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The Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency from the Earliest Historical Times to the Musalman Conquest c8.s11: Chapter I. The Early Dynasties

The Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency from the Earliest Historical Times to the Musalman Conquest c8.s11

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Contents

Chapter I. The Early Dynasties

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The earliest epigraphic records that bear in any way upon Southern India, are the inscriptions, belonging to the first half of the third century B. C., of the great Buddhist king Aśôka, the grandson of the Maurya king Chandragupta of Pâtaliputra who was known to the Greek historians as Sandrocottos. Aśôka's dominions proper seem not to have extended south of the Narmadâ (vulgo Nerbudda). But, in all directions, he exercised an active suzerainty over provinces which lay on the borders of his kingdom. And, among the tribes mentioned in this connection, we find,¹ in the south, the Pêtênikas or inhabitants of Pratisthâna, which is the modern Paiṭhan, on the Gôdâvarî, in the Nizâm's Dominions; the Bhôjas, nearer to the Narmadâ, or towards the coast of the Konkan; the Ristikas or Râstikas, who are supposed by some to be the Mahârâshtrîs or Marâṭhâs of the Dekkan; and the Andhras, who were the inhabitants of a tract of country which embraced the region towards the east coast lying between the rivers Krishna and Gôdâvarî, and part of which, under the name of the land of Vengî, came, in the early part of the seventh century A. D., into the hands of the eastern branch of the Chalukya dynasty. Among Aśôka's independent neighbours there are mentioned,² for Southern India, two kings named Saṭiyaputa and Kêralaputa, probably towards the west coast,—the Pândyas, whose country was the triangle at the south of the peninsula, including the present Madura and Tinnevelly Districts of the Madras Presidency, and perhaps the Travancore State,—and the Chôḍas, i. e. Chôḷas, whose territory lay on the east coast, from the northern boundary of the Pâṇḍya kingdom up to the river Pâḷâru.

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¹ Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. pp. 240, 247, 248.

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² ibid. pp. 240, 249.

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It is probably to the first or second century of the Christian era, that we must refer the earliest two inscriptions that have as yet been found in the country with which we are dealing; viz., one in a Prâkṛit dialect, engraved on the two edges of a large slate slab, on which there is sculptured a five-hooded cobra, in the court of the great temple at Banawâsi in North Kanara,³ and one, partly in Prâkṛit and partly in Sanskrit, on a pillar at ‘Malavaḷḷi’ in the Shikârpur tâluka, Mysore.⁴ They are of the time of a king named Hâritiputra-Sâtakarṇi,⁵ of the

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³ Cave-Temple Inscriptions (No. 10 of the brochures of the Archæological Survey of Western India), p. 100; and Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 331.

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⁴ I quote from an ink-impression which Mr. Rice was kind enough to send me.

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⁵ The second part of this appellation is a dynastic name. The first part is a personal name, a metronymic, meaning literally ‘the son of a woman belonging to the family of the Hâritas;’ and it is analogous to the Gôtamiputra or Gautamiputra, and the Vâsiṣṭhi-

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Vinhukadaduṭu or Vinhupaduchuṭu family, in respect of whom the ‘Malavalli’ record further tells us that he belonged to the Mânavya gôtra or clan,¹ and probably also that he was one of the kings of Vaijayantî, i.e. of Banawâsi.² The Banawâsi record is dated in the twelfth

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¹ The gôtra denotes a subdivision or clan, based on original family descent, in the Brâhman caste. And Dr. Bühler tells us (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII, p. 240) that, according to the compilations on gôtras, it was the practice of royal families to be affiliated to the Vêdic gôtras of their domestic, priests.—In the present case, the gôtra name seems, as in similar instances (see, e. g., the preceding note), other cases are probably the Kâśyapa and Kauṇḍinya gôtras of epigraphic records, which seem to be offshoots from the original Kâśyapa and Kauṇḍina gôtras, to represent a later offshoot from the original Mânava gôtra (Sanskrit Literature, p. 370). But the word is also a patronymic, meaning ‘descended from Manu,’ and Dr. Burnell,—who attributed the origin of the Mânava-dharmaśâstra or law-book of the Mânavas, popularly known as the Ordinances of Manu, to the period of the Western Chalukya kings of Bâdâmi, who also, with further the Kadambas, are represented as belonging to the Mânavya gôtra,—seems to have held (Ordinances of Manu, Introd. p. xxv, and note 4) that the Mânavas had then begun to call themselves Mânavyas, in connection with the tradition (for which, in detail, see Muir's Original Sanskrit Texts, Vol. I, pp. 161 to 238) that the whole Hindû race was descended from Manu, the son of the Sun.—A Western Châlukya record, apparently of the time of Jayasiṃha II. and dated in A.D. 1025-26 (at Kalyâṇ in the Baṅkapur tâluka, Dhârwâr District; Carn.-Désa Inscrs. Vol. I, p. 48), would account for the gôtra-nâme by the existence of a person named Mânavya: it says that the mind-born son of the god Brahman was Svayambhuva-Manu; his son was Mânavya, from whom came all those who belonged to the Mânavya gôtra; Mânavya's son was Harita; his son was Pañchaśikhi-Hâriti; and his son was Châlukya, from whom sprang the race of the Châlukyas. But this is simply one of various inventions—(others in the present passage are the persons Hâriti and Châlukya)—devised, in a later period, to account for appellations the origin of which had been forgotten in the lapse of time.

