A History of the Mahrattas v2.c57: Chapter XLIX
A History of the Mahrattas v2.c57
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Chapter XLIX
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A.D. 1817.—IN the month of July, as soon as the arrangements resulting from the treaty of Poona were put in a train of adjustment, the Peishwa left his capital, and proceeded on his annual pilgrimage to the temples of Punderpoor, unaccompanied by the Resident; which promised to have a good effect, in marking the restoration of confidence on the part of the British Government. He immediately reduced his military establishment, chiefly his cavalry; but it was subsequently discovered that he had given every Sillidar seven months' pay, with orders to remain at his village and to hold himself in readiness to return when called upon, with as many of his friends as he could collect.
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The regular battalions raised by the Peishwa were transferred as part of the contingent which was placed under the direction of the British Government, and now termed the Poona auxiliary force; but at Bajee Rao's particular request, that he might be able to confer the command on Captain Ford, one of the battalions was to be retained in his own pay, and in lieu of it a new corps was to be recruited. Every exertion was made to raise the stipulated number of horse; but the Peishwa's emissaries opposed the recruiting by every means they could devise. From Punderpoor the Peishwa, instead of returning to Poona, proceeded to Maholy, a village near Satara, and a sacred place at the junction of the Yena and Kistna. During his stay there, Sir John Malcolm arrived at Poona, having, on his appointment as Political Agent to the Governor-General, with his usual great activity, visited all the native courts in the Deccan, for the purpose of consulting with the Residents, previously to entering on the scene of operations in Malwa; and the Peishwa, on hearing of his arrival, invited him to a conference at Maholy.
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In the course of conversation, the Peishwa complained much of the degraded state in which he was left by the late treaty, lamented the loss of that friendship which had hitherto been only productive of benefit; but enlarged on the gratitude which he felt, and must ever feel, for the protection and support he had experienced from the British Government. Sir John Malcolm endeavoured to soothe him, explained in a general manner the plans of the Marquis of Hastings for the suppression of the Pindharees, and strongly recommended him to adopt a line of policy calculated to assure the British Government of his sincere desire to promote the alliance, and secure its friendship:—that the restoration of what was already forfeited he must not expect, but by pursuing the course now recommended, and aiding the operations with his utmost means, he might rely on the justice and liberality of the Governor-General for obtaining considerable acquisitions as a recompense for the fidelity of which he boasted, and which he might now display. The Peishwa’s professions were most cordial, and communicated, as usual, with so great an appearance of candour and good sense, that Sir John Malcolm was completely deceived, and returned to Poona, in the full conviction that Bajee Rao would now heartily engage in the British cause; and that by encouraging him to raise troops, and treating him with perfect confidence, he would prove a faithful ally. Mr. Elphinstone, though he expressed his opinions, would not oppose the liberal system recommended by Sir John Malcolm; but he contemplated and foretold a different result, especially on considering the tempting opportunity which would be afforded by the advance of General Smith’s division to the frontier, and the exposed state of the handful of troops at Poona.
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The forts of Singurh, Raigurh, and Poorundhur, were restored to the Peishwa during the month of August. The excessive heavy rains of this season, prolonged to an unusually late date, delayed the advance of the whole Deccan army. Brigadier-General Smith had transported his division across the Ghore by the 9th October, and by the 20th, occupied convenient positions close to the Chandore range of hills, with a view of advancing into Candeish, as soon as it should appear requisite. A battalion of light infantry, with some auxiliary horse, was left between Seroor and Ahmednugur; one auxiliary battalion was stationed for the protection of the Seroor cantonment, and the Peishwa’s own corps, consisting of from four to five hundred men, remained at Dhapooree¹ in its first cantonment, a few miles to the north-west of Poona. The Company’s European regiment from Bombay was to be held in readiness to join the brigade at Poona about the end of October.
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¹ [Dapūrī (Dhapooree) is a village in Havēlī tāluka, Poona District, six miles north of Poona City. It contains several old bungalows and gardens, of which the earliest was built about 1820 by Captain Ford, C.B., who was for some time assistant to Sir Barry Close, Resident at Poona, and subsequently raised and commanded a brigade for the Pēshwā. In his house at Dapūrī he entertained in grand style. In 1828 Sir John Malcolm purchased his residence for Government, and it was used as the Governor's residence until 1865, when the present Government House at Ganeshkhind was completed. Sir John Malcolm established a fine botanical garden on the estate, which was eventually sold by auction, together with the house, during the American Civil War (1863-5). During the closing years of the nineteenth century the house was occupied by a brewery. (B.G., xviii, pt. iii. 127 f.)]
