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Later Mughals v1.c10: Chapter V. Rafi-ud-darjat and Rafi-ud-daulah (1719)

Later Mughals v1.c10

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Chapter V. Rafi-ud-darjat and Rafi-ud-daulah (1719)

Sec. 1.—Events Connected with the Accession.

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The new Emperor, a consumptive youth of twenty years of age, was proclaimed under the style and titles of Abul-barakat, Sultan Shams-ud-din, Muhammad Rafi-ud-darjat, Badshah, Ghazi. Within and without the palace, in every audience-hall and at every door, the Sayyids placed men of their own. A chronogram for the accession was found:

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When Rafi-ud-darjat ascended the throne
The sun appeared in the heavens out of Arafat:
The sage, seeing the lustre and strength of his wisdom,
Brought forth the date, ‘His title is High of Dignity.’ ”*

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At the first audience, on the prayer of Maharajah Ajit Singh, Rajah Bhim Singh of Kota, and Rajah Ratan Chand, the *jazya* or poll-tax, was again abolished. In other respects as few changes as possible were made, even the Wala-shahis or personal troops of the late sovereign being retained in the service. The object was to dispel anxiety and restore order without delay. Muhammad Amin Khan was maintained in his post of second Bakhshi, Zafar Khan Roshan-ud-daulah, replaced Saif-ullah Khan in that of third Bakhshi, and the office of fourth Bakhshi was left in abeyance. For seven days there was much confusion, and few men attended the imperial audience-hall; the people generally stood aloof, and also many of the officials. Nizam-ul-mulk kept close at home, but his cousin Muhammad Amin Khan was, in a way, friendly to the Sayyids; and Samsam-ud-daulah “resorting to fox-like tactics” came over to their party.†

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† Khafi Khan 817; Kamwar 197; *Ahwal-ul-khawaqin* 146a, 152b.

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The distant *subahs* were left in the same hands as before, with a few exceptions, special arrangements being made for Malwa and Kabul. Sarbuland Khan had been nominated to the latter province some months before, and had gone one or two stages on his journey. On learning that Farrukh-siyar had been deposed, he returned by himself to Dihli, and his appointment having been confirmed, he left again on the 19th Rabi II. (10th March, 1719). There remained Nizam-ul-mulk, and it was urgent that he should be induced to quit the capital. The Sayyids feared mischief from the Mughals, the strongest in numbers and influence of any of the numerous groups into which their opponents were divided. At the last moment Muhammad Amin Khan had elected to take their side against Farrukh-siyar; but Nizam-ul-mulk, as his habit was, had declined to declare himself. The Government of Patna had been assigned to him on the 18th Rabi I. (7th Februry, 1719); but apparently he was not anxious to proceed there. Husain Ali Khan, as usual, was for the employment of violent measures; he thought Nizam-ul-mulk should be assassinated. Qutb-ul-mulk preferred to detach him from his friends, believing that when thus weakened, he could more easily be got rid of. Samsam-ud-daulah adhered to the latter view. The Sayyids, though good soldiers, were poor politicians; and "since a leader without wisdom is no better than a common soldier," they thus made ready the way for their own downfall.

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∗ *Jam-i-jam*, and *Miftah* 304; Khafi Khan, 816; M. M. 462.

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Nizam-ul-mulk was offered Malwa. At first he declined it; and it was only upon a solemn promise of non-revocation that he accepted. He left the capital on the 24th Rabi II. (15th March, 1719), taking with him all his family and property; and although repeatedly urged to do so, he would not leave even his son to represent him at Court. He was followed by all the Mughals who had been out of employ since the fall of Mir Jumla, and he reached his head-quarters in about two months. Another change which led to future difficulties was the removal of Marahmat Khan, son of Amir Khan, from the charge of Mandu. He had given dire offence to Husain Ali Khan by neglecting to pay his respects, when the Amir-ul-umara had passed near that fortress on his way from the Dakhin to Dihli.∗

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∗ Kamwar 188, Ahwal-ul-khawaqin 152a, Shiu Das 26b.