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² Banawâsi, in lat. 14° 33', long. 75° 5' (Indian Atlas, sheet No. 42, where it is entered as ‘Bannawassi’), is a place of very considerable antiquity. It is the Vanivâsi to which, as recorded in the Mahâvaṃsa, the Buddhist teacher Rakshita was deputed, in the third century B. C., shortly after the great council held at Pâtaliputra in the eighteenth year of Aśôka (Ind. Ant. Vol. III, p. 273). And it was also mentioned, in the second century A. D., by the geographer Ptolemy, in whose map of India (id. Vol. XIII, p. 329), under the name of Banauasi, it is entered (quite wrongly) to the east by south from Barygaza, i. e. Broach in Gujarât. In inscriptions, the earliest mention of it, under the name of Vanavâsi, is in the Aihole inscription of A. D. 634-35 (id. Vol. VIII, p. 244). In later records, the name is usually written as Banavâsi in Sanskrit passages, and as Banavase and Banavâse in Kanarese passages; the latter two forms being specially used, and generally so, when mention is made of the province, which was held to consist of twelve thousand cities, towns, and villages. The form Vanavâsa also occurs (e. g., P. S. and O.-C. Inscrs. No: 178, l. 33, and Vikramâṅkadêvacharita, v. 23, and xiv. 4). Mr. Kittel has expressed the opinion that the etymology is bana, = vana, ‘a forest,’ + the Kanarese basi or base, ‘a spring,’ and that Vanavâsi is only a Sanskritised form (Nâgavarma's Kanarese Prosody, Introd. p. xxxi, note 2). But the occurrence of the form Banavâse, with the long â in the penultimate syllable, seems to be opposed to this, and to point to the Sanskrit vanavâsa, ‘the residence or settlement in the forest,’ being the original name. And there are traditions to the effect that the province of Vanavâsi is the part of the country in which the Pâṇḍavas spent the twelve years of their banishment to the forests, as related

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putra, of the Andhrabhritya kings, and (see Ind. Ant. Vol. XXI, p. 227) to the Vâtsiputra, Gauptiputra, and Gârgiputra of one of the Bharaut inscriptions. The same metronymic, or a closely similar one, appears also in an early inscription in the Riwâ or Rêwâ State in Central India, which records the construction of a cave by Hâritiputra or Hâritiputra-Saunaka (Ind. Ant. Vol. IX, p. 121). And the early Kadambas also, and the Chalukyas, are represented as Hâritiputras.—As regards the word Hârita, if it is the name of a Brâhmanical gôtra or clan to which a royal family was affiliated (see the next note), that gôtra must be a later offshoot from the original Harita gôtra of Professor Max Müller's list (Sanskrit Literature, p. 383). But there was also a royal family of Aṅgirasa-Hâritas, who were descended from Ikshvâku, son of Manu, son of the Sun (see Wilson's Translation of the Vishnu-Purâna, Hall's edition, Vol. III, pp. 230, 231, 259, 280, and Muir's Original Sanskrit Texts, Vol. I, p. 225).

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year, on the first day in the seventh fortnight of the cold season.¹ No reference seems to be made to the 'Saka or any other era; nor is this king at present capable of identification. But the record is undoubtedly of very early date: Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, who first dealt with it, allotted it to the second century A. D.; and Dr. Bühler, who re-edited it, to a slightly earlier time. And the title of Sātakarṇi, being associated particularly with the Andhrabhṛitya dynasty, suggests that this Hāritiputra may possibly be a member of that line of kings.²

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¹ The original seasons, each including eight fortnights, were, grishma, 'the hot weather,' varshāḥ, 'the rains,' and hēmanta, 'the cold season.' Other instances of the use of this primitive division of the year in the records with which we are now concerned, are furnished by the grants of the early Kadamba kings (pages 288, 289 below) and by the grant of the Pallava king Śivaskandavarman (page 320 below). In other records, the system is found in the inscriptions in the Nāsik caves (Archæol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 107), and those in the Kanheri caves (id. Vol. V. pp. 75, 79), and in the Dudia grant of the Vākāṭaka Mahārāja Pravarasēna II. (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. III. p. 258).—The present seasons, each of four fortnights, are, vasanta, 'the spring,' grishma, varshāḥ, śarad, 'the autumn,' hēmanta, and śiśira, 'the dewy season.'—A significant trace of the primitive division of the year into three seasons only, is to be found in the cāturmāsya or four-monthly sacrifices, performed, at the beginning of each season, on the full-moon days of the months Phālguna (Feb.-March), Āshāḍha (June-July), and Kārttika (Oct.-Nov.).

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² For an account of the Andhrabhṛitya, Sātavāhana, or Sālivāhana kings, see Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar's Early History of the Dekkan (1884), pp. 11 to 34. Some detailed notice of them might suitably have been included in the present work, as their sway embraced some of the more northern parts of the Bombay Presidency; but I have never had leisure to study their records.

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in the Vana-Parvan or third book of the Mahābhārata. Thus, an inscription of A. D. 1035 at Baḷagāmve, eighteen miles to the south-east of Banawāsi, says that, after the celebration of the rājasūya-sacrifice, "the five Pāṇḍavas came to Baḷigāve and established there five liṅgas" (P. S. and O.-C. Inscr. No. 155, and Mysore Inscriptions, p. 146). And the town of Hāngal, sixteen miles to the north-east of Banawāsi, is called in inscriptions by names which represent it as the city or fort of Virāṭa (see more fully in chapter VIII. below); and Virāṭa was the king at whose court the Pāṇḍavas spent the thirteenth year of their exile, as related in the Virāṭa-Parvan or fourth book of the Mahābhārata. As regards the identification of Vaijayantī with Banawāsi, there is perhaps no absolute proof; but it is sufficiently established by two points. In the first place, one of the names of Banawāsi was the very similar one of Jayantī; it occurs in many records, and notably in an inscription at Banawāsi itself, at the temple of Madhukēśvara, which records that the stone cot of the god Madhukēśvara was presented "at the town of Jayantī" (Ind. Ant. Vol. IV. p. 207, No. 8); and this same god, which was the family-deity of the Kādambas of Hāngal, is always called in their records "Madhukēśvara of Jayantī" (see chapter VIII. below). And secondly, a Western Chalukya record of A. D. 692, mentions "the district named Edevoḷal, in the north-east quarter in the vicinity of the famous town of Vaijayantī" (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 152): other records state that the district in question was in the Banawāsi province (e. g., id. Vol. VII. p. 300), and shew that it included Āḷūr, Araḷēshwar, Bāḷūr, Gejjihalli, Kyāsanūr, and Yeḷawaṭṭi, all within a seven-mile radius of Hāngal; and it is obvious that Banawāsi, the capital of the province, is the town with reference to which, under the name of Vaijayantī, the position of the district is defined in the record of A. D. 692. And thus it can hardly be questioned that Vaijayantī, as well as Jayantī,—the latter of which names seems to be simply an abbreviation of the former,—was a name of Banawāsi. Dr. Bühler, indeed, has quoted the St. Petersburg Dictionary to the effect that Vaijayantī occurs, in both Brāhmaṇical and Jain books, as the name of a town on the coast of the Koṅkaṇ, and has suggested that it is the sea-port Byzanteion of the Greeks (Cave-Temple Inscriptions, p. 28, note 2). And, of course, the similarity of the names is very tempting. But, if this identification is to be accepted, then there must have occurred some mistake similar to that which led Albērūnī to speak of Banawāsi, by this name itself, as being on the sea-coast (Albērūnī's India, Translation, Vol. II. p. 202).