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The Peishwa did not return to his capital until the end of September. During his stay at Maholy, he was most actively engaged in those schemes he had long meditated against the British Government; but by the advice of Bappoo Gokla, he had determined on changing his plans of covert hostility to an open attack, as soon as he should be prepared. The recommendation of Sir John Malcolm to recruit his army, for the purpose of aiding in the Pindharee war, afforded an excellent cloak to his designs. Gokla was now the leader of all his measures, and Bajee Rao was induced to give him a formal writing under his own seal, which he confirmed on oath, binding himself to be implicitly directed by his counsel, and investing him with the full powers of his government. This measure seems to have been adopted, not merely as a security to Gokla, but as a means of allaying the mistrust which the Sillidars entertained towards Bajee Rao, and was the condition on which several of the Jagheerdars pledged themselves to stand by him. This circumstance, though reported in the country, was not fully ascertained until the commencement of hostilities. Bappoo Gokla received ten millions of rupees, nearly a million sterling, to assist in the expense of preparation. From the time of his first determination to break with the English, Bajee Rao restored the lands of many of his Jagheerdars, and for several years had been endeavouring to render himself more popular with all classes of his subjects. He unfolded his intention of going to war with the English to the Raja of Satara; and, whilst he exacted from him and his mother an oath of secrecy and support, he sent them and all their family into strict confinement in Wassota. His recruiting went forward with remarkable activity; his forts also were garrisoned, stored, and repaired; and orders were issued to prepare his fleet. Many Bheels and Ramoosees were engaged in his interest by Trimbukjee Dainglia; and special missions were dispatched to Nagpoor, and the camps of Sindia, Holkar, and Umeer Khan; but the schemes which he personally directed were the seduction of the native troops, and the assassination of the Resident. His plan of corrupting the troops extended even to the European officers; and the agent employed for the latter purpose was Jeswunt Rao Ghorepuray, who, for many years, had resided at Poona, was intimately acquainted with many of the officers, and since the treaty of Surjee Anjengaom had received a pension of 1,000 rupees a month from the British Government.¹ Jeswunt Rao had experienced much kindness from Mr. Elphinstone; but at this period, in consequence of some petty intrigues, in which he had made an improper use of his name, the Resident was obliged to treat him with unusual reserve. Bajee Rao, therefore, judging the opportunity favourable, sent for Jeswunt Rao, and after many promises exacted an oath of secrecy, and communicated the plan for corrupting the European officers; a commission which Jeswunt Rao, although he well knew its futility, like a true Mahratta, readily undertook, upon receiving an advance of 50,000 rupees. So far he kept his oath, as to say nothing of these circumstances²; but Jeswunt Rao had a great personal regard for Mr. Elphinstone, and throughout the rise and progress of the Peishwa’s preparations, gave early and constant warning of what might be expected. Jeswunt Rao Ghorepuray was the only man of family, who, at the rupture, openly espoused the British cause; but of all its adherents, none was of so much importance, or rendered himself so eminently useful, as a Bramin named Ballajee Punt Nathoo,¹ whose vigilance, judgement, fidelity, and firmness, at that trying period, entitle him to be mentioned in this place.
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¹ It may be here mentioned that Jeswunt Rao Ghorepuray had a just claim to the fort and valley of Sondoor, held by his brother Khundee Rao Ghorepuray, but which Jeswunt Rao had made over to the Peishwa, in exchange for other villages. The British Government approved of the transaction, and promised, at the time the transfer was made, to put the Peishwa in possession of Sondoor, but various causes prevented the fulfilment of this promise, until the end of October of this year, when Sondoor surrendered to a part of the reserve under Colonel Thomas Munro, detached from the force of Brigadier-General Pritzler for the express purpose.
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² Independently of its having been found in the Peishwa’s accounts, I became acquainted with the circumstances from an individual then high in Bajee Rao’s confidence, whose name it would be improper to publish.
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¹ At my particular request, he wrote a very correct and voluminous history of his own times, in which he quotes his authorities. It was translated for me by my friend Mr. William Richard Morris, of the Bombay Civil Service, whose valuable assistance I have already acknowledged, but the original MS. is in possession of its author, who, for various prudential reasons, was desirous of retaining it. Ballajee Punt Nathoo was the Carcoon of the ill-requited Khundee Rao Rastia, who at his death appointed him guardian to his children. He endeavoured to interest Colonel Close in their behalf, was in the habit of coming much to the Residency, and at last attached himself to Mr. Elphinstone, openly embraced the British cause, and proved himself well entitled to the munificent reward which was conferred upon him, before Mr. Elphinstone assumed the government of Bombay.
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The reports of corrupting the troops were brought from all quarters; some of the Sepoys indignantly refused what to them were splendid offers; and others, pretending to acquiesce, communicated the circumstances to their officers; but the extent of the intrigues could not be ascertained, and they at last became alarming, even to those who knew the fidelity of the Bombay Sepoys, from the circumstance of the Peishwa’s having many of their families and relations in his power, against whom he commenced a system of persecution, which he threatened to perpetuate if the Sepoys refused to desert the British service.
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It was the Peishwa’s wish, previous to the commencement of hostilities, to invite Mr. Elphinstone to a conference, and murder him; but this plan was opposed by Gokla, who, though he concurred in that of corrupting the Sepoys, and was most sanguine in his belief of its complete success, disdained to perpetrate so base a crime, especially as Mr. Elphinstone had more than once proved himself his friend. But Bajee Rao was unwilling to relinquish a favourite scheme of personal revenge, and proposed to assassinate the Resident as he rode out; or, should that fail, to get Trimbukjee with a body of Bheels to endeavour to surprise the Residency by night, whilst a simultaneous attack should be made on the cantonment.
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The last interview which took place between Mr. Elphinstone and the Peishwa was on the 14th of October, when, although the latter adverted to the loss of territory and reputation he had suffered by the late treaty, he continued to express grateful acknowledgements for the former friendship of the British Government. On Mr. Elphinstone’s mentioning how anxiously the advance of the troops was desired, Bajee Rao repeated the assurances which he had of late frequently made through his ministers, that his troops should be sent to the frontier, to co-operate against the Pindharees immediately after the Dussera.
