Ahmadnagar and the high commanders were quarrelling. They might succeed in pitched battles but lost ground after each and were so harried by marauding bands that they were forced to fall back on Burhānpur, which was beset, and even Māndū was not safe. The emperor, in reply to the pressing demands for reinforcements, appointed Shāh Jahān to command them, but progress was delayed by the fact that so many troops had been sent on the futile expedition against Kāngra. Shāh Jahān, himself, realising the uncertainties of the position at court, insisted on having charge of his elder brother Khusrav, and when Jahāngīr had at last acceded to this the two brothers left their father at Lahore (1620) and never saw him again. The expedition was successful in its immediate objects. One division which was detached to relieve Māndū soon scattered the Marāthās who were laying waste the country round, while Shāh Jahān forced the armies round Burhānpur to withdraw, and thus relieved the garrison which had been practically beleaguered for two years and had been greatly straitened for food and supplies. Before long the imperial troops had penetrated as far south as Khirkī, where the Nizāmshāhī rulers had established their headquarters after Ahmadnagar had been incorporated in the imperial dominions. Here they demolished the new buildings of the capital and set out to raise the siege of Ahmadnagar. By this time Malik ‘Ambar, who had removed his royal master and his family for safety to Daulatābād, realised that his position was insecure. He offered terms and Shāh Jahān, already anxious about arrangements for the supply of food for his large army in a tract which had been devastated and plundered, agreed to treat. Besides restoring the territory which had previously become Mughul, the insurgents agreed to give a strip fourteen *kos* (25 to 28 miles) wide, and a tribute of five million rupees from the three kingdoms of Bījāpur, Ahmadnagar and Golconda. The rainy season of 1621 being now over he returned to Burhānpur and occupied himself with reorganising the administration which had been dislocated by two years’ warfare. The rejoicing over this victory which delighted the emperor, and prompted him to reward generously those who had taken part in it, was marred by his illness. As he frankly admits in his memoirs, he indulged more frequently in liquor, and suffered for it, till the empress gradually persuaded him to reduce his potations and adapt his diet to his condition. In October he travelled to the upper courses of the Ganges to seek a place with a suitable climate where he might build a new city and avoid the trying heat of Āgra. He found Hardwār not pleasant, and decided to visit Jammū and Kāngra. Leaving the bulk of his great camp in the plains he had started for the hills when he was recalled by grave news about the health of I‘timād-ud-daula, who was advanced in years and had been left behind ill. Both the emperor and empress returned and were present when he died. In spite of their earlier disagreements reconciliation had been effected and Jahāngīr mourned the loss of an able and faithful minister, and a wise and kind friend. He was then free to visit Kāngra and rejoice over his capture of that ancient place. To celebrate the achievement he took with him persons learned in the law of Islām and after prayers formally desecrated the temple by sacrificing a cow.
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Suddenly, however, great sorrow came upon him by receipt of the news that Khusrav, who in spite of his two rebellions was still his favourite son, had died at Burhānpur (January, 1622). The cause of his death has never been established beyond doubt.¹ Shāh Jahān, in reporting it, said his brother had died of colic. It is significant that the emperor, who usually added comments when recording deaths, passes over this almost in silence. Local rumour, as recorded by the English factors in the neighbourhood, definitely assigned the cause to murder and the probability of this is strengthened by Shāh Jahān’s later action.
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¹ H. Beveridge, *J.R.A.S.* 1907, p. 597, held that murder was not proved. Beni Prasād, *Jahāngīr*, p. 336, after fully reviewing the evidence, thought it certain.
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Overshadowed by this event, the new year of the reign brought news of trouble on the western frontier. Shāh ‘Abbās, king of Persia, had from time to time sent ambassadors to Jahāngīr professing friendship. One of these arrived at Ajmer in 1616 when Roe was at the court. Although Roe thought this envoy’s behaviour servile, and not becoming the representative of an independent monarch, he recognised the difference between the reception of the Persian and his own treatment, and regretted that he himself was unable to offer such magnificent gifts as had been sent from Isfahān. Jahāngīr’s estimate of the relative importance of the two envoys appears from the elaborate account in the memoirs of the Persian and a full transcription of the message which he brought, while the English ambassador is not mentioned. Moreover, a Mughul representative was sent to Persia in return and there received a gracious welcome. This exchange of courtesies was a mere cloak to hide designs of aggression by Shāh ‘Abbās, and after a fourth embassy arrived at the end of 1620 the garrison of Qandahār fell to a few hundred soldiers, the main forces of the empire being collected in the Deccan. The city was important owing to its command of the land route to Persia on which the bulk of the trade between that country and India was still carried, and its possession was also a matter of pride since its capture by Akbar. News of the collection of a Persian force had been received and Shāh Jahān, the only commander who had been successful in recent years, was directed to take an army to defend the frontier. Before anything could be done the fort was beleaguered and it was reported that another army was marching on Sind. Great preparations were made to collect troops and the vast quantity of supplies required for an army in a tract the products of which barely support a thin population. A proposal by the officer in immediate command to take what forces were ready was not accepted as the emperor hoped to collect an army which could advance as far as Isfahān, the capital of Persia. His hopes had been stimulated by the offer of help from Imām Qulī, the ruler of Samarqand, who sent an envoy suggesting the recapture of Qandahār and an expedition against Khurāsān. The project, however, was not immediately accepted by Shāh Jahān. He despatched part of his camp from Burhānpur at once, but did not advance beyond Māndū, where he proposed to stay during the rainy season, and he demanded that when he took over charge of the campaign he should be allowed to have the fort of Rantambhor¹ for the residence of his family and should be sole commander, and also governor of the Punjab. Jealousy of the power of his stepmother Nūr Jahān, and anticipations of her probable support of Shahryār's claim to the throne if the emperor died, were no doubt the cause of these requests, which were not granted. Jahāngīr sent orders that as Shāh Jahān did not wish to move till after the rains he should at once despatch the principal officers and the best of the troops including the Sayyids of Bārha and Bukhārā, the Shaikhzādas, the Afghāns and the Rājputs.