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The first record, however, which gives us any broad insight into the condition of Southern India, is the Gupta inscription on the Allahâbâd pillar, which asserts that, about the middle of the fourth century A. D., the Early Gupta king Samudragupta captured, and then released again all the kings of the dakshinâpatha or region of the south, i.e. of the Dekkan, including Mahêndra of Kôsala, Vyâghrarâja of Mahâkântâra, Mantarâja of Kêrala, Mahêndra of Pishtapura, Svâmidatta of Kottûra on the hill, Damana of Eraudapalla, Vishnugôpa of Kânchî, Nîlarâja of Avâmukta or Âvamukta, Hastivarman of Vêngî, Ugrasêna of Palakka or Pâlakka, Kubêra of Dêvarâshtra, and Dhananjaya of Kusthalapura.¹ The statement that Samudragupta conquered the above-mentioned kings need not be accepted literally; especially, as it seems almost certain that the Gupta dominions were bounded on the south by the Narmadâ. Nor need we even take it as a fact that he invaded their dominions. But the list has its value, in shewing the principal and best known political divisions and reigning kings of Southern India at the time to which it belongs. Some of the above-mentioned territories and places have not yet been identified. But Kôsala was the country lying round Râypur and Sambalpur in the Central Provinces and Cuttack in Orissa. Mahâkântâra, the name of which means literally "the great forest," was perhaps the wooded hilly territory lying along the south of the Narmadâ. Kêrala was the country now known as the Malabâr District of the Madras Presidency, on the west coast. Pishtapura was the modern Pittâpuram, the chief town of a zamîndârî or estate of the same name, twelve miles north by east of Coconâda in the Gôdâvarî District, Madras Presidency. Kânchî was the modern Conjeeveram, in the Chingleput District, Madras. And Vêngî² was a country on the east coast, of which the original boundaries appear to have been, towards the west, the Eastern Ghauts, and, on the north and south, the rivers Gôdâvarî and Krishna; an indication of the position of its original capital is probably preserved in the name of Vêngi or Pedda-Vêngi, a village in the Ellore tâluka of the Gôdâvarî District.

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¹ Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 12, 13.

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² See Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 93.

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Records from the eastern coast will probably enable us hereafter to piece together the history of Southern India for the next two centuries after the date of the Gupta record. For the present, such consecutive knowledge as we have, commences from about A. D. 550, and is derived primarily from the records of the first really great dynasty of Western India, that of the Western Chalukyas of Vâtâpi, which is the modern Bâdâmi, the chief town of the Bâdâmi tâluka in the Bijâpur District.³ And the first of their records to throw any further general light on the subject of the tribal and dynastic divisions of the country, is the pillar-inscription of king Mangalêsa, from Mahâkûta near Bâdâmi,⁴ which asserts that his elder brother Kirtivarman I., who reigned from A. D. 567-68 to 597-98, conquered the hostile kings of Vanga, Anga, Kalinga, Vattura, Magadha, Madraka, Kerala, Ganga, Mushaka, Pandya, Dramila, Choliya (i. e. Chola), Aluka and Vaijayanti. Most of these names denote countries, and are well known; and some of the territories will be recognised as lying far away to the north and east: thus, Vanga and Anga were eastern and western Bengal; Magadha was Behar; and Madraka appears to have been somewhere in the north-west of the Panjab. The other names, however, all seem to belong to Southern India. Kalinga was a country on the east coast, between the rivers Godavari and Mahanadi. The Kerala, Pandya, and Chola countries have already been defined. The Ganga country was probably the Gangavadi province, in Mysore, which will be dealt with further on. Dramila was the Dravida or Dravida country of the Pallavas, on the east coast, with Kanchi, i. e. Conjeeveram, as its capital, with which, again, we shall deal further on. And, as we have already seen, Vaijayanti was Banawasi in North Kanara.¹ The Mushaka country seems, if the name may be identified with the Mushika which occurs elsewhere, to be part of the Malabar Coast, between Quilon and Cape Comorin.² Aluka is a new name; but, as it occurs as an epithet of Sesha, the chief of the serpent race, it may possibly denote a branch of the Nagas, who in early times were powerful in the more western parts of the country that became included in the Chalukya dominions.³ Vattura, also, is a new name, and is plainly a Drâviḍian word: it has not yet been identified; but, like Vaijayantî, it denotes a town or city, not a country.

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³ Lat. 15° 55', long. 75° 45'; Indian Atlas, sheet No. 41.—'Badamee.'—For the identification of Vâtâpi with Bâdâmi, see Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. pp. 238, 239. The Sanskrit name appears sometimes with the short i, and sometimes with the long î, in the last syllable. The intermediate Prâkrit form was Bâdâvi.

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⁴ Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 7. The pillar now stands in the compound of the Government Museum at Bijâpur.

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¹ See page 278 above, note 2.

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² See Monier-Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary, s. v. mushika.