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(Oct. 19.)—The festival of the Dussera took place on the 19th October, and was the most splendid military spectacle ever witnessed since the accession of Bajee Rao. Two circumstances were particularly observable on this occasion; a marked degree of slight towards the Resident, and, at the moment of the Peishwa’s quitting the ground, a large compact mass of horse, under an officer named Naroo Punt Aptey, galloped down, as if they had intended to charge the flank of the British troops, but wheeled off as they came close up. The intention of this manœuvre was to show the Sepoys their insignificance, when compared to this host of Mahratta spears, and might be supposed to have its effect in aiding the Peishwa’s intrigues. It would have been difficult to convince the Mahrattas, in that vaunting moment, that of the three weak battalions, then peaceably and unsuspectingly standing before them, one should, in less than three months, repulse their whole army.
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(Oct. 25.)—After the Dussera every day became more interesting, and by the 25th parties of troops were coming into Poona from all quarters, by day and by night. General Smith’s force was now at a distance, and the European regiment from Bombay could hardly be expected in less than ten days. The position occupied by the brigade almost joined the northern environs of Poona: it had been originally taken up by Sir Arthur Wellesley for the protection of the city, but circumstances were now reversed. Gardens and enclosures, with high prickly pear hedges, ran in many places within half musket shot of the lines, affording not only every advantage for the attack of the Arabs and irregulars, but, in case of disaffection amongst the Sepoys, every facility to desert. Small parties of horse came out, and encamped round the British cantonment, and in a few days were augmented to large bodies, whilst a strong corps of Gosaeen infantry occupied a position on one of the flanks. The Sungum being at some distance from the cantonment, the Vinchoorkur’s horse, with some infantry and guns, encamped between the Residency and the village of Bambooree : but, besides these preparations, all reports concurred in representing that an immediate attack was meditated.
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For several nights the Peishwa and his advisers had deliberated on the advantage of surprising the troops before the arrival of the European regiment ; and for this purpose, on the 28th October, their guns were yoked, their horses saddled, and their infantry in readiness. This intelligence was brought to Mr. Elphinstone a little before midnight of the 28th, and for a moment it became a question, whether self-defence, under all circumstances, did not require that the attack should be anticipated. It was an hour of anxiety :—the British cantonment and the Residency were perfectly still, and the inhabitants slept in the complete repose inspired by confidence in that profound peace to which they had been long accustomed ; but in the Peishwa’s camp, south of the town, all was noise and uproar. Mr. Elphinstone had as yet betrayed no suspicion of the Peishwa’s treachery, and, as he now stood listening on the terrace,¹ he probably thought that, in thus exposing the troops to be cut off without even the satisfaction of dying with their arms in their hands, he had followed the system of confidence, so strongly recommended, to a culpable extremity : but other motives influenced his conduct at this important moment. He was aware how little faith the other Mahratta princes placed in Bajee Rao, and that Sindia, who knew him well, would hesitate to engage in hostilities, until the Peishwa had fairly committed himself. Apprised of the Governor-General’s secret plans and his intended movements on Gwalior, which many circumstances might have concurred to postpone, Mr. Elphinstone had studiously avoided every appearance which might affect the negotiations in Hindoostan, or by any preparation and apparent alarm on his part, give Sindia’s secret emissaries at Poona reason to believe that war was inevitable. To have sent to the cantonment at that hour would have occasioned considerable stir ;
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¹ As I was the only person with Mr. Elphinstone during that night, though I here narrate simply what I saw and heard, some apology to him may be necessary, for publishing without his sanction what relates to him personally, but I trust that the occasion is sufficiently interesting to the public, and honourable to him, to authorize my having done so.
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and in the meantime, by the reports of the spies, the Peishwa was evidently deliberating; the din in the city was dying away; the night was passing; and the motives which had hitherto prevented preparation determined Mr. Elphinstone to defer it some hours longer. Major J. A. Wilson, the officer in command of the European regiment on its march from Bombay, had already been made acquainted with the critical state of affairs, and was hastening forward.
