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The Cambridge History of India, Vol. III: Turks and Afghans v3.c29: Chapter XVII. The Five Kingdoms of the Deccan. A.D. 1527-1599

The Cambridge History of India, Vol. III: Turks and Afghans v3.c29

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English

Contents

Chapter XVII. The Five Kingdoms of the Deccan. A.D. 1527-1599

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WHEN Kalīmullāh, the last of Bahman Shāh's line, fled from Bīdar, Amīr 'Alī Barīd, 'the Fox of the Deccan,' who had never ventured to offend his powerful neighbours by a formal assumption of independence, became independent by the act of his victim, and the tale of the five kingdoms of the Deccan was complete.

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The history of these kingdoms is a record of almost continuous strife. Yūsuf 'Ādil Shāh and Sultān Qulī Qutb Shāh had always been Shiahs, Burhān, the son and successor of Ahmad Nizām Shāh, was converted to that faith, to which his successors adhered except during the brief reign of Ismā'īl, and the small Sunni states of Berar and Bīdar, the former absorbed by Ahmadnagar in 1574 and the latter by Bījāpur in 1619, could not have disturbed the harmony which should have existed between them; but community of religion, community of interests, and frequent intermarriages were alike powerless to curb the ambition of the rulers of the three greater states, each of whom aspired to the hegemony of the Deccan. Common jealousies not only prolonged the existence of the smaller states, but saved each of the larger from annihilation, and the usual course of warfare was a campaign of two of the larger states against the third, the smaller states ranging themselves as the policy of the moment might dictate. The assistance given to an ally was so measured as to restrain him from overwhelming his adversary, and a decisive victory was often forestalled by a shameless change of sides, the perfidy of which bred a new *casus belli*. The bitterness thus engendered led to alliances between Muslims and 'misbelievers' against Muslims, but this policy, apparently suicidal, produced a situation which enabled the petty kingdoms to succeed where the Bahmanids had failed, and to crush for ever the hereditary enemy.

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There was not wanting subject-matter of dispute. The subjection of the weaker governors in the four pairs of provinces into which the Bahmanī dominions had been divided by Mahmūd Gāvān, who were often supported by their powerful neighbours; the mischievous grant to Ahmadnagar by Qāsim Barīd, acting in the name of Mahmūd Bahmanī, of Sholāpur and the district surrounding it, claimed by Bījāpur; the refusal of the king of Berar to surrender peacefully Pāthrī, the ancestral home of the kings of Ahmadnagar, on whose border it lay; minor frontier disputes; and the occasional defection of members of the ‘Ādil Shāhī dynasty from the Shiah faith, reviving the old feud between Deccanis and Foreigners, with its intrigues and bloodshed, combined to banish peace from the Deccan. Even the attacks on Ahmadnagar by the Mughul emperors produced but a semblance of unity. Help came from the other kingdoms, but none put forth its full strength to avert a danger common to all. In later years, when only Golconda and Bījāpur remained to stem the tide of imperialism, sympathy between the doomed states was more cordial, but selfishness and cowardice so restricted the assistance given by the former to the latter that Aurangzīb, instead of meeting an alliance, was enabled to crush his victims singly.

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The condition of Bījāpur at the time of the accession, at the age of thirteen, of Ismā‘īl ‘Ādil Shāh was deplorable. All power was in the hands of the minister, Kamāl Khān, a Deccani, who re-established the Sunni religion and was preparing to cede the old province of Gulbarga to Amīr ‘Alī Barīd in order that he might establish his own independence in the rest of the kingdom. The Portuguese captured Goa on March 5, 1510, and the young Ismā‘īl recovered it on May 20, but in November the Portuguese returned, recaptured it, and established themselves permanently in the port.

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Kamāl Khān was assassinated, his plot was frustrated, and the Foreigners expelled by him returned from the neighbouring kingdoms in which they had taken refuge. Khusrav, a Turk of Lār, received the title of Asad Khān and the great fief of Belgaum, and a royal decree declared Deccanis, Africans, and even the children of Foreigners, born in India, to be incapable of holding office in the state.

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Meanwhile events in Ahmadnagar followed a similar course. That state was in fact ruled by the minister, Mukammal Khān, a Deccani, and the Foreigners, having been foiled in an attempt to place Rājājī, Burhān Nizām Shāh’s brother, on the throne, fled to Berar and enlisted the aid of ‘Alā-ud-dīn ‘Imād Shāh, who espoused their cause and invaded the kingdom of Ahmadnagar, but was defeated at Rāhurī by Mukammal Khān, who drove him into Khāndesh and laid waste his kingdom.

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The campaign of 1511 between Ismā‘īl ‘Ādil Shāh and ‘Alī Barīd Shāh, in the course of which Mahmūd Shāh Bahmanī fell into the hands of the former, has already been described. Shortly after this campaign Ismā‘īl was enabled to render to Shāh Ismā‘īl Safavī of Persia a service which earned for him a much prized honour. A Persian ambassador had been unnecessarily detained and humiliated at Bīdar by the Sunnī bigot Amīr ‘Alī Barīd, and obtained his dismissal by means of the representations of Ismā‘īl ‘Ādil Shāh. In the letter acknowledging this courtesy the Persian monarch accorded to the ruler of Bījāpur the royal title, thus exalting him above his rivals, none of whom had received independent recognition of his royalty.

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A fresh quarrel broke out between Ahmadnagar and Berar. The town of Pāthrī, north of the Godāvarī and in the latter kingdom had been the home of the Brāhman ancestors of Burhān Nizām Shāh, and their descendants wished to enjoy the protection and patronage of their royal kinsman. Burhān therefore begged that the town might be ceded to him, offering a favourable exchange of territory, but ‘Alā-ud-dīn ‘Imād Shāh rejected the offer and fortified the town, whereupon Burhān, in 1518, invaded his kingdom and captured Pāthrī.