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The faujdarship of Muradabad was given to Saif-ud-din Ali Khan, younger brother of the Wazir; Muhammad Riza became chief Qazi, Mir Khan Alamgiri was made Sadar-us-sadur or Grand Almoner, Diyanat Khan Khwafi (grandson of Amanat Khan) was appointed diwan of the Khalsa, and Rajah Bakht Mal made diwan of the Tan. Himmat Khan, a protégé of Qutb-ul-mulk’s, was given a subordinate post connected with the audience-chamber, and entrusted with the care of the young Emperor as his tutor and guardian.

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The next task was to proceed against the persons and property of Farrukh-siyar’s chief adherents. Itiqad Khan (Mhd. Murad) was sent as a prisoner to Husain Ali Khan’s house, his jagirs were resumed, and all his property confiscated. He had managed to make away with a great deal, but much was recovered. By one account, it took ten to fifteen days to remove the immense store of valuables that he had obtained through the unwise liberality of Farrukh-siyar. Itiqad Khan now disappears from our story, and ending his days in obscurity, he died at Dihli on the 12th Ramzan 1139 H. (2nd May, 1727) at the age of seventy-two years. The jagirs of the late Sadat Khan, father-in-law, and of Shaista Khan, maternal uncle of the late Emperor, were resumed; as were also those of Sayyid Salabat Khan, late general of the artillery, and of Afzal Khan, the late Sadar. The allowances and lands of Farrukh-siyar’s wife, the daughter of Maharajah Ajit Singh were not interfered with.*

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A few days after the accession of the new sovereign, the Mahrattas under Balaji, the peshwa, who had come in Husain Ali Khan’s train, received their dismissal for the Dakhin (29th Rabi II. 1131 H., 30th March, 1719), taking with them Madan Singh, the younger son of Sambhaji and some female members of his family who had been prisoners since the days of Alamgir. The Mahrattas also took with them at this time three important documents, a grant of the chauth of the Dakhin provinces, one for the sardeshmukhi of the same, and one for the swaraj or hereditary States.* The first dated the 22nd Rabi II. 1131 H. (13th March, 1719), gave them one-fourth of the revenue of all the six subahs of the Dakhin, including the tributary States of Tanjor, Trichinopoly and Maisur. The second dated the 4th Jamadi I. (24th March, 1719) was for 10 per cent. of the remaining three-fourths of the same revenues. The swaraj were the territories in Shivaji's possession at the time of his death in 1681, now confirmed to his grandson with certain modifications.†

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∗ Kamwar Khan, 199; Khafi Khan, ii. 817; Mhd. Qasim Lahori, 253; Tarikh-i-Muhammadi, year 1139 H. Sayyid Salabat Khan (afterwards Sadat Khan, Zulfiqar Jang) was the eldest son of the Sadat Khan abovenamed. He died after Muharram 1170 H. (September-October 1756), see Masir-ul-umara, ii. 524. Sayyid Afzal Khan, Sadar Jahan, died late in Rabi II. or early in Jamadi I. 1138 H. (Jan. 1725) at Shahjahanabad (T-i-Mhdi).

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† Kamwar Khan, 199. Grant Duff (Bombay edition), 199 and note, where he says that these grants were made out in the name of Muhammad Shah. No doubt, the above dates fall in the 1st year of that reign by the official reckoning; but if the deeds were actually issued on the dates they bear, they must have been made out in the name of Rafi-ud-darjat, for Muhammad Shah's accession being then hidden in the future, the fact that at a subsequent date that accession would be ante-dated could not be known to any one.

Sec. 2.—Quarrel Over the Spoils.

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Abdullah Khan, making use of his position within the palace and fort, had taken possession of all the buried treasure, the jewel-house, the armoury, and all the imperial establishments. He had also resumed the jagirs of over two-hundred of Farrukh-siyar's officers, and of the relations of Bahadur Shah and Alamgir. Within two or three days' time these were all granted afresh to his own officers and dependants. This procedure was greatly objected to by Husain Ali Khan; and the two brothers almost came to drawing their swords upon each other. Ratan Chand, who is described as the "key of Abdullah Khan's wits," intervened with smooth words, caused the jagirs of the dismissed nobles to be granted to Husain Ali Khan's followers, and thus put an end to the strife. He reminded the brothers that they had lately behaved in a way to anger both God and man, and if they wished for their own preservation from the clutches of rival nobles, it was absolutely necessary for them to suppress all differences and act heart and soul together. If they did not act in agreement, the Mughal leaders would rend them to pieces. [Kamwar 196, K. K. 822.]