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(Oct. 29.)—Next morning, however, the officer in command of the brigade at Poona was requested to keep the men ready in their lines, but with as little appearance of bustle as possible. At three o’clock in the afternoon, Mr. Elphinstone sent a message to the Peishwa, mentioning that His Highness’s horsemen were crowding in upon the position of the brigade; that such a mode of encamping had never been practised or permitted by British troops, and therefore the commanding officer confined his men to their cantonment until those of His Highness should be withdrawn, lest, by their contiguity, disputes might arise between them. This message was delivered by Captain Ford, and created a great sensation. Gokla recommended that the attack should not be delayed; the Peishwa hesitated, stating that he wished a little more time to make sure of corrupting the Sepoys; the European regiment was still, as he believed, at a great distance, and every hour was adding to his army; another night was thus wasted in consultation, and at four o’clock of the following afternoon, the
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(Oct. 30.) European regiment, by great exertions, marched into the cantonment.¹ Mr. Elphinstone now determined on removing the troops from their present very bad position to another in many respects more eligible, at the village of Khirkee,² four miles distant, which had been early pointed out by General Smith as the proper one to be occupied in case of an apprehended rupture. The troops accordingly took up their ground at Khirkee on the 1st November, and the Residency being close to (Nov. 1.) the town, two hundred and fifty men were sent for its protection. The Peishwa was apprised of the intended movement; but his army supposed that the British troops had withdrawn from fear, and was much encouraged in consequence. The cantonment was plundered; an officer,¹ on his route to Bombay, was attacked, wounded, and robbed in open day; the language of the Peishwa’s ministers was that of perfect slight; his troops everywhere began to insult individuals as they passed; and they continued to push forward their parties as if in defiance. They proposed forming a camp betwixt the old cantonment and the new position, and a party of horse moved down for the purpose. A second message was therefore sent to the Peishwa, begging that the motives of the movement might not be misconstrued; for, if the British troops were pressed upon, as in the old position, those of His Highness must be treated as enemies. The Peishwa now believed, from the reports of his emissaries, that the (Nov. 4.) Sepoys were completely seduced.² On the 4th November Moro Dixit, the minister, who had formed an attachment to Captain Ford and was anxious to save him, communicated this circumstance, and that his master was determined to cut off the British detachment without sparing a man.³ He advised him to stand neuter, when his property should be spared and his family protected; but on Captain Ford’s telling him he would immediately join his countrymen, he took an affectionate leave of him, promising, at all events, that he would do his best to befriend his family; but as there was, he observed, no saying what turn the war might ultimately take, he exacted a like promise from Captain Ford, which was readily granted. Until this communication was made, Captain Ford, though in daily intercourse with the city, and made acquainted with the circumstances by Mr. Elphinstone, was perfectly confident that the Peishwa had no intention of going to war, and his astonishment and alarm were proportionally great. The Peishwa’s reason for still wishing to procrastinate was the expected arrival of the Putwurdhuns and Appa Dessaye Nepankur; matters, however, were brought to a crisis before they could join his army. General Smith, who continued in the position already described, on hearing what had taken place, was prepared to expect a rupture; and therefore, without waiting for orders from Sir Thomas Hislop, concentrated his force at Phooltamba on the Godavery, and ordered the light battalion to fall back to Seroor; it was also settled between him and the Resident, that in case the communication were interrupted, the General might conclude that the troops at Poona were attacked. On the 3d November, Mr. Elphinstone directed the light battalion (Nov. 3.) and a party of auxiliary horse, stationed at Seroor, to move to Poona. As soon as the news of these arrangements reached the Peishwa, he determined to delay the attack no longer.
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¹ [The troops under Major Wilson covered the whole distance from Panvel in the Konkan (Kolāba District) to Poona with only one halt. The regiment was the 2nd Battalion Royal Dublin Fusiliers, the ‘Old Toughs.’]
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² [i.e. Kirkee (Khadkī). At the date of the battle, Kirkee was a small village. There were two battalions of native infantry (6th and 7th) and two guns, under the command of Colonel Burr at Garpīr, on the right bank of the Muthā, close to the present site of the Collector’s office. These troops, with the Bombay European regiment, quitted Garpīr for Kirkee, leaving one company to guard the cantonment and 250 men to reinforce the Residency escort. (Acworth, Maratha Ballads, p. 127.)]
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¹ Lieutenant Shaw. Veesram Sing, a horseman of Bajee Rao’s personal retinue, was the individual who speared him.
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² Many of the Sepoys behaved with admirable fidelity; one native officer, Jemadar Shaik Hoossein, of the 2d battalion 6th regiment, on being tampered with, encouraged the overtures, by the advice of his Adjutant, Lieut. Robert Billamore, who was instructed on the subject. The Peishwa sent for the Jemadar, made him great promises, and desired a Carcoon to give him 10,000 rupees, but the latter gave the Jemadar one-half and kept the other himself. The Jemadar brought the money to his officer in a bag of rice, just before hostilities commenced.
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³ Dr. Coats and Captain Ford, the latter only if he stood neutral, were to be the sole exceptions. Dr. Coats had attended the Peishwa in an illness, had gratuitously performed many cures amongst the people of the country, and had spread vaccination for many miles around; the anecdote proves that Bajee Rao was not wholly devoid of gratitude.
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His preparations began about seven o’clock on the morning of the 5th; but in the early part of the day, he sent (Nov. 5.) out several messages calculated to lull the Resident’s suspicions; such as, that his troops were alarmed by hearing that those at Khirkee were under arms; that he was about to perform a religious ceremony at the temple of Parbuttee,¹ and that the troops were drawn out, in honour of the occasion, to form a street as he passed. In the afternoon, when all was in readiness, the whole of his principal officers having assembled at his palace, Wittoojee Gaekwar, a personal servant of the Peishwa, was dispatched to Mr. Elphinstone, by Gokla’s advice, to inform him that the assembly of troops at Poona was very offensive to the Peishwa ; to desire him to send away the European regiment, to reduce the native brigade to its usual strength, when it must occupy a position which the Peishwa would point out, and that if these demands were not complied with, he would withdraw from Poona and never return. Mr. Elphinstone denied the Peishwa’s right to require the removal of the European regiment, explained the reason of his having called in the light battalion, and recommended that the Peishwa should send his troops to the frontier as he had promised, in which case all cause of complaint would be removed :—there was a good deal more passed, as the conversation, on the part of the messenger, was intended to engage as much attention as possible ; but he at last withdrew, warning the Resident of the bad consequence of his refusal. In the meantime the Peishwa’s officers at the palace were dispatched to their troops ; Bajee Rao, in person, proceeded to Parbuttee,¹ and Wittoojee Gaekwar had scarcely quitted the Residency, when intelligence was brought that the army was moving out on the west side of the city. There was a momentary consultation about defending the Residency, but it was instantly abandoned as impracticable, and it was determined to retire to Khirkee, for which purpose the nature of the ground afforded great facility. The river Moola betwixt the Sungum and the village of Khirkee forms two curves like the letter S inverted. The Residency and the village were both on the same side of the river, but at the former there was a ford, and near the latter a bridge ; so that the party, by crossing at the ford, had the river between them and the Peishwa’s troops the greater part of the way. From the Residency no part of the Mahratta army was visible, excepting bodies of infantry which were assembling along the tops of the adjoining heights, with the intention of cutting off the Residency from the camp, and having the southern crest of the hill contains the ruins of an incomplete palace, commenced by Bājī Rāo (1796–1817), the completed portion of which was destroyed by lightning in 1816. (B.G. xviii, pt. iii. 386–9.)]