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On the death of Yūsuf ‘Ādil Shāh Krishnarāya of Vijayanagar had invaded the Bījāpur kingdom at the instigation of Amīr ‘Alī Barīd and annexed the Rāichūr Doāb, and it was not until 1521 that Ismā‘īl ‘Ādil Shāh was in a position to attempt to recover the province. He led a small army from Bījāpur and encamped on the north bank of the Krishna, which he crossed one evening, in a fit of drunkenness, at the head of no more than 2,000 men. His followers were cut to pieces and he himself escaped with difficulty and retired to Bījāpur, where he forswore the use of wine until he should have recovered the Doāb.

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Asad Khān Lārī, who directed the policy of Bījāpur, resolved to form an alliance with Ahmadnagar with the object of punishing Amīr ‘Alī Barīd for his having incited the Hindu to attack a Muslim kingdom. The two kings met, in 1524, at Sholāpur, and Bībī Mariyam, the sister of Ismā‘īl, was married to Burhān, but the alliance, instead of cementing friendship, bred enmity, for Ismā‘īl’s ministers had promised that the fortress of Sholāpur should be the dowry of the princess, but Ismā‘īl, when its cession was demanded, professed ignorance of the obligation and refused to fulfil it, whereupon Burhān returned to Ahmadnagar and invited ‘Alā-ud-dīn ‘Imād Shāh and Amīr ‘Alī Barīd to assist him in capturing the fortress. The three kings invaded Bījāpur in 1525 at the head of 30,000 horse, but were met near the frontier and gave way before the attack of the foreign mounted archers of Bījāpur. The day was decided by the collapse of Burhān, who, exhausted by heat and thirst, was borne fainting from the field, accompanied by his retreating army.

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Ismā‘īl gave his younger sister in marriage to ‘Alā-ud-dīn of Berar and persuaded Sultān Qulī Qutb Shāh to aid him in recovering Pāthrī, but ‘Alā-ud-dīn was not strong enough to retain it and in 1527 Burhān again took it and, aided by Amīr ‘Alī Barīd, captured the stronger fortress of Māhūr and invaded Berar. ‘Alā-ud-dīn and his ally, Muhammad I of Khāndesh, were defeated and driven into Khāndesh while the armies of Ahmadnagar and Bīdar ravaged Berar. The fugitives appealed to Bahādur of Gujarāt, who welcomed the opportunity of extending his influence in the Deccan and set out in 1528 for Ahmadnagar. The intervention of Gujarāt temporarily united Bījāpur and Ahmadnagar, and Burhān, who withdrew to Bīr, was joined by contingents of 6000 horse from Bījāpur and 3000 from Bīdar. Bahādur occupied Ahmadnagar, though his advanced guard suffered two defeats on the way thither, and Burhān and Amīr ‘Alī Barīd retired to Parenda and thence to Junnār, from which place their light horse was able to cut off the invaders’ supplies. Bahādur, when provisions failed at Ahmadnagar, marched to Daulatābād and besieged the fortress, while the allies occupied the hilly country in the neighbourhood and repeated the tactics which had driven him from Ahmadnagar. It was evident by now that he was intent solely on his own aggrandisement, and ‘Alā-ud-dīn of Berar and Muhammad of Khāndesh readily agreed to desert him in consideration of Burhān’s promise to restore all that he had taken from them. The approach of the rainy season of 1529 warned Bahādur of the necessity for retreating before the roads became impassable, and Burhān obtained peace on paying an indemnity and causing the *khutba* to be recited in Bahādur’s name. Burhān indemnified Muhammad of Khāndesh for his losses, but made no reparation to ‘Alā-ud-dīn, and even retained Pāthrī and Māhūr.

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The inveterate plotter Amīr ‘Alī Barīd had endeavoured to tamper with the loyalty of the contingent sent from Bījāpur to the assistance of Ahmadnagar, and Burhān could not withhold his approval from Ismā‘īl’s proposal to punish him. Ismā‘īl marched to Bīdar, and Amīr ‘Alī, now an old man, retired, leaving the defence of the fortress to his sons, and sought aid of Sultān Qulī Qutb Shāh. Ismā‘īl defeated a relieving force from Golconda and Amīr ‘Alī withdrew to Udgīr and begged ‘Alā-ud-dīn ‘Imād Shāh to help him. ‘Alā-ud-dīn would not oppose Ismā‘īl, but marched to Bīdar and interceded with him, but he refused to hear of negotiations until Bīdar should have been surrendered. Amīr ‘Alī sorrowfully withdrew to drown his troubles in drink, his troops followed his example, and Ismā‘īl, hearing of their demoralisation, sent Asad Khān Lārī to attack his camp. He found all, even those on guard, in a drunken stupor, and he and his followers were able to enter Amīr ‘Alī’s tent, place the old man in a litter, and bear him away. The jolting of the litter gradually awoke him from his drunken sleep, and, starting up in terror, he cried that the *jinn* were carrying him off. He was undeceived by Asad Khān, who rebuked him for his gross indulgence and unsoldierly behaviour, and carried him before Ismā‘īl. At the public audience the wretched old man was compelled to stand for two hours, bareheaded and neglected, in the burning sun, and was then led forward and sentenced to death unless Bīdar were immediately surrendered. To the order which he sent to his son the reply sent was that he was an old man, the short remainder of whose life would be dearly purchased by the surrender of such a fortress as Bīdar, but with this official reply his son sent a private message to the effect that he would surrender the place should all other means of saving his life fail. It was surrendered when Amīr ‘Alī was about to be trampled to death by an elephant before the bastion on which his sons took the air, and Ismā‘īl, after permitting his prisoner’s sons to leave the fortress with their dependants, who smuggled out most of the jewels of the Bahmanids, entered the capital of the Deccan and took his seat upon the turquoise throne. He made Amīr ‘Alī a noble of the kingdom of Bījāpur, and it was agreed that he and ‘Alā-ud-dīn ‘Imād Shāh should first aid him in recovering the Rāichūr Doāb, and that they should then march northwards to recover Māhūr and Pāthrī for ‘Alā-ud-dīn.