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¹ In Rājputāna, where Shāh Jahān could count on strong support.
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Almost immediately a fresh cause of dissension occurred owing to a dispute about the grant of Dholpur as an assignment. It was claimed by both Shāh Jahān and Shahryār and a fight took place between the officers of the brothers over its possession. Though Jahāngīr with his usual patience again wrote to his son he was soon persuaded not to accept his excuses. Shahryār was appointed to command the Qandahār forces and a further indignity was inflicted on Shāh Jahān by the transfer of his *jāgīrs* in the Punjab to Shahryār. Shāh Jahān's humble submission, presented through his most trusted officer, was rejected and he openly rebelled and marched towards Āgra, where the governor held back the treasure collected for the expedition and prepared for a siege. Interest rather than loyalty seems to have guided the action of the generals; thus the empress' brother Āsaf Khān abandoned the cause of his son-in-law the rebel who was, however, supported by Khān Khānān just as he had once sided with Jahāngīr in the rebellion against Akbar, and by many of those who had held office in the Deccan and in Gujarāt.
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Mahābat Khān, the most capable soldier in the imperial forces, had for some years been governor of Kābul and had kept order in that difficult province. He was now summoned to take command, and after some demur, owing to his suspicions of Āsaf Khān whom he rightly believed to be his enemy, was persuaded to accept the post by the formal appointment of Āsaf Khān to Bengal. Shāh Jahān was unable to capture the fort of Āgra with its treasure, but plundered the city which had no walls. He then marched north to meet his father's army, and though he was successful in detaching 'Abdullah Khān, who came over with a large force during the battle, he was decisively beaten at Bilochpur (March, 1623), and lost Rājā Bikramājīt, one of his best commanders.
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Shāh Jahān then retreated to Māndū, and was followed by his brother Parvīz, who was in nominal command, while his nephew Dāwar Bakhsh, son of Khusrav, marched towards Ahmadābād, the capital of Gujarāt, which had been committed to his charge. The emperor himself proceeded to Ajmer to be nearer the operations. The hot weather was now advanced and rainy weather made fighting difficult. Shāh Jahān's attempts to use Marāthā horse were ineffective and Mahābat Khān successfully intrigued to detach support from him. In a battle near Kaliya Dih some of the prince's soldiers deserted him, and he withdrew south across the Narbadā. An intercepted letter from the Khān Khānān to Mahābat Khān showed that treachery was everywhere. Though the strong fortress of Asīr yielded to him, his trusted officers in Gujarāt failed him, and ‘Abdullah Khān, who was sent to restore his power in Gujarāt, was defeated near Ahmadābād, and finally had to join Shāh Jahān at Burhānpur with the small amount of money he was able to raise at Surat. The rebel was now reduced to pitiable devices. Malik ‘Ambar, whom he had twice defeated, refused aid as he was himself gathering forces to attack Bījāpur. An envoy sent to Golconda had no greater success. In despair Shāh Jahān decided to approach his father, and sent Khān Khānān to Mahābat Khān after taking from him the most solemn oath of faithfulness.
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A casual skirmish on the banks of the Narbadā led to further defections from the force guarding the crossing, and Khān Khānān when he arrived at the imperial camp, disregarding his solemn pledge, offered his own submission to Parvīz. Flight was inevitable and hotly pursued for some distance in spite of the rainy season Shāh Jahān escaped into the kingdom of Golconda losing adherents on almost every march. From the king he received no more help than was sufficient to enable him to traverse the kingdom under a promise to leave it. The passage of his force, though reduced in numbers, alarmed the people, and the English factors at Masulipatam tried to get away. Better hopes were held of success in Bengal and Shāh Jahān marched into Orissa, which was surrendered by the local authorities without a struggle. Burdwān was taken by siege, but Ibrāhīm Khān (a brother of Nūr Jahān) refused to surrender his fort near Akbarnagar, backed by the help of Portuguese gunners from Hūglī who had rejected overtures from the rebel after the fall of Burdwān as they had little hopes of his success. In a battle outside the fort Ibrāhīm Khān was defeated and killed and the fort was mined and stormed. Emboldened by this success Shāh Jahān advanced up the Ganges valley. Kunwar Bhīm Singh of Mewār, who had been his most faithful ally, entered Patna without opposition and thus secured Bihār.
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When Shāh Jahān arrived the principal landholders, including the chief of the Ujjainiya Rājputs,¹ submitted to him, and the strong fortress of Rohtās was surrendered. One division of the force now occupied Jaunpur and advanced to Mānikpur while ‘Abdullah Khān laid siege to Allahābād which was bravely defended by Mirzā Rustam Beg, a Persian of royal blood. Shāh Jahān entered Benares and crossed the Ganges to Kantit² on the south side. By this time, however, Parvīz and Mahābat Khān, after securing peace in the Deccan by an alliance with Bījāpur, had arrived in the Dūāb. They had difficulty in crossing the river as Shāh Jahān's forces had seized all boats, but were finally helped by the Bais Rājputs.³ The rebels retreated and were defeated in a fiercely contested battle at Damdama¹ (1624) which completely destroyed their hopes, though at one time Shāh Jahān had nearly won the day, when a wounded elephant threw his army into confusion. Bhīm Singh was slain and Shāh Jahān who was himself present would in his despair have fought till killed if his followers had not seized his bridle and turned his horse away. He rode hastily to Rohtās where his wife had just borne a son (Murād Bakhsh) and leaving her there retreated to Bengal.
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