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∗ *Chauth*, literally "one-fourth," ¼th of the revenue collections; *sardeshmukhi*, the allowances of a sardeshmukh, [*sar*, "chief," *desh*, "country," *mukh*, "head"]; *swa*, "own," *raj*, "territory."

Sec. 3.—Popular Outcry Against Ajit Singh.

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As already mentioned, Ajit Singh when he passed through the bazars was followed by cries of "Slayer of his son-in-law" (*damad-kush*). Insulting words were written on pieces of paper and stuck upon the door of his house, and one day cow-bones were thrown down among the vessels he used in daily worship. The Wazir seized two or three Kashmiris who had been guilty of calling out abusive words when the Rajah passed them, and caused them to be paraded with ignominy seated upon asses. But the Kashmiri boys followed, and shouted that this was the fitting punishment of the faithless and evil-minded, (meaning, of Ajit Singh himself). The Rajah to escape these insults was in haste to quit Dihli. After receiving large gifts in cash and jewels, he obtained an order for returning to his Government of Gujarat (17th Jamadi II. 6th May, 1719). Within a few days, however, events occurred which hindered him from carrying out his intention.*

Sec. 4—Nekusiyar Proclaimed at Agra.

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During the weeks which followed the deposition of Farrukh-siyar, rumours of many sorts were prevalent. Suspicion chiefly rested on Rajah Jai Singh Sawai, Rajah Chabela Ram, governor of Allahabad, and Nawab Nizam-ul-mulk, the new governor of Malwa. A combination of these three nobles was supposed to be imminent. As to the last of them, it may be doubted whether there was any sufficient ground for these assertions. The other two men were, however, notorious partizans of Farrukh-siyar, Chabela Ram and his family owing their elevation entirely to that Emperor and his father, Azim-ush-shan. In the case of those two nobles, there was undoubtedly some foundation for the popular belief. The centre of danger appeared to be Akbarabad, where Nekusiyar and other members of the imperial house were in prison. A pretender might be set up from among these Princes; and against this possibility special precautions must be taken. Ghairat Khan, the Sayyids' nephew, was hurried off to his new Government, so that he might reach Agra before Nizam-ul-mulk passed through it on his way to Malwa. A new commandant, Samandar Khan, was appointed (16th Jamadi II. 1131 H., 5th May, 1719) to take charge of the fort at Agra. Much treasure was still in the vaults of that stronghold, and the new Government was anxious to obtain control of this money themselves, and prevent its falling into any one else's hands. To take charge of these hoards Dawar Dad Khan accompanied Samandar Khan; but in addition to this ostensible errand, every one believed that he had been commissioned to blind Nekusiyar and the other Princes. On the 1st Rajab 1131 H. (19th May, 1719) word was brought to Dihli that the new commandant had been refused admission by the Agra garrison, who had set up a rival Emperor in the person of Prince Nekusiyar.*

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∗ Khafi Khan 823; Qasim 263, 264; Kamwar 202; Siwanih-i-Khizri.

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Nekusiyar, eldest surviving son of Prince Muhammad Akbar, the fourth son of the Emperor Alamgir, was born in Shaban 1090 H. (September, October 1679). Early in Muharram 1092 H. (January 1681) Prince Akbar fled from his father's camp, and joining the Rathors, laid claim to the throne. His property was at once confiscated by Alamgir, and his wife, two sons, Nekusiyar and Mhd. Asghar, and two daughters were made prisoners. A few days afterwards Prince Akbar's family was sent off from Ajmer to Akbarabad. Here Nekusiyar had been a State prisoner ever since, and although now over forty years of age had never set foot outside the fort. His ignorance is described, no doubt with some exaggeration, as so great that when he saw a cow or horse, he asked what sort of animal it was and what it was called. [M. A. 202-203.]