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Krishna Devarāya of Vijayanagar had recently died, and in the confusion which followed his death Ismā‘īl was able to reduce both Rāichūr and Mudgal within three months. The recovery of the Doāb released him from his vow of abstinence and he celebrated the occasion by a select symposium, at which only ‘Alā-ud-dīn and Asad Khān Lārī at first sat with him, but both begged him to admit Amīr ‘Alī, and he consented, but when ‘the Fox’ entered quoted from the chapter ‘The Cave’ in the Koran the words, ‘Their dog, the fourth of them.’ Amīr ‘Alī did not understand Arabic, but a burst of laughter from ‘Alā-ud-dīn apprised him that he was the victim of a jest, and he wept with humiliation and resentment, while the others laughed. Ismā‘īl pitied his distress and foolishly promised, in his cups, to restore Bīdar to him.

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Disturbing rumours that Bahādur meditated another invasion of the Deccan postponed the joint expedition for the recovery of Māhūr and Pāthrī, and ‘Alā-ud-dīn hastily returned to Berar, while Ismā‘īl restored Bīdar to Amīr ‘Alī on condition that he ceded Kaliyāni and Kandhār, a condition which he never fulfilled.

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In 1531 Bahādur annexed the kingdom of Mālwa, and this accession of strength to Gujarāt so alarmed Burhān that he sent Shāh Tāhir, a famous theologian, to arrange a meeting between himself and Bahādur. Shāh Tāhir, as the envoy of an inferior, was at first ill-received, but ample amends were made to him when his merit was discovered. Burhān was received in the neighbourhood of Burhānpur, where Bahādur was visiting Muhammad, but it was only by means of Shāh Tāhir’s ingenious trickery that he received permission to seat himself in Bahādur’s presence. At the cost of some humiliation he obtained from Bahādur recognition of his royal title and the insignia of royalty captured from Mahmūd II of Mālwa. Bahādur’s conciliatory attitude was adopted for the purpose of enlisting Burhān’s aid in a campaign against Delhi, but failed of its object, for Burhān ceased not secretly to urge Humāyūn of Delhi to attack Gujarāt.

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Ismā‘īl’s attempt, later in the year, to enforce his demand for the surrender of Kaliyāni and Kandhār drew from Burhān an insolent letter commanding him to abandon the enterprise. Ismā‘īl’s reply is an interesting example of the jealousy of the Muslim rulers of the Deccan regarding the use of the royal title. He twitted Burhān with the use of a title conferred by the leader of a gang of Gujarātīs and of the second-hand and soiled insignia of Mālwa, and vaunted his own title, conferred by the Shāh of Persia. War broke out and Burhān and Amīr ‘Alī marched to the Bījāpur frontier, but Asad Khān Lārī inflicted on them near Naldrug a defeat which sent Burhān, in headlong flight, to Ahmadnagar. In the autumn of 1532 commissioners from both kingdoms met, and framed a treaty which permitted Burhān to annex Berar and Ismā‘īl, who already claimed Bīdar, to annex Golconda, so that the whole of the Deccan would be divided between Ahmadnagar and Bījāpur, the latter receiving the lion’s share.

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In pursuance of this treaty Ismā‘īl and Amīr ‘Alī Barīd in 1534 besieged Nalgunda, about sixty miles south of Golconda, and repulsed the relieving force sent by Sultān Qulī Qutb Shāh. The garrison was on the point of surrendering when Ismā‘īl fell sick and set out to recruit his health at Gulbarga, leaving Asad Khān Lārī to prosecute the siege, but on August 27, as he was starting in a litter, he suddenly died. Asad Khān sent the body to Gogī for burial, raised the siege, and retired to Gulbarga, where, with many misgivings he gave effect to his late master’s will by raising to the throne his eldest son, Mallū Khān, a worthless and debauched youth, and retired to Belgaum, leaving the young king’s grandmother, Punjī Khātūn, to manage the affairs of the kingdom as best she could. Mallū’s licentiousness, which did not spare the honour of the leading families of the kingdom, soon convinced her of the futility of the attempt and early in March, 1535, Mallū was deposed, with the approval of Asad Khān, and his next brother was raised to the throne as Ibrāhīm ‘Ādil Shāh I.

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Ibrāhīm had imbibed the Sunni doctrines, and on his accession established that religion in place of the Shiah faith, dismissed the Foreign officers and troops to make way for the less efficient but more orthodox Deccanis and Africans, and struck a further blow at foreign influence in the state by substituting the vernacular languages, Canarese and Marāthī, for Persian as the official languages. This measure facilitated the employment of native Brāhmans in the administration and excluded foreigners.

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The first of Ibrāhīm’s many wars was a campaign against Vijayanagar, for which the intestine affairs of that state furnished a pretext. For some years past the actual rulers had been the ministers, and when Venkatarāya, the regent, attempted in 1530 to assume the style of royalty, public opinion obliged him to enthrone a child of the royal house, and to appoint as his guardian his maternal uncle, Hoj Narmal Rāj. While the regent was engaged with a refractory chieftain in a remote part of the kingdom the mob at Vijayanagar rose in the interests of their young raja, and Hoj Narmal, intoxicated by the prospect of power, put his nephew to death and usurped the throne. The people, disgusted by this outrage, opened communications with Venkatarāya and Hoj Narmal sought aid of Ibrāhīm. Venkatarāya, anxious to prevent, at all costs, Muhammadan invasion, feigned submission to the usurper and reminded him of the excesses committed in past times by their hereditary enemies. Hoj Narmal, beguiled by the regent’s professions and terrified by his warnings, assured Ibrāhīm that he had no need of his services and bribed him with a large sum of money to retire, and Venkatarāya marched on Vijayanagar. Hoj Narmal’s fantastic tyranny had rendered him odious to all, and when he discovered that he would probably be surrendered and called to account for the murder of his nephew the wretched maniac hamstrung the royal horses, blinded the elephants, ground the jewels to powder, and plunged a dagger into his own breast. Venkatarāya ascended the throne of Vijayanagar without opposition, and Ibrāhīm, on the pretext that he had broken faith with his late ally, sent an army under Asad Khān Lārī to besiege Adonī, where he was defeated by Venkatādri, brother of Venkatarāya. The story told by Muslim chroniclers of a successful night attack on the Hindu camp, which redeemed his defeat, is to be regarded with suspicion, for he was obliged to obtain his master's sanction to a treaty of peace.