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¹ [The lake and temple-crowned peak of Pārvatī (Parbuttee) lie about one mile to the south of the city of Poona. Moor describes the ceremony of Dakshina, or almsgiving, to Brahmans at the temple in 1797 during Bājī Rāo’s reign, he and a Captain Gardner having been admitted to one of the enclosures. The four gates of this enclosure were superintended respectively by the Pēshwā himself, Amrat Rāo, his elder brother, Chimnājī Appā, his younger brother, and Nānā Farnavīs. The total sum distributed on this occasion by the Pēshwā was 5,00,000 rupees (about £62,000 at the rate of exchange then current). (Edward Moor, The Hindu Pantheon, 1st ed., London, 1810, pp. 376–8.) Half-way up the Pārvatī hill is a small altar marking the spot where the last Satī in Poona is said to have taken place in 1832.
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¹ Situated on a hill on the south side of Poona, and already mentioned.
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this object in view, they did not molest individuals. On ascending one of the eminences on which they were forming, the plain beneath presented at that moment a most imposing spectacle. This plain, then covered with grain, terminates on the west by a range of small hills, while on the east it is bounded by the city of Poona and the small hills already partially occupied by the infantry. A mass of cavalry covered nearly the whole extent of it, and towards the city endless streams of horsemen were pouring from every avenue.¹
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¹ Those only who have witnessed the Bore in the Gulf of Cambay, and have seen in perfection the approach of that roaring tide, can form the exact idea presented to the author at sight of the Peishwa’s army. It was towards the afternoon of a very sultry day; there was a dead calm, and no sound was heard, except the rushing, the trampling and neighing of the horses, and the rumbling of the gun wheels. The effect was heightened, by seeing the peaceful peasantry flying from their work in the fields, the bullocks breaking from their yokes, the wild antelopes startled from sleep, bounding off, and then turning for a moment to gaze on this tremendous inundation, which swept all before it, levelled the hedges and standing corn, and completely overwhelmed every ordinary barrier as it moved.
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Mr. Elphinstone had personally reconnoitred the ground in front of the village of Khirkee, and ascertained that there was a ford between that village and Dhapooree, which, although difficult, was practicable for six pounders, three of which, manned by native artillery-men, belonged to the auxiliary force, and were attached to Captain Ford’s corps. It had been arranged, in case of an attack, that Captain Ford was to join the brigade under Lieutenant-Colonel Burr; and Mr. Elphinstone had been at pains to explain to all concerned the advantage of always acting on the offensive against Mahrattas. When the party was fording at the Residency, a messenger was dispatched to warn the troops of the approach of the enemy. Lieutenant-Colonel Burr, the officer in command, wished to have acted on the defensive, but as the message required him to move down and attack the Peishwa’s army, he immediately sent the battalion companies of the 2d battalion 6th regiment to protect the stores, ammunition, and followers in the village of Khirkee, left his camp standing, and instantly marched down by the high road for about a mile;— then wheeling to the right, he moved in the direction of Dhapooree, to facilitate the junction of Captain Ford’s corps, and bring his front parallel to that of the enemy. In a few minutes the expected corps was seen approaching; the Resident's party had joined, and Colonel Burr advanced to the attack. The Mahrattas, who had sent on their skirmishers, some of whom had already suffered from the fire of the light infantry, were surprised by this forward movement in troops who they had been encouraged to believe were already spiritless; and a damp, which had been spreading over the whole army by the accidental breaking of the staff of the Juree Putka before they left the city, was now much increased. Gokla, with the true spirit of a soldier, was riding from rank to rank animating, encouraging, and taunting as he thought most effectual, but the Peishwa's heart failed him; and after the troops had advanced he sent a message to Gokla desiring him ‘to be sure not to fire the first gun.’ At this moment the British troops were halted, their guns were unlimbering—it was the pause of preparation, and of anxiety on both sides; but Gokla, observing the messenger from the Peishwa, and suspecting the nature of his errand, instantly commenced the attack by opening a battery of nine guns, detaching a strong corps of rocket-camels to the right, and pushing forward his cavalry to the right and left. The British troops were soon nearly surrounded by horse; but the Mahratta infantry, owing to this rapid advance, were left considerably in the rear, except a regular battalion under a Portuguese, named De Pento, which had marched by a shorter route concealed for a time under cover of the enclosures, and were now forming with apparent steadiness, immediately in front of the 1st battalion 7th regiment and the grenadiers of the 2d battalion 6th:—no sooner, however, were their red coats and colours exposed to view of the English Sepoys, than the latter with one accord pushed forward to close, and in their eagerness got detached from the rest of the line. Gokla, hoping that they might either be disposed to come over, or that he might be able to take advantage of their impetuosity, prepared a select body of 6,000 horse, which, accompanied by the Juree Putka, and headed by several persons of distinction, had been held in reserve near his left, and were now ordered to charge.¹ The Mahratta guns ceased firing to let them pass; and they came down at speed, in a diagonal direction across the British front.