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³ In the part of the country with which we are dealing, there are many place-names which, in my opinion, give reminiscences,—especially when the first component of the name, is not naga, but nagara,—of the Naga race. Among them, is particularly noteworthy the Nagarakhanda or (territorial) section of the Nagas, which was a division of the Banawasi province (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 144), and in inscriptions of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries A. D. is mentioned as a kampana, or small district, containing seventy villages: it was situated just to the south of Adur in the Hangal taluka, Dharwar District, on the other side of the river Warda, and included Tilawalli in the Hangal taluka, and Yanniganur in the Kol taluka (Carn.-Desa Insors. Vol. I. p. 818; and P. S. and O.-C. Insers. No. 112); and in the Balagamve inscription of Vinayaditya (A. D. 680 to 696) it is mentioned by the Prakrit name of Nayarkhanda, and as forming part of the government of the Sendraka chieftain Pogilli. The Nagarakhanda is spoken of by Bilhana (Vikramankadevacharita, i. 68); and, telling us that, when they left Ayodhya, the conquests of the Chalukyas "in the southern region, where the betel-tree grows," extended as far as Nagarakhanda, he seems to wish to connect the name with the word naga in the sense of 'the betel-plant.' Also, an indication in the same direction is given in a Harihar inscription (P. S. and O.-C. Insers., No. 120), which says that the Nagarakhanda "was ever bright with groves of punnaga-trees, of naga- and champaka-trees, and of naga-creepers." But the first component of the name, nagara, being the Kanarese genitive plural masculine, points distinctly to its denoting the territory of the Naga people.—The Nagas evidently had, as their crest or token, the naga or cobra capella, which, it may be mentioned, is called in Kanarese, not naga-havu, 'the cobra-snake,' but nagara-havu, 'the snake of the Nagas.' With the exception of the present instance, they do not seem to appear in the local inscriptions, under the name of Nagas, till we come to the time of the Sindas of Yelburga (chapter VIII. below), some of whose records allot them to the Naga race. But the Sendrakas and the Alupas may possibly have been Nagas.—The Nagas figure prominently in the early history of Kashtmir, as given in the Rajatarangini, in the Early Gupta period, we have the Mahardja Mahesvaranaga, son of Nagabhatta, who is presumably to be allotted to a Naga family or tribe (Gupta Inscriptions, p. 283); other chiefs of the race are probably found in the Ganapatinaga, Nagadatta, and Nagasena, who were conquered by Samudragupta (id. pp. 12, 13); and an allusion to a defeat of the Nagas by Skandagupta is possibly given in the Junagadh inscription (id. p. 62). Also,

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The record, however, which really starts us on our present inquiry, is an inscription on a stone-tablet at the Mêguṭi temple at Aihoḷe,—the ancient Ayyâvoḷe in Kanarese, and Âryapura in Sanskrit,—in the Bijâpur District.¹ It is of the time of Mangalêśa's successor, Pulikêśin II., and is dated in A. D. 634-35. And from it we learn that the dominant families in this part of the country, whom the Chalukyas first overthrew and dispossessed, were the Naḷas, the Mauryas, the Kadambas, and the Katachchuris or Kalachuris, and that in the neighbourhood of the kingdom which they thus established, they shortly afterwards came more or less in hostile contact with the Gaṅgas, the Âḷupas, the Lâṭas, the Mâḷavas, the Gurjaras, the Kôsalas, the Kaḷingas, the Pallavas, the Chôḷas, the Kêraḷas, and the Pâṇḍyas. The territories of some of these tribes have already been defined. As much as is known about the remainder of them will be put together in the following pages of this chapter, though some of it is connected more directly with somewhat later times.

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¹ Tivararâja perhaps conquered the Nâgas (id. p. 298). The Gurjara chieftain Dadda I. claims to have uprooted them (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIII. pp. 84, 90). And they are possibly mentioned as being defeated by the Eastern Chalukya king Narêndramrigarâja-Vijayâditya II. (id. Vol. XX. p. 101). They thus seem to have been spread, in early times, over more or less the whole of India. And they were probably an aboriginal tribe of more than usual importance and power.

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The Naḷas.

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The Naḷas are mentioned in connection with Kîrtivarman I., who was the father of Pulikêśin II. and reigned from A. D. 566 or 567 to 597 or 598. He is described as "the night of destruction to the Naḷas, the Mauryas, and the Kadambas." And again, in the Kauthêm grant of Vikramâditya V., dated in A. D. 1009,² and in some similar records which also purport to give the history of the Chalukyas from the very commencement,³ he is spoken of as "destroying the habitations of the Naḷas." Not much else is known about Naḷas. But we have evidently the name of their territory, with probably an indication that it lay in the direction of Beḷḷâry and Karṇûḷ, in the Naḷavâḍi vishaya which is mentioned in the copper-plate grant of Vikramâditya I. of about A. D. 657.⁴

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² Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 237.

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³ id. Vol. XVI. p. 15.

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⁴ e. g., the Miraj grant of Jayasiṁha III., dated in A.D. 1024, and the Yêûr and Âlûr inscriptions of Vikramâditya VI., dated in A.D. 1077 and 1091 (Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. pp. 10, 21).

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The Mauryas.

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The Mauryas, as we have just seen, are first mentioned in connection with Kîrtivarman I.; and they, also, are spoken of again in the Kauthêm grant, and the other records of that class, as having been conquered by him. All the further information that we have about them, for the same early period, is a statement, in the Aihoḷe inscription, that they were overwhelmed, in the Koṅkaṇ,⁵ by the armies that were sent against them by Pulikêśin II. It is not improbable that their capital is named as "Puri, the goddess of fortune of the western ocean," in the verse immediately following that in which their subjugation is recorded, and that this town is the Purî which, in the ninth and following centuries A. D., was the capital of the feudatory princes of the northern Koṅkaṇ branch of the Śilâhâra family, and was the chief town of

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⁵ Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 225. The original text (Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 242, line 10) has Koṅkaṇēshu; in the

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Koṅkaṇas.—The term Koṅkaṇ, though used in the Bombay Presidency in a more restricted sense, denotes properly the whole strip of land lying between the Western Ghauts and the Arabian Sea. The Western Ghauts commence at the valley of the Tapti in Gujarât. From one point of view, they end at Pâlghât, at the south of the Malabâr District, Madras Presidency. But, from another point of view, they include also another range which commences on the south side of the Pâlghât valley; and so they would run on to Cape Comorin, at the southern point of the peninsula. In ancient times, there were seven divisions of the Koṅkaṇ, called the Seven Koṅkaṇs; (see, for instance, Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 18; and P. S. and O.-C. Inscrs. No. 123, lines 25, 26, and No. 180, line 23 (Mysore Inscriptions, pp. 32, 93). They were explained to Prof. H. H. Wilson (see Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV. p. 47, note) as being Kêraḷa, Tuḷuva, Gôvarâshṭra (which he identified with the modern Goa), the Koṅkaṇ proper (meaning, I suppose, Ratnâgiri and Thâṇa), ‘Kerâṭaha,’ ‘Varalatta,’ and ‘Berbêra.’ And a verse in Dr. Gundert’s Malâyâḷam Dictionary, s. v. Koṅkaṇam, for which I am indebted to Dr. Hultzsch, enumerates them thus; Kâraḷam cha Virâṭam cha Mârdlam Koṅkaṇam tathâ Havyaṃ Taulavaṃ cha=aiva Kêraḷam ch=êti saptakam. The list given to Prof. Wilson, and the verse, may probably be accepted, as shewing that Kêraḷa and Tuḷu, i.e.