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In 1537 Burhān Nizām Shāh was converted to the Shiah faith by Shāh Tāhir, who had taken advantage of his successful treatment of the dangerous illness of 'Abd-ul-Qādir, a favourite son, to influence a grateful father. The conversion did not improve Burhān's relations with his Sunni neighbour, Ibrāhīm, and gave the enemies of Asad Khān Lārī, one of the few Foreign Shiahs left in the kingdom of Bījāpur, an opportunity of compassing his downfall by accusing him of being in treasonable correspondence with the Shiah Burhān. The accusation was false, but it suited Burhān to assert its truth and in 1540 he marched, with Amīr 'Alī Barīd, to Parenda, annexed Sholāpur, and advanced towards Belgaum. His dexterous use of the false accusation paralyzed resistance, for Ibrāhīm saw in his advance confirmation of Asad Khān's treason, and Asad Khān was not strong enough to meet him in the field and dared not, for fear of misconstruction, march to his master's assistance, and the only course left open to him was to join the invader with a view to using his influence in the direction of peace.

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Ibrāhīm retired to Gulbarga, where he was joined by Daryā 'Imād Shāh, who had succeeded his father in Berar in 1529, and Burhān and Amīr 'Alī occupied and burnt the city of Bījāpur, but abandoned the siege of its citadel in order to pursue Ibrāhīm. As they approached Gulbarga, Asad Khān, with his 6000 horse, deserted them and joined his master, and Ibrāhīm and Daryā thus reinforced, compelled Burhān and Amīr 'Alī to retire towards Bīr, and followed them closely. From Bīr they were driven to the hills above Daulatābād where, in 1542, Amīr 'Alī Barīd died, and was succeeded in Bīdar by his son 'Alī Barīd Shāh. Burhān purchased peace by the retrocession of Sholāpur and a promise never again to molest Bījāpur.

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Sultān Qulī Qutb Shāh of Golconda had reached the great age of ninety-eight, and Jamshīd, his second surviving son, who had grown grey in the expectation of succeeding him, caused him to be assassinated on September 3, 1543, and ascended the throne.

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Sultān Qulī had been in alliance with Burhān, who, eager to avenge his recent defeat and humiliation, easily persuaded Jamshīd to renew the treaty, and, by inviting the raja of Vijayanagar to join the alliance against Ibrāhīm, committed an act of treachery and folly which he afterwards had cause to repent bitterly.

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In 1543 the kingdom of Bījāpur was invaded by a Hindu army which besieged Rāichūr, by Jamshīd, who occupied the Gulbarga district and besieged Hippargī, and by Burhān and ‘Alī Barīd Shāh, who besieged Sholāpur. Ibrāhīm, thus beset, knew not whither to turn, but by means of flattery and concessions eventually succeeded in persuading Burhān and Sadāshivarāya of Vijayanagar to retreat, and left Asad Khān Lārī free to attack Jamshīd. He destroyed a fort which Jamshīd had built at Kāknī, twice defeated him in the field, and drove him almost to the gates of Golconda, where he again defeated him and in single combat, after the manner of the Deccan, wounded him severely in the face. After such victories it was easy to enforce satisfactory terms.

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In the following year the confederacy was renewed, and Burhān, at the instance of Sadāshivarāya, besieged Gulbarga, but was defeated by Ibrāhīm and driven from the kingdom. Burhān endeavoured to reconstruct the confederacy, but ‘Alī Barīd Shāh had come to the conclusion that it was his duty to support the Sunni rather than the Shiah, and insulted Shāh Tāhir, Burhān’s envoy, who returned to Ahmadnagar breathing vengeance. Burhān then invaded the kingdom of Bīdar and, in spite of the assistance which it received from Bījāpur, captured the fortresses of Ausa, Udgīr, and Kandhār.

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Ibrāhīm attributed these defeats to the treachery of his own servants, and put to death without trial seventy Muslim and forty Brāhman officials whom he suspected, so enraging his courtiers and officers that they entered into a conspiracy to depose him and raise to the throne his brother ‘Abdullāh. Asad Khān, who had fallen under suspicion and retired to Belgaum, opened communications with the Portuguese of Goa, Burhān, and Jamshīd, with a view to enlisting their support. Ibrāhīm’s discovery of the plot was followed by a number of ruthless executions, and ‘Abdullāh fled to Goa and was well received by the Portuguese, who prepared to espouse his cause in consideration of the cession of the Konkan, which had been promised to them as the price of their support.

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When Burhān and Jamshīd marched in person on Bījāpur Asad Khān refused to join them, fearing lest they should divide the kingdom between themselves, and while they retired to their own dominions the Portuguese withdrew their support from the pretender, whose party, both in Bījāpur and in Goa, dissolved, but the Konkan, disappointed of annexation by the Portuguese, revolted against Ibrāhīm, who crossed the Ghāts with a large army and crushed the rebellion. The veteran Asad Khān was reconciled to his master, who visited him on his deathbed on March 4, 1546.

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In 1547 Burhān returned to the fatal policy of an alliance with Sadāshivarāya and besieged Sholāpur. By his ally's advice he determined to deal first with 'Alī Barīd Shāh, and, having raised the siege of Sholāpur, opened that of Kalyāni. Ibrāhīm marched to its relief, but was surprised by Burhān on November 14, the festival which terminated the month of fasting, and his army, which had neglected every military precaution, fled in confusion. Kalyāni fell, but Ibrāhīm, reassembling his army, marched on Parenda. His troops, finding the gates open, occupied the fortress, slew some of the garrison and put the rest to flight, and Ibrāhīm, leaving a Deccani officer in command of the place, retired to Bījāpur. Rumours of the approach of Burhān so terrified this officer that without awaiting an attack he fled precipitately, with the garrison, to Bījāpur, and was executed on his arrival there. According to the facetious account of the foreigner Firishta, 'the valiant Deccani was disturbed in the night by the buzzing of a mosquito, imagined that he heard Burhān's trumpets, and, mounting his horse, rode for his life.'