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¹ Naroo Punt Apty, Mahdoo Rao Rastia, and Aba Poorundhuree were all in this charge. Gokla advanced a considerable distance with them, until his horse was wounded: he told Naroo Punt that most of the Sepoys were friendly, and would fire over his head.
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Giving their fire, and receiving that of the line, they rode right at the 7th. Colonel Burr took his post with the colours of that corps; it had long been his own battalion, he had ‘formed and led’ it for many years, he was then suffering under a severe and incurable malady,¹ but he showed his wonted coolness and firmness in this moment of peril. He was the first to perceive the moving mass: he had just time to stop the pursuit of De Pento’s battalion, already routed, and to call to the men, who could not be dressed in line, to reserve their fire, and prove themselves worthy of all his care. Fortunately there was a deep slough, of which neither party was aware, immediately in front of the British left. The foremost of the horses rolled over, and many, before they could be pulled up, tumbled over those in front; the fire, hitherto reserved, was now given with great effect, numbers fell, the confusion became extreme, and the force of the charge was completely checked: a very small proportion came in contact with the bayonets, a few continued the attack in the rear, but many turned back; some galloped round the left as if to plunder the camp, but they were driven off by a few shots from two iron guns at Khirkee, and the Sepoys had nearly repulsed the attack before a company of Europeans could arrive to their support. This failure completely disconcerted the Mahrattas; they began to drive off their guns; their infantry retired from the distant position they occupied, and upon the advance of the British line, the whole field was cleared. The brigade returned to its position at Khirkee after nightfall, and the light battalion and auxiliary horse joined it next morning. The report of their arrival, and the effect of the forward movement, deterred Gokla from renewing the attack. The Mahrattas in Captain Ford’s battalion deserted, and a part of the newly raised auxiliary horse were, at their own desire, permitted to quit the British camp; but not one Sepoy of the regular service left his colours. The number of the British troops engaged at the affair of Khirkee, including Captain Ford’s battalion, was 2,800 rank and file, of whom about 800 were Europeans. Their loss was comparatively trifling, amounting only to eighty-six men in killed and wounded, fifty of whom were of the Sepoys on the left. The Mahratta army consisted of 18,000 horse and 8,000 foot, with 14 guns.¹ They suffered considerably, having lost five hundred men in killed and wounded; and though the proportion of horses killed on the spot was inconsiderable, a very great number were disabled. Amongst the sufferers was the minister Moro Dixit, who, by rather a strange fatality, was mortally wounded by a grape-shot from one of the guns attached to the battalion of his friend Captain Ford.
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¹ Colonel Burr had lost the use of his side from a paralytic stroke, and both mind and body were impaired, but he was foremost in the post of honour. On this occasion, two of his attendants were shot by his side, his horse’s head was grazed by a ball, and another went through his hat.
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¹ This number is given from the actual returns, and does not include 5,000 horse and 2,000 foot stationed with the Peishwa at Parbuttee, so that Bajee Rao had already collected thirty-three thousand men at Poona.
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Hostilities were no sooner commenced, than the ferocious and vindictive character of Bajee Rao’s previous orders became apparent from the proceedings in every direction; probably before he had time to stop them. The Residency was plundered and burnt, and of the Resident’s library and private apartment, not one stone was left upon another; the families and followers of the troops, who fell into the hands of the Mahrattas, were robbed, beaten, and frequently mutilated; the gardens were destroyed, the trees were torn from the roots, and the graves were dug up. An engineer officer, on survey, was attacked and killed; two brothers, of the name of Vaughan, one of them a Captain in the Madras army, were taken while travelling between Bombay and Poona, near the village of Tullygaom, and though they made no resistance, were most barbarously hanged under the superintendence of a Bramin named Babjee Punt Gokla.² These atrocities, excepting the plunder of the adherents and servants of the British Government, were not perpetrated under Bappoo Gokla’s sanction; but as he had been entrusted with the entire powers of the state, Mr. Elphinstone took the first opportunity of intimating to him, that any individual, however exalted his rank, who might order the death of a British prisoner, should answer for it in his own person.
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² This person is now a prisoner, in a wooden cage, in the fort of Singurh. Bajee Rao disavowed the murder of the Vaughans, but acknowledged that the Residency was destroyed by his orders. [The graves of the brothers Vaughan are still to be seen at Talegāon (Tullygaom), twenty yards off the road. One brother was a Major in the 15th Madras N.I., the other was in the Marine service. The brothers were actually captured at Karli and dragged almost naked to Talegāon, where one brother was made to hang the other. The tragedy took place on November 10, 1817. (B.G., xviii, pt. iii.)]