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Accounts vary as to the part taken in the plot by Safi Khan, the displaced qiladar.* Some describe him as a willing agent, or even the originator of in the conspiracy ; others make him out to have acted under compulsion from the mutinous garrison. He had been transferred by the Sayyids from Kalinjar to Agra only a short time before (17th Shaban 1130 H., 15th July, 1718), and in those few months could not have acquired such influence over the garrison as to induce it to follow him in such an ambitious undertaking. Moreover, he was by this time nearly seventy years of age and thus not very likely to be a willing sharer in such a revolt. Some say that among the men mixed up in this Agra rising were Rup Lal Kayath, brother of Hira Lal, the diwan of Sher Afkan Khan Panipati, and one Himmat, a hazari, or officer of garrison artillery. But there can be no doubt that the prime mover was Mitr Sen, a Nagar Brahman.†

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∗ Kamwar Khan, 202; Shiu Das, 26b; Khafi Khan, 827.

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† Muhammad Qasim Lahori, 267, styles him a Tiwari, which is a sub-division of the Gaur Brahmans. Kamwar Khan 180, Burhan-ul-fatuh 167a.

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This Mitr Sen resided in the fort of Agra, in the employ of Prince Nekusiyar. He had some knowledge of physic. Through this means, and money-lending, he acquired considerable influence among the hazaris and Baksariyas forming the garrison.‡ When, a few months before this time Husain Ali Khan passed through Agra, on his way from the Dakhin to Dihli, Mitr Sen, introduced by some of the Bakhshi's attendants and some fellow-Brahmans, obtained access to the audience-hall, and thus became known by sight to the Mir Bakhshi.*

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∗ Mirza Abdus-salam, first Mumin Khan, then Safi Khan, died early in Rajab 1137 H. (March 1725) at Dihli, aged over 70 years. He was son-in-law of his uncle, Ashraf Khan (d. 1097 H., 1685-6). His brother, Islam Khan (Mir Ahmad, formerly Barkhurdar Khan) died 1144 H. (1731-2) aged 77. Their father was Safi Khan (d. 1105 H., 1693-4), second son of Islam Khan Mashhadi, (Mir Abdus-salam) whose first title was Ikhtisas Khan, (d. 1057 H., 1647-8), Masir-ul-umara, i. 162-167, 272, ii. 741; Tarikh-i-Muhammadi, years 1057, 1097, 1105, 1137, 1144 H., Burhan-ul-fatuh, 162a, 167a.

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‡ Hazari (literally, "having thousand") is the name for a captain of artillery. Sometimes they are called by the Turkish word minkbashi, "head of one thousand." Baksariya means a foot-soldier or militia man. Apparently the name is derived from Baksar on the Ganges, a fort in pargana Bhojpur of subah Bihar, if we are to trust Rai Chatarman, Chahar Gulshan, fol. 127b, who in an itinerary from Bareli to Patna enters "Baksar, original home of the Baksariyas."

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Some of the Sayyid's old wounds having opened afresh and given him trouble, Mitr Sen offered his services as surgeon, and in this way obtained private speech with Husain Ali Khan. From some of the Mir Bakhshi's intimates he had wormed out the secret that Farrukh-siyar would soon be dethroned. This inspired him with the idea that Nekusiyar might be proposed as a candidate for the vacant throne. The artillery officers entered into the plan. Mitr Sen thereupon, without gaining over any great noble, or even consulting Nekusiyar, made overtures in the Prince's name to Husain Ali Khan. The latter, enraged that his secret intention should have been divined, directed that Mitr Sen should no longer be admitted to his presence. [K. K. 825.]

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Mitr Sen made his escape. He is supposed to have gone now to Rajah Jai Singh at Amber, where conditions were agreed on with him, and a letter addressed by Rajah Jai Singh to Rajah Chabela Ram, governor of Allahabad, was made over to him. It was also believed that Mitr Sen visited Nizam-ul-mulk when he passed through Agra but from him no definite answer was obtained. The secret of this interview was not kept; and it was the receipt of a report about it that led to the appointment of Samandar Khan, a man of high rank, as a new commander in the fort.