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In 1552 Burhān joined Sadāshivarāya in the Rāichūr Doāb, which was conquered and annexed to Vijayanagar, and afterwards took the fortress of Sholāpur. In the following year he and his ally besieged Bījāpur, while Ibrāhīm withdrew to Panhāla, but a severe illness with which Burhān was smitten compelled him to return to Ahmadnagar, where he died on December 30, his last moments being embittered by open strife between his sons, two of whom, Husain and 'Abd-ul-Qādir, contested the succession to the throne. The former, with the aid of the Foreign faction, was victorious, and the latter fled to Berar. Of his four other sons Haidar, with the aid of his father-in-law, Khvāja Jahān of Parenda, made an abortive attempt to seize the throne, and on its failure fled to Bījāpur, whither he was followed by his brothers 'Alī and Muhammad Bāqir, and Khudābanda, another son, fled to Bengal.

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Jamshīd Qutb Shāh, after his defeat by Asad Khān Lārī, fell sick in Golconda, and his malady so embittered his temper as to render him obnoxious to his courtiers, who conspired to raise to the throne his brother Haidar. The conspiracy was discovered, and Haidar fled to Bīdar, while Ibrāhīm, the king's youngest brother, fled to Vijayanagar and enjoyed the protection and hospitality of Sadāshivarāya. Jamshīd died in 1550, and the Foreign party enthroned his son, Subhān Qulī, a child of two years of age, but discovering that without royal support, which a child could not give them, they were unable to cope with the Deccani faction, invited Ibrāhīm to return. He responded with alacrity, entered Golconda, and on October 28, 1550, deposed his young nephew and ascended the throne.

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Fresh strife was now brewing between Ahmadnagar and Bījāpur. In 1554 Khvāja Jahān of Parenda, attacked by Husain Nizām Shāh I, fled to Bījāpur, and at the same time Saif ‘Ain-ul-Mulk, a Turk who had espoused the cause of ‘Abd-ul-Qādir, left Berar and took refuge with Ibrāhīm ‘Ādil Shāh, who bestowed on him the fiefs of the late Asad Khān Lārī, so that he became the richest and most powerful noble of Bījāpur. The two refugees easily persuaded Ibrāhīm to espouse the cause of his nephew ‘Alī, half-brother of Husain, who also had taken refuge at his court, and the prince was supplied with a small force and was sent to invade his half-brother’s kingdom, where he hoped to find many partisans, while Ibrāhīm besieged Sholāpur, but ‘Alī was disappointed and Husain marched with Daryā ‘Imād Shāh to Sholāpur. Ibrāhīm sent Saif ‘Ain-ul-Mulk, with the advanced guard, to check the advance of Husain and Daryā, and the Turk rashly attacked the whole of Husain’s army. His small force was enveloped, and an officer, who fled panic-stricken, falsely reported to Ibrāhīm that he had seen Saif ‘Ain-ul-Mulk dismount and do reverence to Husain, who had received him kindly.

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Ibrāhīm, without attempting to verify this story, retreated towards Bījāpur, his march being accelerated by a report that Saif ‘Ain-ul-Mulk, who was attempting to rejoin him, was pursuing him with hostile intent. Husain, whose army had been severely handled, retired to Ahmadnagar, and Saif ‘Ain-ul-Mulk sent a message to his master assuring him of his unwavering loyalty and asking for an advance from the treasury to enable him to equip his exhausted troops, but Ibrāhīm coldly replied that he had no longer any need of his services, and ‘Ain-ul-Mulk, thus summarily dismissed, became a rebel and a free lance, and in March, 1555, occupied the fertile Mān district, in the north-western corner of the kingdom, where he supported his troops by levying taxes on the cultivators. He gained more than one victory over the royal troops, declared for ‘Abdullāh, who was still at Goa, and at length signally defeated the royal army, led by Ibrāhīm in person, followed the fugitives as far as Torwa, within four miles of Bījāpur, and there proclaimed ‘Abdullāh king. Ibrāhīm, in his extremity, appealed to Sadāshivarāya, who sent his brother Venkatādri, with 15,000 horse, to his assistance. ‘Ain-ul-Mulk made a night attack on the Hindu army, but Venkatādri, accustomed to the tactics of Asad Khān Lārī, was on the alert, and ‘Ain-ul-Mulk’s force was nearly annihilated. Ibrāhīm captured ‘Abdullāh and imprisoned him, and Saif ‘Ain-ul-Mulk and his nephew Salābat Khān fled to the borders of Ahmadnagar and begged to be readmitted to the service of that kingdom. Husain treacherously returned a favourable answer, and caused ‘Ain-ul-Mulk to be assassinated as he made his obeisance. Some of his followers saved their lives by accepting service under Husain, but the rest, including Salābat Khān, were murdered. The ladies of the murdered man’s harem found an asylum at Golconda through the interest of his principal wife, who was a sister of Ibrāhīm Qutb Shāh.

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During the last two years of his reign Ibrāhīm ‘Ādil Shāh waged unsuccessful warfare against the Portuguese in the northern Konkan, and in 1558 died at Bījāpur. It had been his intention to disinherit his eldest son ‘Alī, who was a Shiah, in favour of the younger, Tahmāsp, but on discovering that Tahmāsp was even a more bigoted Shiah than ‘Alī he let matters take their course. ‘Alī ‘Ādil Shāh I reestablished the Shiah religion and Foreigners were again encouraged to enter the service of the state, and regained their old ascendancy.

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‘Alī immediately sought the assistance of Sadāshivarāya for the recovery of Sholāpur, and Husain Nizām Shāh and Ibrāhīm Qutb Shāh invaded his kingdom and besieged Gulbarga, but Ibrāhīm, urged by Sadāshivarāya, who had claims on his gratitude, and suddenly doubtful of the wisdom of crushing Bījāpur, now once more a Shiah state, in the interests of Ahmadnagar, deserted Husain, who was obliged to raise the siege and retire. In the following year ‘Alī endeavoured to persuade Husain to restore to him Sholāpur and Kaliyāni, but Husain, though embroiled at the time with the Portuguese and warned by his advisers that ‘Alī was creating a powerful coalition against him, steadfastly refused to cede either fortress.