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Two officers, Cornets Hunter and Morrison of the Madras establishment, on the route from Hyderabad to Poona with a small escort, were attacked when they approached the latter place, and after a manful resistance, being compelled to surrender, they were confined in a hill-fort¹; some small parties who stood on the defensive in various situations, and surrendered on terms, were permitted to join the British camp. Amongst this number was the Resident’s moonshee, who, having a party of Arabs in his pay, defended his house in the city for several days, until Gokla interposed and sent for him. During their interview, at which several persons were present, Gokla showed him the Peishwa’s paper investing him with the full powers of his government, and after some conversation observed, ‘I have given you protection because your master was an old friend of mine; we are now enemies; the trial we have already had’ (alluding to the action of the 5th), ‘has not turned out as I expected, but tell him we shall persevere: we may have taken our shrouds about our heads, but we are determined to die with our swords in our hands.’
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¹ [They were captured at Urulī, about fifteen miles east of Poona, and were sent first to Kangorī fort in Kolāba, where they were harshly treated, and thence to Vāsota. The British force advancing from Medha by Bamnoli and Tambi, drove in outposts at Vāsota and met the Pēshwā’s forces at Indoli. Negotiations were opened with he commandant, Bhāskar Pant, but he refused to surrender. The British forces then advanced a detachment and dug shelters for themselves in the hillside. A battery was set up on the old fort, and the bombardment lasted for twenty hours. The commandant finally surrendered on April 6, 1818, and the two British officers were recovered uninjured (see pages 517–8, post). See also Colebrooke’s Life of M. Elphinstone, vol. ii, p. 34. Elphinstone was himself present at the capture of Vāsota.]
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As soon as General Smith found the communication cut off, he advanced on Poona. From the time his division quitted Seroor, he was followed by flying parties of Mahrattas, who, owing to his want of cavalry, harassed his march. He arrived on the evening of the 13th, and preparations were made to attack the Peishwa before daylight of the 15th. His army, having obtained a considerable addition by the junction of most of the southern Jagheerdars, had come out a few days before, and encamped with its left on the late cantonment of the British troops, and its right stretching along the Hyderabad road for several miles. The intended attack, however, on the morning of the 15th, was
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(Nov.13.)
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(Nov.15.)
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(Nov. 10.)
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postponed by General Smith, in consequence of unforeseen difficulties at the ford. About sunset on the evening of the 16th, an advanced brigade was ordered to cross the ford, and take up a position to the east of the Peishwa’s army, at the village of Ghorepuray,¹ for the purpose of co-operating in an intended attack on the ensuing morning: it was opposed by a body of the Peishwa’s infantry, supported by parties of horse and two guns, but having succeeded in getting to its station, though with the loss of eighty-four men in killed and wounded, it was no longer molested during the night. In the morning, when General Smith moved towards the camp, he found it abandoned, and that the Peishwa had fled towards Satara. During the day the city was surrendered, and the greatest care being taken on this, as on every occasion, by General Smith for the protection of the peaceable part of the community, order and tranquillity were soon re-established.² General Smith remained at Poona for five days, during which time the communication with Bombay was opened, and a party, being detached for the purpose, succeeded in capturing several guns in the neighbourhood of the fort of Singurh. Some of the inhabitants of Poona, who fled as usual with their property towards the hill-forts, were sufferers on this occasion, as a great quantity of baggage was taken at the same time with the guns, and became the booty of the army.
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¹ [This is Ghorpadi, which lies to the north-east of the central belt of the modern Poona cantonment, and contains military lines and three sets of barracks, the oldest of which were built in 1842. (B.G., xviii. pt. iii.) The engagement here described is known as the battle of Yerāoda, and took place near where the present Fitzgerald Bridge stands, the British guns on ‘Picket Hill’ commanding the position.]
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² [As regards the measures taken to preserve Poona and the forbearance of the troops, in the face of great provocation, see extract from M. Elphinstone’s dispatch to the Marquess of Hastings on pp. 3, 4, vol. ii, of Colebrooke’s Life of M. Elphinstone, 1884.]
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On the 22d November, General Smith, having been joined by a regiment of native cavalry, commenced pursuing the Peishwa, who remained at Maholy, and during his stay there, sent a party to Wassota, for the purpose of bringing the Raja of Satara, his mother and brothers to his camp, but he had quitted Maholy prior to the Raja’s arrival, owing to the approach of General Smith, before whom he fled to Punderpoor, and thence, turning up the bank of the Beema, he continued his flight until he ascended the Lag Ghaut, north of Joonere, where he occupied a position at Bamunwaree. This part of the country is exceedingly strong, with mountains on all sides, and the passes were stockaded by Trimbukjee Dainglia, who here joined the Peishwa with a reinforcement. The Raja and his family were brought into his camp whilst on the route from Punderpoor. General Smith followed the Peishwa until he was past Poona, when he proceeded to Seroor : he there deposited his battering train and heavy baggage, and left a battalion of native infantry, and a body of auxiliary horse, to reinforce the station ; he then proceeded by Ahmednugur down the Nimbadewra Ghaut, and up the bank of the Paira to Sungumnere. Finding he had got to the northward of the Peishwa, he ascended the Wursura Ghaut, and here he divided his force, sending back a part by Ahmednugur, and, with a light division, continuing the pursuit of the Peishwa, who fled to the southward as soon as he heard of General Smith’s arrival at Sungumnere, giving out that he intended to attack Poona. Great exertions were therefore made to come up with him ; but, in the meantime, the most remarkable event of the war took place from the following circumstances. General Pritzler, it must be premised, was at this time advancing with the reserve division of the Deccan army from Adonee towards Punderpoor for the purpose of co-operating in the pursuit of the Peishwa ; and Smith, deeming it probable that he should get to the northward of the Peishwa, as in fact he did, and that the Mahratta army, afraid of being driven back upon Pritzler, might descend into the Concan, where there was a small force fitted out by the Bombay Government, under Lieutenant-Colonel Prother, employed in reducing the country, and which might thus be exposed to be cut off, it became necessary to provide against such an event. Accordingly, Lieutenant-Colonel Burr, who was stationed at Poona, was directed, in case he should have positive information that the Peishwa had descended into the Concan, to detach the 2d battalion 6th regiment from his own immediate command, to reinforce Lieutenant-Colonel Prother ; and in that case, he was authorized to call in to Poona the 2d battalion 1st regiment, lately left by General Smith to reinforce the cantonment at Seroor. But when the Peishwa commenced his flight to the southward, Colonel Burr, hearing that he meditated an attack on Poona, sent off an express for the 2d battalion 1st regiment, to reinforce himself. The battalion, on receipt of this application, commenced its march from Seroor on the last day of the year, at eight o’clock in the evening.