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When Samandar Khan reached Gao-ghat on the Jamuna, a few miles north-west of Agra, he called upon the garrison and all the establishments to come out to greet him and escort him into the fort. Instead of obeying this order, the garrison after a consultation returned word that their pay for three years was due, that they did not know who was now Emperor, that they were acquainted with any qiladar of the name of Samandar Khan. Mitr Sen was in the plot. On the 29th Jamadi II. (18th

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* I doubt if Agra can be the right place of meeting, for Husain Ali Khan does not seem to have passed through it on his way to Dihli. I tell the story as Khafi Khan does: the rest of the facts are probably correct.

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May, 1719), Nekusiyar and his two nephews were brought out by the soldiers; the former was placed on a throne and homage was paid to him as Emperor. Coin was issued in his name with the inscription:

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*Ba zar zad sikka sahib-qirani*
*Shah Nekusiyar, Taimur-i-sani.*

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"On gold struck coin the Lord of the Fortunate Conjunction, The Emperor Nekusiyar, a second Taimur."*

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Mitr Sen was raised to the rank of commander of 7,000 horse with the title of Rajah Birbal and the office of Wazir. One *kror* and eighty lakhs of Rupees were withdrawn from the treasure-house and distributed among the garrison. The next day Nekusiyar with two nephews was brought to an open building† over the main gate, a royal umbrella being held over his head. With both hands the Prince made reassuring gestures in the direction of the crowd, which had assembled in the open space below the gate, while Mitr Sen, now become Rajah Birbal, poured gold over his head. Soon men hurried to the fort from all directions and offered to enlist. Blacksmiths, bullet-founders, and other artisans were brought into the fort, and a new *kotwal*, or chief police officer, was placed in charge of the city on behalf of the pretender.‡

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† It is called a *bangala* i.e., four pillars supporting a roof.

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‡ Shiu Das 27*a*, Khafi Khan 827.

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Hostilities were commenced by the garrison firing upon the mansion (known as that of Islam Khan) occupied by Ghairat Khan, the new *nazim* of the province. This house was in a very exposed position, to the west of and almost immediately under the fort. Ghairat Khan, most of whose men were dispersed in the *subah* for the purpose of bringing in revenue, wished to abandon the house. He was, however, dissuaded by his officers, Sanjar Khan and Shamsher Khan, *Wala-shahis*.

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∗ Khafi Khan, 825. *Sahib-i-qiran* is one of the titles of Taimur, the founder of the dynasty. In the British Museum collection there is no coin with this distich. The one assigned to Nekusiyar (*Catalogue*, p. 197) is hardly likely to be his; it is more probably an abnormal issue of Muhammad Shah's coinage. The same objection applies to those in Rodgers, p. 209.

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He therefore maintained his position, recalled his horsemen, and proceeded to enlist more troops. The facts were reported to the Wazir at Dihli.*

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As soon as a camel-rider had brought the news to Dihli, Rajah Bhim Singh Hada and Churaman Jat,† the latter of whom had been for some time a sort of prisoner at large, were hurried off to reinforce the nazim. With them went Haidar Quli Khan, Iwaz Khan and Asad Ali Khan. The sons of Safi Khan and his brother, Islam Khan, were arrested and sent to prison, their jagirs being also confiscated. The Sayyid brothers held a consultation, and it was decided that one or the other must proceed to Agra at the head of an army. The duty was undertaken by Husain Ali Khan. On the 7th Rajab 1131 H. (25th May, 1719) he marched to Barahpula, south of the city, and there began to collect his men and make other preparations. A letter was written to Ghairat Khan assuring him of the speedy arrival of the Amir-ul-umara.‡

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† According to Kamraj, Ibratnama, 68a, Churaman now received a gift of the country twenty days' journey in length and breadth, extending from the Barahpula bridge outside Dihli to the borders of Gwaliyar. This means that he was appointed to be rahdar or road-guardian of this extent of country.

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‡ There is a copy of the letter in Shiu Das, fol. 28b.

Sec. 5.—Events at Agra.