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The Portuguese had sought permission to build a fort at Revdanda, near Chaul, but Husain detained their envoy and sent a force to build a fort on the site which they had chosen. Francisco Barreto, governor of Goa, caused the port to be blockaded until he could arrive with 4,000 Portuguese and a force of native troops, and Husain sued for peace, which was concluded on the condition that neither party fortified either Chaul or Revdanda.

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‘Alī ‘Ādil Shāh had succeeded in drawing Golconda into the confederacy against Ahmadnagar, and Husain, who stood alone, looked round for an ally, but could find none better than his neighbour of Berar. He and Daryā ‘Imād Shāh met at Sonpet on the Godāvarī, where he married Daulat Shāh, Daryā’s daughter.

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‘Alī now addressed to Husain a more peremptory request for the surrender of Sholāpur and Kaliyāni, and on receiving an insulting reply prepared to enforce his demand. He marched northwards, accompanied by Sadāshivarāya with a large army, and was joined on his frontier by Ibrāhīm Qutb Shāh. As the allies advanced towards Ahmadnagar, Husain, leaving a garrison in the fortress, retired to Paithan, on the Godāvarī, and summoned to his aid Daryā ‘Imād Shāh, who was, however, dissuaded from joining him by Khānjahān, brother of ‘Alī Barīd Shāh of Bīdar, who joined ‘Alī ‘Ādil Shāh, while Daryā’s minister, Jahāngīr Khān the Deccani, invaded Ahmadnagar with the army of Berar.

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Meanwhile the invaders were laying waste the country which they occupied, and the Muslims of all the armies were scandalised by the insults offered by the Hindus to their religion. Mosques were used as stables, or destroyed, and Muslim women were violated and enslaved by misbelievers. Ibrāhīm Qutb Shāh again began to tremble for the balance of power, and entered into correspondence both with the garrison of Ahmadnagar, which he aided with supplies, and with Husain, whom he assured of his goodwill. This correspondence was discovered, and ‘Alī and Sadāshivarāya bitterly upbraided Ibrāhīm, who deserted them by night and retired rapidly to Golconda, while one of his nobles joined the garrison of Ahmadnagar and eventually entered Husain’s service.

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Meanwhile Jahāngīr Khān of Berar received orders from his master to change sides, and proceeded to intercept all grain and provisions coming from the south for the allies. The invaders, reduced to great straits, raised the siege of Ahmadnagar and marched to Āshtī, whence an army was sent to besiege Parenda. Husain, with whom was his ally Daryā, sued for peace, and Sadāshivarāya, the dominant partner in the confederacy, insisted on three conditions, the surrender of Kaliyāni to ‘Alī, the death of Jahāngīr Khān, whose interception of convoys had caused famine and much distress in his camp, and the personal submission of Husain. The second of these, the execution of an ally for faithful and efficient service, was impossible of acceptance but by one dead to all sense of honour and of shame, but Husain accepted it and caused Jahāngīr Khān to be put to death, while his master, being to some extent in the murderer’s power, could do nothing to save his servant, but retired sullenly to Berar. Husain’s humiliation before Sadāshivarāya was a fitting punishment for his turpitude. The haughty Hindu refused to acknowledge his salutation otherwise than by giving him his hand to kiss, and Husain in his wrath called for water and washed his hands. The insult was returned by the infuriated Sadāshivarāya, who uttered the threat, in Canarese, that if Husain had not been his guest the largest part of him that would have been left whole would have been his finger tips. The quarrel was composed, and Husain was compelled to surrender the keys of Kalyāni.

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Sadāshivarāya, on his way back to Vijayanagar, treated ‘Alī as his servant, and the result of this unfortunate campaign was an increase of the bitterness between the Muslim kings and the humiliation of all before the Hindu.

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Husain’s first thought on reaching his capital was revenge, and his first act was to dismantle the mud fort of Ahmadnagar and to build in its stead a stronger and more spacious structure of stone, known as the *Bāgh-i-Nizām*. In 1561 he opened negotiations with Ibrāhīm Qutb Shāh, who had earned his gratitude in the late campaign, and in 1562 the two kings met before Kalyāni, where Husain’s daughter, Jamāl Bībī, was married to Ibrāhīm and the siege of the fortress was opened. ‘Alī and Sadāshivarāya marched to its relief and the armies of Berar and Bīdar set out to join them. Daryā ‘Imād Shāh had died in 1561 and had been succeeded by his infant son, Burhān, but Berar was ruled by the minister, Tafa‘ul or Tufāl Khān, who acted as regent and was in this campaign unanimously supported by the nobles of Berar, who resented the murder of Jahāngīr Khān.

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Husain and Ibrāhīm raised the siege of Kalyāni and marched to meet their enemies. The rainy season of 1562 was now past, but an unseasonable storm had filled the rivers and converted the country into a quagmire. Husain’s wonderful train of 700 guns stuck fast in the mire, and he found it impossible to extricate more than forty of them, with which, abandoning his intention of attacking the enemy on that day, he returned to his camp. ‘Alī’s advanced guard discovered the abandoned guns and waggons, and the armies of Bījāpur and Vijayanagar, having secured them, attacked the camp of Ibrāhīm Qutb Shāh, who fled.

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Having lost nearly all his artillery and discovered Ibrāhīm to be a broken reed, Husain was constrained to retire. His camp and that of Ibrāhīm were plundered, and their armies were much harassed during their retreat. At Ausa Ibrāhīm took his leave, but left the greater part of his army, under Murtazā Khān Ardistānī, with Husain, who continued his retreat to Junnār, leaving a garrison in Ahmadnagar, which was besieged by ‘Alī and Sadāshivarāya. The Hindus repeated, on a more extensive scale, the outrages which they had committed during the former campaign. Mosques were desecrated, defiled, or destroyed, the palaces of Ahmadnagar were thrown down, and the wives and daughters of Muslims were violated. ‘Alī, who was powerless to restrain his allies, persuaded Sadāshivarāya to raise the siege and join him in pursuing Husain, who retired to the hills as they approached Junnār, but detached his light troops to harass them and cut off their supplies.