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the Malabâr and South Kanara Districts in the Madras Presidency, really were reckoned among the Seven Koṅkaṇs. And the verse appears to preserve a reminiscence of another of them, in the name Havyaga. But, otherwise, these two enumerations seem very imaginative. Epigraphic records shew that the Payve, Hayve, or Haive five-hundred, corresponding probably to the North Kanara District, in Bombay, was one of the seven divisions; thus, a record of A. D. 1112 at Baḷagâmve in Mysore, giving the myth about the formation of the Koṅkaṇ (which seems to embody the reminiscence of an actual upheaval that occurred within the memory of the present race of mankind), and aiming at also giving the etymology of the word, tells us that Paraśurâma, the son of Jamadagni and Rêṇukâ, having twenty-one times slain all the kings of the earth, i.e. the Kshatriyas, gave the whole earth to the Brâhmaṇs, up to the shores of the ocean; that then, considering that he himself should not dwell in the possessions of the Brâhmaṇs, he pushed back the ocean with the tip of his bow, and, when the western ocean would not give him even such a trifle as a drop (kaṇa) of water for his support, he took it by force, and, at the place where he took it, acquired, by a boon of the god Śiva (Phanipa-kaṅkaṇa-varade; the reference is to Śiva as wearing a hooded serpent as a bracelet), the Seven Koṅkaṇs as his place of abode;

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and that Haive was, it were, the bracelet (kaṅkaṇa) of the lady, the Koṅkaṇ, which was thus considered to be "the creation of Paraśurâma" (P. S. and O.-C. Inscrs. No. 172, lines 15, 17; Mysore Inscriptions, p. 83). Next to the Haive country, we may place the Koṅkaṇ, nine-hundred, which was a portion of the possessions of the Kâdamba princes of Goa (chapter VIII. below), and seems to have corresponded pretty closely with the present territory of Goa; this may, perhaps, be identified with the Rêvatîdvîpa of the Aihoḷe inscription of A.D. 634-35 (Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 243). Next to the north must have come the Iridige country, mentioned in records of A.D. 700 and 705-706 (Ind. Ant. Vol. IX. pp. 129, 132), which is plainly marked as one of the Seven Koṅkaṇs; by being called a mahâsaptama or ‘great seventh;’ this must have included the Sâwantwâḍi State and the Ratnâgiri District. Next there must be placed the Koṅkaṇ fourteen-hundred of the northern Śilâhâra princes of the Koṅkaṇ (chapter VIII. below), which began somewhere about Chaul or Cheinwal, in the Kolâba District, thirty miles south of Bombay, and appears to have extended over the whole of Kolâba, and Thâṇa; this was also known as the Kâpardidvîpa or Kavadidvîpa lâkh-and-a-quarter country (chapter VIII. below). And on the north of this there was the Lâṭa country, (see page 310 below) probably coincided exactly with the modern Surat District, including such portions of the Baroda territory as are mixed up in it.

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We should thus have exactly seven acceptable divisions of the Koṅkaṇ. But the subject is capable of further elucidation; especially if the Koṅkaṇ is held to extend beyond the Malabâr District, and so to include the Cochin and Travancore States; in the latter case, the seven divisions would probably correspond pretty closely with (1) Travancore and Cochin; (2) Malabâr; (3) South Kanara; (4) North Kanara; (5) Goa; (6) Ratnâgiri; and (7) Kolâba, Thâṇa, and Surat.

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a territorial division known as the Koṅkaṇa fourteen-hundred:¹ opinions have been expressed, identifying it with Ṭhāṇa, the chief town of the Ṭhāṇa District, close to Bombay,—with Ghârâpurî or Elephanta, an island, noted for its cave-temples, on the east side of the Bombay harbour, and about four miles distant from the mainland,—and with either Râjpurî in the Kolâba Agency, or Râjâpur in the Ratnâgiri District; but no conclusive identification has as yet been established. And they were perhaps descendants of some branch of the Maurya dynasty of Pâṭaliputra, which was founded by Chandragupta in the fourth century B. C. Other traces, also, of the ancient Mauryas, or of persons who claimed descent from them, are forthcoming from Western India.² A prince named Dhavala, of the Maurya lineage, is mentioned in the Kaṇaswa inscription, of A. D. 738-39, in the Kôṭah State, Râjputâna.³ And an inscription at Wâghlî, in Khândêsh, mentions a Maurya chief named Gôvindarâja, with the date of A. D. 1069, as a subordinate of the Yâdava Mahâmaṇḍalêśvara or feudatory prince Sêuṇachandra II. of the Sêuṇa country, and states that the original town of the Mauryas, or rather of his branch of the Maurya stock, was Valabhî,—the modern Waḷâ,—in Surâshṭra or Kâṭhiâwâḍ.⁴

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¹ Ind. Ant. Vol. V. pp. 277, 280; Vol. IX. pp. 38, 44; and Vol. XIII. pp. 134, 137.