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Nekusiyar's partisans, instead of coming out and taking advantage of Ghairat Khan's weakness, clung to the shelter of the fort walls. They lost in this way their only chance of striking a vigorous blow for their new master. In two or three days Ghairat Khan had recovered from his surprise, and his troops began to pour in to his succour. He was soon at the head of four or five thousand men, and able to take the offensive. His right-hand man at this difficult moment was Haidar Quli Khan.§

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∗ There is a copy of the report in Shiu Das, 28a; see also ibid 27a and Khafi Khan, ii. 828.

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§ In 1126 H. (1714-15) Haidar Quli Khan Isfaraini was made diwan of the Dakhin, and all appointments and removals were left to him. Nizam-ul-mulk, then nazim, did not get on with him, Burhan, 165a, Khafi Khan, ii.

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⁷⁴⁰ He reached Court on return from the Dakhin on the 6th Zul Qada

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This officer having fallen into disgrace for his oppressive measures, had not long before passed through Agra on his way from Ahmadabad to Dihli, where a very hostile reception awaited him. On arriving at Akbarabad he propitiated Ghairat Khan so effectively that through him he gained the good offices of Ratan Chand, the *Wazir’s* chief adviser. As soon as the disturbance broke out at Agra, he was sent off in great haste from Dihli to the assistance of Ghairat Khan. In a short time the activity he displayed in the operations at Agra so won for him the good opinion of Husain Ali Khan, that he made an intimate friend of him, and finally obtained his pardon from Qutb-ul-mulk, the *Wazir*. [K. K. 823-828.]

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Meanwhile the rebellion had made no progress : it had not spread outside the walls of the fort. Rajah Jai Singh had, indeed, come out several stages from Amber as far as Toda Tank, but before declaring himself further, he awaited news from Nizam-ul-mulk and Chabela Ram. From a letter which fell afterwards into Husain Ali Khan’s hands, it would appear that Nizam-ul-mulk gave no encouragement ; while Chabela Ram was detained in his province by the revolt of Jasan Singh, a zamindar of Kalpi, who was encouraged to resist by messages from the *Wazir* conveyed through Muhammad Khan Bangash. Meanwhile, although unable to make any impression on the fort, Ghairat Khan held his own. Churaman Jat had managed to collect men of his own tribe, the chief leaders being Govind Singh Jat, and the sons of Nanda Jat. Sayyid Hasan Khan from Gwaliyar and the Rajah of Bhadawar had also joined the besiegers. There was some fighting, but Safi Khan, owing to the arrest at Dihli of his children and brother, was dejected, and did not act with much vigour. Still, some sorties were attempted. One night the Jat and other peasant levies made an attack on the camp. Suddenly a store-house for the grain and grass which had been brought in from the surrounding country, was set on fire, but before the flames reached any height, heavy rain began to fall, and little damage was done. Deserters from the besieging force began to make their way into the fort. One day four of them were caught. Haidar Quli Khan condemned them to be blown away from guns in the presence of the whole army. [K. K. 834.] From that time Haidar Quli Khan in person took the roll-call of the army, and further desertions ceased. [Siwanih, Qasim 269.]

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¹ 1127 H. (2nd November, 1715), Kamwar Khan, 158. He was appointed to Bandar Surat on the 3rd Muharram 1128 H. (28th December, 1715), id., 161, and made *faujdar* of Sorath, 21st Shaban 1128 H. (9th August, 1716), id., 166; he was sent for to Court on the 22nd Rajab 1130 H. (20th June, 1718) id., 179.

Sec. 6.—Nekusiyar Makes Overtures.

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Letters in the name of Nekusiyar came to the two Sayyids and other high-placed nobles, such as Muhammad Amin Khan, offering terms, if they would accept him as Emperor. The letters said: "What new-born child is this that has been placed on the throne of Hindustan? Never before has any one thought, or even dreamt, of passing over an elder for a younger heir. As for the seizure, imprisonment, and death of Muhammad Farrukh-siyar, those events had been decreed by the Eternal. Let them (i.e., the Sayyids) wrapping the head of shame in the skirt of humbleness, make due submission. No revenge will be taken, but all their rank and dignities will be maintained as before." Qutb-ul-mulk, always ready to take the easiest way out of a difficulty, proposed to make terms with Nekusiyar and bring him to Dihli. Husain Ali Khan, on the other hand, looking on the Agra revolt as a sort of personal insult, would hear of no compromise. For a long time Qutb-ul-mulk was not satisfied, and even after his brother had moved out to Barahpula, visited him there several times with the object of persuading him to accept Nekusiyar's proposal. [Qasim 270.]