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The rainy season of 1563 was now approaching, and as Husain was inaccessible in his retreat in the Western Ghāts the allies returned to the siege of Ahmadnagar. Sadāshivarāya foolishly permitted his army to encamp in the dry bed of the river, and when the rains suddenly broke a flood carried away large numbers of his army. He was already weary of the campaign, and returned to his own country, while ‘Alī retired to Naldrug and rebuilt that fortress.

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The Barīd Shāhī kings, who first committed the error of inviting the intervention of Vijayanagar in the affairs of the Muslim kingdoms, could plead their own weakness and the neighbourhood of comparatively powerful states whose rulers they regarded as heretics; but the kings of Ahmadnagar and Bījāpur, who followed their example, had no such excuse. The arrogance of Sadāshivarāya had humiliated and disgusted both his allies and his enemies, the excesses of his troops had horrified all Muslims, and he now demanded the cession of extensive tracts of territory, from Bījāpur as the price of his assistance to ‘Alī, and from Golconda as the penalty of Ibrāhīm’s duplicity and hostility.

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It was apparent to all that unless prompt measures were taken to curb his ambition the end of Muslim rule in the Deccan was at hand; but nothing could be effected without co-operation, and ‘Alī was loth to approach Husain. Ibrāhīm acted as mediator and the differences between Ahmadnagar and Bījāpur were composed by two matrimonial alliances, Hadiyya Sultān, ‘Alī’s sister, being given in marriage to Murtazā, Husain’s heir, and Chānd Bībī, Husain’s daughter, to ‘Alī. By this latter alliance the vexed question of Sholāpur was temporarily laid to rest, and the fortress constituted the dowry of Chānd Bībī, ‘the Noble Queen.’ ‘Alī Barīd Shāh was drawn into the alliance and overtures were made to Berar, but the murder of Jahāngīr Khān was not yet forgotten, and Tufāl Khān would join no confederacy which included the treacherous and ungrateful Husain.

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The offensive alliance of the four kings was formed in the summer of 1564, on December 12 they assembled at Sholāpur, and on December 24 marched thence to Talikota, on the Khon river, near the Krishna.

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Sadāshivarāya had been fully informed of what was going forward, and had not been idle. He sent his brothers, Tirumala and Venkatādri, with 32,000 horse, 300,000 foot, and 1,500 elephants, to hold the fords of the Krishna, and encamped with the rest of his army, which brought the strength of the Hindus up to 82,000 horse, 900,000 foot, and 2,000 elephants, at a distance of ten miles from that river.

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The allies, having discovered that there was no practicable ford for a great distance, other than that held in force by the Hindus, marched upstream and induced the enemy to follow them, leaving the ford unguarded. After three days’ march they suddenly turned in their tracks, and not only covered, between sunrise and sunset, the whole distance, but sent their advanced guard across the river by the deserted ford. During the night the rest of the army crossed, and advanced towards Sadāshivarāya’s camp. The armies were drawn up for battle on that day, but the Hindus failed to attack, and on the following day, January 5, 1565, the allies again drew up their forces. Their centre was commanded by Husain, their right by ‘Alī, and their left by Ibrāhīm and ‘Alī Barīd Shāh. The Hindu right, 20,000 horse, 200,000 foot, and 500 elephants, was commanded by Tirumala, their centre by Sadāshivarāya in person, with 37,000 horse, 500,000 foot, and 1,000 elephants, and their left by Venkatādri, with 25,000 horse, 200,000 foot, and 500 elephants. The Muhammadan heavy field and light artillery, the arm in which they were strongest, was in the centre, under the command of Chalabī Rūmī Khān, the master of Husain’s ordnance.

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Sadāshivarāya indulged both his pride and his infirmities by being borne to the field in a magnificent litter, and when urged to mount a horse declared that a horse was not necessary against an enemy so contemptible. He ordered that Husain should be slain and beheaded, but that ‘Alī and Ibrāhīm should be taken alive.

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The Hindu infantry, in the first line, opened fire with rockets, matchlocks, and light guns, and their cavalry then charged the Muslims, and pressed them so hard that ‘Alī, Ibrāhīm, and ‘Alī Barīd turned to flee, and were only arrested by encouraging messages from Husain, who stood his ground. The first discharge of his artillery did great execution among the Hindus, and Sadāshivarāya, perceiving that victory was to be contested, left his litter and ascended a magnificent throne, which had been erected for him beneath a rich canopy, behind the position of his army, and here, surrounded by piles of jewels and gold and silver money, he caused proclamation to be made that any notable success against the enemy would be rewarded by him on the spot.

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Chalabī Rūmī Khān caused the heavier guns to be loaded, for their second discharge, with copper coin¹, and this ammunition tore great gaps in the Hindu ranks, which were now at close quarters. Husain followed up the advantage with a general charge of his cavalry, which rode through the shattered ranks of the enemy, and Sadāshivarāya, now in personal peril, quitted his throne for his litter, and though his guards offered a determined resistance they were thrown into confusion by the repeated charges of the Muslim horse, supported by the elephants. One of these, driven beyond the rest, came up with the litter, and the driver, remarking its rich and costly adornment, but not knowing whom it contained, drove the elephant against it and overturned it, intending to secure it as spoil. The raja fell to the ground, and an attendant Brāhman cried to the driver, ‘This is Sadāshivarāya. Save his life and he will make you the greatest man in his kingdom!’ The driver at once caused the elephant to pick the raja up in his trunk and carried him to Rūmī Khān, who led him before Husain Nizām Shāh. He was beheaded on the spot, and the spectacle of his head, raised on a spear, completed the rout of the Hindus, who fled, without striking another blow, pursued by the victors as far as Anagondi. The number slain in the battle and the pursuit was computed at 100,000, and the spoil, which included large numbers of captives consigned to slavery, enriched the whole of the Muslim armies, for the troops were permitted to retain the whole of the plunder except the elephants.

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¹ The copper coinage of the Deccan consisted, not of flat discs, but of small, thick lumps, most suitable for Rūmī Khān’s purpose.