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² A reminiscence of them is contained in an inscription of A. D. 1203-1204, at ‘Bandalike’ in Mysore,—(I owe an inspection of ink-impressions of this, and of the record mentioned just after it, to the kindness of Mr. Rice),—which, aiming at a succinct account of successive dynasties, says that the Nine Nandas, the Gupta family, and the Maurya kings, ruled over the land of Kuntala; then the Raṭṭas (i. e. Râshṭrakûṭas); then the Châlukyas; then Bijjala, of the Kalachurya family; and then the Hoysaḷa king Vîra-Ballâḷa II. And an inscription of about the twelfth century, at Kuppatûr in Mysore, speaks of the district that bore the name of Nâgakhaṇḍaka, i.e. the Nâgarakhaṇḍa country, as protected by “the wise Chandragupta, who was an abode of the excellent observances of the warrior caste,”—referring possibly to the Maurya king Chandragupta.—A legend about an imaginary king of Pâṭaliputra named Chandragupta (twisted by Mr. Rice from its real purport, so as to make it refer to Chandragupta, the grandfather of Aśôka) has been created—(how long ago, or how recently, is not clear)—among the Jains of Śravaṇa-Beḷgoḷa. But, as shewn by me elsewhere (Ind. Ant. Vol. XXI, p. 156), there is no basis at all for it in the Śravaṇa-Beḷgoḷa inscription, of about the seventh century A. D., which contains the epitaph of the Jain teacher Prabhâchandra (for the full text and translation of this record, see Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IV. p. 22); other inscriptions, of the ninth and following centuries, which mention a person named Chandragupta, give no hint whatever in the direction of his being a king, but, on the contrary, distinctly shew that he was simply a Jain teacher, and refer in reality to a pontiff, named Guptigupta; and, as far as present information goes, the legend in question,—claiming to connect with Śravaṇa-Beḷgoḷa, not the great Chandragupta himself, but an otherwise quite unknown grandson of his grandson Aśôka, bearing the same name,—appears first in a Jain compendium, entitled Râjavali-kathe, put together in the present century.

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³ Ind. Ant. Vol. XIX. p. 56.

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⁴ Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II. p. 221.—Valabhî is a very well known place, being the capital of a dynasty of kings who succeeded the Early Guptas in Kâṭhiâwâḍ.—There is a reference to Valabhî, as a tîrtha, in an inscription of approximately the ninth century A. D., at Aralêshwar in the Hângal tâluka, Dhârwâr District; the words are—“he who destroys this, becomes (like) one who commits the five great sins by destroying Baḷabhi (i.e. Valabhî), Vârâṇasi, and Śrîparvata.”—Another reference to it, in a southern record, is contained in the Âtakûr inscription of A. D. 949-50, which mentions a feudatory of the Western Gaṅga prince Permânaḍi-Bûtuga, named Maṇalarata, of the lineage of Sagara, to whom it gives the hereditary title of “lord of Valabhî, the best of towns” (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II. p. 173). And the same title occurs again in a fragmentary inscription at Muttatti in the Tirumakuḍlu-Narasipur tâluka in Mysore (Inscriptions in the Mysore District, Part I. No. TN. 12).

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The Kadambas.

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The Kadambas, again, are first mentioned in connection with the same king Kirtivarman I., who is spoken of as breaking up their confederacy; and his conquest of Banawâsi, which was their chief city, is referred to in all the copper-plate records that include his name, and also in the Mahâkûta pillar inscription, where the name used for the city is Vaijayantî.¹ Two later families,—called, with a slight difference in the first syllable of the name, Kâdambas,—will be noticed further on, in chapter VIII. And we are concerned here with only an early family, which is known chiefly from ten copper-plate grants, of which seven were obtained at Halsî in the Khânâpur tâluka, Belgaum District,² and three at Dêvagere in the Karajgi tâluka, Dhârwâr District.³ Their principal capital was undoubtedly Banawâsi, which is mentioned in their records by the name of Vaijayantî: but Palâsikâ, i.e. Halsî,⁴ also was one of the important seats of their power, and Uchchaśringî was another;⁵ and still another is mentioned, Triparvata, which has not yet been identified.⁶

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¹ See page 278 above, note 2.

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² Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 22 ff.

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³ id. VII. p. 33 ff.

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⁴ Lat. 15° 31', long. 74° 39'; Indian Atlas, sheet No. 41,—'Hulsee.'

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⁵ This place was identified by Mr. Rice (Mysore Inscriptions, p. xxxix.) with the well-known Uchchaśringî in the Bellary District, Madras Presidency, in lat. 14° 34', long. 76° 7', about eleven miles to the north-east from Dâvangere in Mysore. About fifty miles to the east by north from this place, however, in lat. 14° 45', long. 76° 51', there is another Uchchaśringî, three miles to the east of Molkâlmuru, in the Doddêri tâluka of the Chitaldurg District, Mysore. A Kadamba inscription or legend is connected with this place. And Mr. Rice (see his note on "the Edicts of Aśoka in Mysore") seems now more inclined to think that this may be the ancient Uchchaśringî.—A record of A. D. 1170 at Harihar (P. S. and O.-C. Insers. No. 118; Mysore Inscriptions, p. 51) gives to the later Kâdamba Kêtarasa the hereditary title of "lord of Uchchaśringî."

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⁶ The suggestion has been made to me,—by Mr. K. B. Pathak, I think,—that Triparvata is the modern Murgôd, the chief town of the Murgôd mahâl in the Parasgad tâluka, Belgaum District. There is some similarity in the names: for, the Sanskrit Triparvata means 'three hills or mountains;' while, in Murgôd, gôḍu is evidently the Kanarese kôḍu, 'the peak or summit of a mountain,' and, though Mr. Kittel's Kannada-English Dictionary gives no specific authority for saying so, mur may perhaps stand for mūru, 'three,' the long ū of which is shortened in munnūru, 'three hundred,' mukkālu, 'three feet,' and a few other words. But mur stands more probably for mura = muraka, muṛaka, 'bent, broken, fragmentary.' And I am told that the name of Murgôd is, as a fact, Sanskritised both as Triśṛiṅgapura, 'the town of the three peaks,' and as Bhinnaśṛiṅgapura, 'the town of the broken peak.' Murgôd lies below the western face of a long range of low hills, in which there are plenty of projecting bluffs. I have not, however, been able to see, anywhere near it, any features suggesting the idea of three particular hills or peaks; to be singled out from the rest. And my own opinion is, that Triparvata must be looked for much further to the south, and somewhere towards the ghauts.—For some general remarks by Dr. Burnell on the Sanskritising of vernacular names, see his South-Indian Palæography second edition, p. x. note 2.

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The Halsî grants, which were the first to come to light, disclosed the names of Kâkusthavarman and his descendants. But, though the earliest of them, speaking of Kâkusthavarman as a Yuvarâja,⁷ shewed that he was not the founder of the family, yet none of them gave

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⁷ lit. 'young king.' The title seems to have been always used to denote a person who, having been selected by the reigning king as his successor, was admitted meanwhile to a share in the administration,—probably with a view to really securing the succession.