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It consisted of little more than 500 rank and file, and was supported by two six pounders, well manned by twenty-four Europeans of the Madras artillery, under a serjeant and a lieutenant. It was also accompanied by 300 of the newly raised irregular horse, and the whole was under the command of Captain Francis Staunton. Having marched all night, by ten o’clock on the morning of New Year’s Day, Captain Staunton reached the high ground above the village of Korygaom ¹ on the Beema, where he beheld the whole of the Mahratta horse, consisting of about 25,000, on the opposite side of the river. He continued his march towards the bank, and the Peishwa’s troops believed that he intended to ford, but as soon as he had gained the neighbourhood of the village, he immediately took post in it. Korygaom is a moderate-sized village, immediately overhanging the steep bank of the Beema, but owing to the immense beds of the Indian rivers, which are never filled except during the rains, the channel occupied but a small part of the space between the banks, so that the village was fifty or sixty yards from the water. There is a mud wall, which at one time probably surrounded the village, but is now full of large breaches on the side next the river, and on the east it is completely open.² Most of the Peishwa’s infantry, in number about 5,000, had gone on in advance towards the Bhore Ghaut, east of Poona; but on first descrying the battalion, immediate orders were sent to recall them.
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As soon as they arrived, three bodies, of six hundred choice men in each, consisting of Arabs, Gosaeens, and regular infantry mixed together, advanced on three different points, under cover of the bank of the river, and supported by two guns, to storm the village. A continued shower of rockets was at the same time poured into it, and many of the houses were set on fire. Captain Staunton had selected a commanding position for the guns; but unfortunately the interior of the village was not sufficiently reconnoitred, as there was a strong square enclosure commanding most of the streets, of which the enemy obtained possession, and whence they could not be dislodged. The village was immediately surrounded by horse and foot, and the storming party was supported by fresh troops. All access to the river was speedily cut off, Captain Staunton was destitute of provisions, and this detachment, already fatigued from want of rest and a long night march, now, under a burning sun, without food or water, began a struggle as trying as ever was maintained by the British in India. Every foot of ground was disputed, several streets were taken and retaken, but more than half the European officers being wounded, the Arabs made themselves masters of a small temple, towards the east side of the village, generally used as a choultry, where three of the officers were lying wounded.
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Assistant-Surgeon Wingate, one of their number, got up and went out, but was immediately stabbed by the Arabs, and his body cruelly mangled, Lieutenant Swanston, who had two severe wounds, had the presence of mind to advise his remaining companion to suffer the Arabs to rifle them unresistingly, which they did, but committed no further violence; and in the meantime, a party of the battalion under Lieutenant Jones and Assistant-Surgeon Wyllie, arrived to their rescue, retook the choultry, avenged the death of Mr. Wingate, and carried their companions to a place of greater safety. The sufferings of the wounded became extreme from thirst; and the men who continued the conflict were fainting, or nearly frantic, from the dreadful privation of water. Some of the artillery-men, all of whom bore a very conspicuous part in this glorious defence, proposed to Captain Staunton that they should surrender if terms could be obtained. His determined refusal did not satisfy them, but Lieutenant Chisholm their officer being killed, the enemy encouraged by this circumstance, rushed upon one of the guns and took it.
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Lieutenant Thomas Pattinson adjutant of the battalion, lying mortally wounded, being shot through the body, no sooner heard that the gun was taken, than getting up he called to the grenadiers ‘once more to follow him,’ and seizing a musket by the muzzle, rushed into the middle of the Arabs striking them down right and left,¹ until a second ball through his body completely disabled him. Lieutenant Pattinson had been nobly seconded; the Sepoys, thus led, were irresistible, the gun was retaken, and the dead Arabs, literally lying above each other, proved how desperately it had been defended. The body of Lieutenant Chisholm was found by his gun with the head cut off; Captain Staunton judiciously took advantage of the circumstance, by pointing it out to the men, and telling them ‘such was the way all would be served, who fell dead or alive into the hands of the Mahrattas,’ on which they declared ‘they would die to a man,’ and the conflict was resumed by all with the most determined valour. Captain Staunton, Lieutenant Jones, and Assistant-Surgeon Wyllie were the only officers who remained fit for duty, and manfully persevered in continuing the defence. Their situation towards evening was very hopeless; Captain Staunton had apprised Colonel Burr of the difficulties he laboured under, and an unavailing attempt from Poona had been made for his relief. As the night fell, however, the vigour of the attack relaxed, and the men were able to procure a supply of water.
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