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The victors destroyed Vijayanagar, which they occupied for six months, plundered the country, and completed the reconquest of the Doāb, where Rāichūr and Mudgal held out for some time. Venkatādri retired to Penukonda, nearly 120 miles south of the former capital, and established himself beyond the reach of the victors, and Tirumala was permitted to establish himself in Anagondi as a vassal of Bījāpur. The head of the Hindu king¹, stuffed with straw, was sent as a warning to Tufāl Khān of Berar, who had not only stood aloof from the confederacy, but had, at the instigation of Sadāshivarāya, plundered Husain’s kingdom as far as Ahmadnagar.

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¹ A stone representation of the head, which still exists, was set up on the wall of the citadel of Bījāpur, and, unless it is a gross libel, Sadāshivarāya had a heavy bestial face, with a thick, coarse nose, practically no forehead, goggle eyes, and tusks like a boar.

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Talikota was one of the decisive battles of India, and broke for ever the power of the great kingdom of Vijayanagar, which had maintained for a century and a half an equal warfare with the Bahmanī kingdom and threatened to devour piecemeal the smaller kingdoms into which it had been divided. The victory of the Muslims against such overwhelming odds has the appearance of a miracle, but the superiority of their artillery and of their troops, especially the Foreigners, helps to explain it. Their cavalry was better armed, better mounted, and excelled in horsemanship, and the mounted archers, of whom the Hindus seem to have had none remaining, were probably at least twice as efficient as cavalry equal to them in other respects but armed only with sword or lance. The main strength of the Hindu army was its infantry, ill-armed, ill-clad, ill-trained, and deficient in martial spirit. The capture of Sadāshivarāya was fortuitous, but no oriental army would have stood before the sight of its lifeless leader’s head, carried before an enemy.

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Husain died on June 6, 1565, shortly after his return, from the effects of debauchery, and was succeeded by his son, Murtazā Nizām Shāh I, a dissipated and self-indulgent young man who, for the first six years of his reign, left the management of all public business to his mother, Khānzāda or Khūnza Humāyūn, who caused much discontent by preferring the interests of her brothers, ‘Ain-ul-Mulk and Tāj Khān, on whom she bestowed vast estates, to those of the kingdom, but her power could not be broken without the aid of her son, who was too indolent to stir himself.

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In 1566 ‘Alī ‘Ādil Shāh joined Murtazā Nizām Shāh with the object of punishing Tufāl Khān for his treason to the cause of Islam and his depredations in Ahmadnagar. The two kings invaded Berar and advanced as far as Ellichpur, the capital, laying waste the country. Tufāl Khān retired into the fortress of Gāwīl and opened negotiations with ‘Alī, whose heart was not in the campaign, and who, in consideration of fifty elephants and the equivalent of £40,000 in cash, made the approach of the rainy season a pretext for returning to his own country and left Murtazā in the lurch.

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In 1567 ‘Alī, provoked by Murtazā’s persistent hostility, invaded his kingdom and captured the fortress of Kondhāna, now Sinhgarh, and sent a force under Kishvar Khān towards Bīr. Kishvar Khān defeated some of Murtazā’s troops at Kāij and built there the fortress of Dhārūr.

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Ahmadnagar was ill-prepared for war. The great fiefs were in the possession of the brothers and favourites of the queen-mother, who failed to maintain their contingents, and the situation was so desperate that even the Africans combined with the Foreigners to destroy her power, and were frustrated only by the king’s cowardice and treachery. The principal conspirators, among whom was Sayyid Murtazā Sabzavārī, an able and energetic Persian, fled to Bījāpur and Gujarāt. A second attempt was, however, more successful than the first, and she was arrested and imprisoned in Shivner, and her brothers fled.

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Murtazā, emancipated from his mother’s control, exhibited unusual energy and spirit, and marched on Dhārūr with such speed that he arrived there without artillery. The suddenness of his appearance startled the garrison, but he would undoubtedly have been defeated had not one of his officers, Chingīz Khān, mortally wounded with an arrow Kishvar Khān, who was standing at a window or loophole. The death of the leader had the usual result, and the panic-stricken garrison evacuated the fortress and fled, pursued by the victors, who slaughtered many and took much booty.

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Chingīz Khān was sent against ‘Ain-ul-Mulk of Bījāpur, who was marching with 10,000 horse to relieve Kishvar Khān, and defeated and dispersed his troops, thus enabling Murtazā to invade the kingdom of Bījāpur. He was joined at Wākdari by Ibrāhīm Qutb Shāh, but Bījāpur was saved by a series of intrigues. Ibrāhīm, who was trimming as usual, sent a friendly letter to ‘Alī ‘Ādil Shāh. ‘Alī suspected his minister, Shāh Abu-’l-Hasan, a son of Shāh Tāhir, of being in league with Murtazā, and of having instigated the invasion, and Abu-’l-Hasan, who was innocent, sent Murtazā Nizām Shāh a message through Sayyid Murtazā Sabzavārī, begged him to avert, by retiring, the danger in which his master’s suspicions placed him, and supported the request by warning him that his ally intended to play him false and sending him a copy of Ibrāhīm’s letter to ‘Alī. Murtazā in his wrath made a night attack on his ally’s camp, captured his elephants, and drove him in headlong flight to Golconda, whither a detachment pursued him, but after returning to Ahmadnagar repented of his hasty action and, fearing lest Ibrāhīm should ally himself with ‘Alī, strove to conciliate him. He discovered that Ibrāhīm attributed the sudden and treacherous attack on his camp to the machinations of Mullā Husain Tabrīzī, Khān Khānān, lieutenant of the kingdom of Ahmadnagar, and, as the Mullā’s recent conduct supplied a pretext, Murtazā conciliated Ibrāhīm by dismissing and imprisoning him, and appointed in his stead, in 1569, Shāh Haidar, a son of·Shāh Tāhir.

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In the same year ‘Alī, Murtazā, and the Zamorin of Calicut formed an alliance for the purpose of expelling the Portuguese from India and dividing their possessions. In January, 1570, the siege of Goa was opened by ‘Alī and that of Chaul by Murtazā, each placing in the field all his available forces. The indomitable viceroy, Dom Luiz de Atayde, Conde de Atouguia, not only maintained himself in Goa, but, in spite of the pressure brought to bear on him by his more timorous compatriots, sent aid to Chaul.

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