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any clue as to how he came to be holding that rank, or indicat in any way how the family had risen to power. This informati has now been supplied by an interesting record, of the time of Sânt varman, obtained by Mr. Rice from Tâlgund in Mysore, whic gives the following account:¹— There was a family of Brâhman Hâritîputras, and born in the Mânavya gôtra, who always plante the kadamba-tree (Nauclea Cadamba) in the neighbourhood of the houses, and carefully tended it. From this, the family came to b known as the Kadamba family. And in it there was born a certain Mayûraśarman,² who went, with his preceptor, Vîraśarman, to th city (or a city) of the Pallavas,³— having a desire to master, in a ver brief time, the whole of the sacred writings that are designated by the term pravaçana. He was interrupted, in his studies, by a great com motion in the stables of the Pallavas. And, enraged at this, he set him self to shew that, even in the Kali age, Brâhmans could be as powerfu as the members of the warrior and regal caste. He applied himself to war,— conquered the guardians of the frontier of the Pallava kings, — established himself in a forest, difficult of access, in front of the Śrîparvata mountain,⁴— and levied taxes from the Bânas and other kings. The kings of Kâñchî, i.e. the Pallavas, sought to overthrow him, and attacked him in many battles when he was marching through difficult country, and by surprises at night when he was encamped. But with the "very ocean of an army" that he had got together, he destroyed their forces, and brought them low. And, at last, the Pallava kings recognising his prowess and ancestry, thought it better to make friend with him; and they conferred on him the pattabandha or binding of the fillet of sovereignty, and gave him a territory on the shore the western ocean, with a promise that it should be free from invasi His son was Kanguvarman. His son was Bhagîratha. His son w Raghu, who "made the (whole) earth subject to his family,"— of which the meaning seems to be, that he first placed the power of the famil on a really firm and wide footing. And his brother was Bhagîrathi who established his reputation under the name of Kâkusthavarman.

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¹ This inscription has not been published yet. Mr. Rice, however, was kind enough to bring it to my notice, and to send an ink-impression of it for my perusal. One point of interest in this record is, that the characters are of the "box-headed" type, like those used in the Êran inscription of Samudragupta and in the Nachnê-kî-talâî and Siwanî Vâkâṭaka records (Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 18, 233, 243). The Koṇuûr inscription of Dâmôdara, noticed a little further on, is in the same characters. The only other record in "box-headed" characters in this part of the country, known to me, is a fragmentary inscription on a sculptured stone at a temple at Sangsî near Bâwaḍa, in the Kôlhâpur State. The sculpture represents a woman on a funeral pyre. And the inscription records that the stone was set up by a prince, whose name is broken away, in affectionate memory of his wife Pâlidêvî.

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² This is, doubtless, the origin of the name of the three-eyed and four-armed Mayûravarman, the Mukkaṇṇa-Kadamba of one inscription, whom the tradition of the later Kâdambas of Banawâsi and Hângal placed at the head of their genealogy (chapter VIII. below).— The tradition of the Kâdambas of Goa derived their origin from the three-eyed and four-armed Jayanta, otherwise called Trilôchana-Kâḍamba, who sprang from a drop of sweat that fell to earth near the roots of a kadamba-tree from the forehead of the god Śiva after the conquest of Tripura (chapter VIII. below).— Mr. Rice says that the kadamba-tree appears to be one of the palms from which toddy is extracted (Mysore Inscriptions, p. xxxiii.)

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³ The record does not mention any names of individual Pallavas.

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⁴ i.e., I suppose, the Śrîśaila hill.

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The inscription finally records that Kâkusthavarman caused a large tank to be built at Sthânakundâra (i. e. Tâlgund), or at a temple there, "which had been reverenced in faith by Sâtakarni, or by the Sâtakarnis, and others," and that the record itself was composed and engraved by a person named Kubja, at the command of Kâkusthavarman's son Sântivarman. From this record and the Halsî and Dêvagere grants; we obtain the genealogy shewn on page 289 below.

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Their records describe the Kadambas as meditating, and as anointed to sovereignty after meditating, on the god Svâmi-Mahâsêna, i. e. Kârttikêya, the god of war, and on the assemblage of his mothers; as belonging to the Mânavya gôtra or clan; and as being Hâritiputras, or descendants of an ancestral ancestress of the Hârita gôtra. And one passage appears to speak of them as descendants of the ancient sage Angiras. The seals of some of their grants bear an emblem which appears to be a dog.

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Of Kâkusthavarman, we have one grant, from Halsî, dated, without further details, in the eightieth victorious year, and issued from Palâsikâ. In it, he has the title of Yuvarâja; but no indication is given as to the name of the reigning king, who would be his father or elder brother. It records that, as a reward for saving himself, he granted a field, at a village named Khêtagrâma, to the Sênâpati or General Srutakîrti.

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Of Mrigêsavarman, we have three grants, all issued at Vaijayantî. One, from Dêvagere, is dated in the month Kârttika (Oct.-Nov.) in the third year of his reign; in the Pausha saṃvatsara;¹ and it records a grant of land, at a village named Brihat-Paralûr, to “the gods, the supreme Arhats.”² Another, also from Dêvagere,³ is dated in the eighth fortnight of the rainy season in the fourth year of his reign, without any reference to the cycle of Jupiter; and records that a village named Kâlavangâ was divided into three portions, which were given, one to “the gods,—the divine Arhat or Arhats, and the great Jinêndra,” one to the community of the ascetics of the Svêtapata sect, and one to the community of the ascetics of the Nirgrantha sect. And the third, from Halsî,⁴ is dated in the month Kârttika (Oct.-Nov.) in the eighth year of his reign, in the Vaiśâkha saṃvatsara; and records that Mrigêśavarman caused a temple of Jina to be built, and gave some land to the divine Arhats, for the Yâpanîyas, Nirgranthas, and Kûrchakas, at Palâśikâ. In the grants of his third and fourth years, Mrigêśavarman has the paramount title of Mahârâja, which in Southern India, at this time, still retained its original paramount meaning.⁵ In the latter, his name occurs twice as Vijaya-Siva-Mrigêśavarman; on account of which it has been suggested that he is the Mahârâja Sivakumâra, who is mentioned by Bâlachandra, in his introductory remarks on the Prâbhritasâra, as having for his preceptor the well-known Âchârya Padmanandi-Kuṇḍakunda.⁶ In the grant of his eighth year, it is said that he overturned the lofty Gaṅga family, and was a fire of destruction to the Pallavas.