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Qutb-ul-mulk argued that they had no quarrel with the Prince, why should they meet him with force? Why not seat him on the throne? Even if he should try to form a party among the nobles, he, Qutb-ul-mulk, saw no one from whom any danger need be anticipated. Husain Ali Khan could not be moved from his own ideas. "If Agra were a fort of steel set in an encircling ocean, he would with one blow from his finger strike it down, so that beyond a little mud and dust, no sign of it should be left on earth.'' Who were these "crows," these few wretches, who had dared to interfere with their designs! All haste must be made to suppress the outbreak by force.*

Sec. 7.—The Sayyids' Conduct Towards Rafi-ud-darjat.

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During the few months that he was Emperor, Rafi-ud-darjat was completely in the power of the two Sayyids. Until this time, the Emperors, however much they might leave State affairs in the hands of a minister or favourite, retained complete control over their own palace and person, and no man could be prevented from access to them. Ultimate power resided in their hands, and they could at any time transfer authority from one minister to another. In this reign all this was changed. At first, the palace was guarded by the Sayyids' most trusted soldiers, and all offices within it were held by their nominees. On the 14th Jamadi I. (3rd May, 1719) a concession to propriety was so far made that the hereditary doorkeepers and palace servants were allowed to return to duty. But the change was more nominal than real. It is asserted that even then the Emperor's meals were not served without the express order of his tutor, Himmat Khan, a Barha Sayyid. The young Emperor was allowed little liberty, and in his short reign he seldom left the palace. He visited Qutb-ul-mulk on the 19th Jamadi I. (8th April, 1719) at his house in the Moti Bagh, to condole with him on the death of a daughter. He paid another visit to Husain Ali Khan on the 14th Jamadi II. (3rd May, 1719) ; and he also went on one hunting expedition to Shakkarpur (24th Jamadi I., 3rd April). [Kamwar 200, Siwanih.]

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In addition to keeping the strictest watch over Rafi-ud-darjat, the Sayyids' conduct was in other respects indecorous and reprehensible. Qutb-ul-mulk, a man of pleasure, not content with a harem already filled with women collected from far and near, carried off two or three of the most beautiful women from the imperial harem. One writer, Khush-hal Chand, makes a still more scandalous accusation against him.

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∗ Qasim 272, 273; Anonymous History, B. M. Oriental MS. No. 1747.

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Through Sadar-un-nisa, head of the harem, he sent a message to Inayat Banu, the Emperor's wife, that he had fallen in love with her. The go-between executed her task, only to meet with an absolute refusal. Again she was sent to urge his suit; "like a longing lover, he was fast bound by the long curling locks of that fairy." Inayat Banu writhed at the insult, undid her hair, which was over a yard long, cut it off, and threw it in the face of her tempter.* The younger brother's sin being pride, he displayed his disrespect in another manner. One day he was present alone with Rafi-ud-darjat in his private chapel (*tasbih khana*). The Emperor sat down on his chair. At once, without waiting for permission, Husain Ali Khan, sat down in front of him.† Highly-placed orientals are rarely at fault on such occasions, and Rafi-ud-darjat showed his usual readiness at rebuking an affront. Stretching out his feet in the direction of Husain Ali Khan, he said: "Draw off my stockings (*moza*)." Although inwardly raging, Husain Ali Khan could do nothing else but comply. [K. K. 821, Khush-hal 415a.]

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† No one sat in the Emperor's presence without his order or permission. Yahya Khan, 127a, has a version of this story, but he ascribes it to Rafi-ud-daulah.