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¹ So, also, the Tâlgund inscription says that Shadânana (Kârttikêya, as being 'six-faced') anointed Mayûraśarman (to sovereignty) after he had meditated on Sênâpati (Kârttikêya, as 'the general') and the Mothers.—The mothers of Kârttikêya are the Pleiades (Krittikâh), who reared him from the seed of Siva, which was first thrown into the fire, and then was received by the Ganges. From this he derived the epithet of shanmâtura, 'having six mothers,' as well as his name of Kârttikêya.—The Chalukyas also are described, in somewhat similar terms, as meditating on the feet of Svâmi-Mahâsêna. But the reference to the Pleiades in connection with them is different, and will be commented in its proper place.

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² See page 278 above, note 1.

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³ In the grant of the third year of Mrigêsavarman, the first component of the word is Hâriti, with the short i in the third syllable; and, grammatically, Hâritiputra is perhaps more correct than Hâritiputra: but in the other Kadamba records the word is Hâritiputra, with the long î in the third syllable; and this form was also used preferentially by the Western Chalukyas.—As regards the gôtra-name, see page 277 above, note 5.

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⁴ Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 35, text, line 4.—Whether this indicates a subdivision of the Mânavya gôtra, or what may be the meaning of the expression, I am not able to say.—Various texts speak of Angirasa-Hâritas, who were descended, through Ikshvâku, from Manu, the son of the Sun (see Wilson's Translation of the Vishnu-Purâna, Hall's edition, Vol. III. pp. 230, 231, 259, 280, and Muir's Original Sanskrit Texts, Vol. I. p. 225).

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⁵ id. Vol. VI. pp. 23, 25, 29.

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⁶ His name occurs both as Kâkusthavarman, and as simply Kâkustha.—The correct Sanskrit spelling is Kâkutstha.

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⁷ Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 32.

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⁸ See page 285 above, note 1.

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⁹ His name also occurs as simply Mrigê'a and Mrigêsvara; and in one instance, in prose, as Mrigê'avaravarman. His father's name occurs also as Sântivaravarman; once in a metrical passage, and once in prose.

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¹⁰ Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 35.

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¹ This is one of the saṃvatsaras or years of the twelve-year cycle of the planet Jupiter. For an exposition of the cycle by Mr. Shankar Balkrishna Dikshit, see my Gupta Inscriptions, Introduction, p. 161, Appendix III., and Ind. Ant. Vol. XVII. pp. 1, 312.—In the dates in the Gupta inscriptions, the years are determined by the heliacal risings of the planet and the nakshatra in which he is at each such rising; and the names of them always have the prefix mahâ (=mahat), ‘great;’ thus, Mahâ-Aśvayuja, Mahâ-Chaitra, Mahâ-Mâgha, and Mahâ-Vaiśâkha. From the absence of this prefix in the grants of Mrigêśavarman, I am inclined to consider that the reference here is to another system of the cycle, for which the years are determined by the passage of Jupiter among the signs of the zodiac, and the month-name is taken, according to his position, as the name of the year. If so, the present records give the earliest epigraphic instances, as yet obtained, of the use of the twelve-year cycle according to either the mean-sign or the apparent-sign system.—It would appear (see an article by Prof. Kielhorn in the Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 83) that the grammarian Hêmachandra would interpret such terms as Pausha saṃvatsara, Vaiśâkha saṃvatsara, &c., as denoting ordinary luni-solar years in which Jupiter happens to rise in the nakshatras Pushya, Viśâkhâ, &c. But this does not seem appropriate and admissible, in the face of the unquestionable use of Jovian years not coinciding with the luni-solar years.

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² The word Arhat denotes, among the Jains, ‘a superior divinity.’

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³ Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 37.

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⁴ id. Vol. VI. p. 24.

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⁵ See Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. pp. 305, 307. The title means literally ‘great king.’—The actual expressions are, Mahârâja in the earlier grant, and dharma-Mahârâja in the other. The latter means “a Mahârâja by, or in respect of, religion,” and may be rendered by “a pious, or righteous, Mahârâja.” But what it actually denotes is, “a Mahârâja who, at the particular time of the record, was engaged in an act of religion dharma.”

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⁶ By Mr. K. B. Pathak; Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV. p. 15.—But, according to the paṭâvali of the Sarasvati-Gachchha, Kuṇḍakunda became pontiff in B. C. 8 (Ind. Ant. Vol. XX. p. 351). And this is altogether too ancient a period for the Early Kadambas.

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Of Ravivarman,⁷ we have two grants; one, from Halsî,⁸ not dated, records various Jain ordinances that were established by him.

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⁷ His name occurs also as simply Ravi.

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⁸ Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 25.

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A Kadamba Pedigree.

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Mayûraśarman.

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Kaṅguvarman.

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Bhagîratha.

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| . . . . .
| |

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Raghu. Bhâgîrathi- Kâkusthavarman.

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| . . . . .
| |

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Śântivarman. (Another son.)

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Mrigêśavarman. (Another son.)

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| . . . . .
| | |

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Ravivarman. Bhânuvarman. Sivaratha.

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Harivarman.

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at Palâśikâ, including provision for the celebration, every year, on the full-moon day of the month Kârttika (Oct.-Nov.), of the eight days’ festival of the god Jinêndra; and the other, also from Halsî,¹ and not dated, records a grant of land to the god Jinêndra. The latter states that he conquered Vishṇuvarman and other kings, and overturned Chaṇḍadaṇḍa, lord of Kâñchi; and thus settled himself firmly at Palâśikâ. In addition, the Halsî grant² issued by Bhânuvarman, recording a gift of some land at Palâśikâ to the Jains, is dated in the sixth fortnight of the cold season in the eleventh year of the reign of Ravivarman. Like his predecessors, he had the paramount title of Mahârâja.³

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¹ *Ind. Ant.* Vol. VI. p. 30.

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² *ibid.* p. 27.

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³ The exact expressions are, *Mahârâja* in one of the grants of his son Harivarman, and *dharma-Mahârâja* (see page 288 above, note 5) in the charter issued by Bhânuvarman.

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