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That the young man was not altogether devoid of sense, is proved by the story of a dispute that arose once between Qutb-ul-mulk and Rafi-ud-darjat. A warrant of appointment having been signed, next day the Wazir brought a second order giving the same post to another nominee. The Emperor asked: "Is it the same village, or another with the same name?" He was told it was the same one, but this man was fit for the place and offered more than the other. The Emperor said it was foolishness to act like that, and threw the paper on the floor. [Yahya 127b.]

Sec. 8.—The Emperor's Deposition and Death.

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In the confusion and hurry attending his accession, no heed had been paid to the state of Rafi-ud-darjat's health. He was afterwards found to be far advanced in consumption, he was also addicted to the use of opium ; and from the day that he ascended the throne, he became weaker and weaker. By the middle of Rajab (June) it was evident that his days were numbered. He then told the Sayyids that if they would comply with his most earnest desire, and raise to the throne his elder brother, Rafi-ud-daulah, he should die happy. Accordingly on the 17th Rajab (4th June 1719) Rafi-ud-darjat was deposed and sent back into the harem. Two days afterwards (6th June, 1719), Rafi-ud-daulah was seated on the throne in the public audience-hall within the palace at Dihli. On the 24th Rajab (11th June, 1719) Rafi-ud-darjat expired, and was buried near the shrine of Khwaja Qutb-ud-din. [Warid 159a.]

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∗ In spite of the evidence of Khush-hal Chand, a contemporary and a resident at Dihli, I fear that this story about the Princess' cutting off her hair, must be treated as what lawyers call "common form." It is also related by N. Manucci, in regard to Rana Dil, one of the widows of Dara Shukoh, when summoned to his harem by Alamgir.

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APPENDIX.—RAFI-UD-DARJAT.

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Age.—At his death Rafi-ud-darjat was about twenty years of age ; the words waris-i-taj (1111 H)., "heir to the crown," giving the year of his birth, Khafi Khan, ii. 816. The Jam-i-jam gives the precise date as the 8th Jamadi II. 1111 H. (30th November, 1699) ; Mirza Muhammad, Tarikh-i-Muhammadi, declares that he was only sixteen or seventeen years of age at his death.

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Reign.—He reigned from his accession on the 9th Rabi II. to his deposition on the 17th Rajab 1131 H., for a period of three months and nine days.

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Titles.—His style and title as Emperor was Abul-barakat, Sultan Shams-ud-din, Muhammad Rafi-ud-darjat, Badshah, Ghazi. (Mirza Muhammad, Tazkira, 470.)

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Coin.—The distich placed upon his coin was : Zad sikka ba Hind ba hazaran barakat Shahan-shah-i-bahr-o-bar, Rafi-ud-darjat. "Coin was struck in Hind, with a thousand blessings, By the king of kings on land and sea, Rafi-ud-darjat."

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But on the second day of the reign Qutb-ul-mulk called on Fath Khan Fazil, to provide a couplet which should allow of a different word for gold coins (ashrafi) and silver coins (Rupees), as was the case with Alamgir's coinage. The poet on the spur of the moment produced the following lines :

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*Sikka zad Shah Rafi-ud-darjat* *Mihr-manind ba yamin-o-barakat.* “The Emperor Rafi-ud-darjat struck coin, Sun-like, with power and felicity.”

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On the Rupee the word *badr* (moon) was substituted for *mihr* (sun). It is not known whether these lines were ever actually brought into use, as we have no coin on which they appear; but there is another variant on one coin in the Lahor Museum:

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*Sikka-i-mubarik-i-badshah-i-ghazi, Rafi-ud-darjat.*

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There are twenty-three coins of this reign in the three public collections at London, Calcutta, and Lahor; four of gold and nineteen of silver, all circular in shape. All except one are dated according to the Hijra or the regnal year, or both. All except one coin can be classed under the *subahs* in which their place of mintage was situated. These twenty-two coins belong to ten mints in eight out of the twenty-one provinces; Kashmir, Tattha, Ajmer, Gujarat, Malwa, Bengal, Orissa and the six Dakhin *subahs* being unrepresented. The number of coins from each mint is: Kabul (1), Lahor (4), Multan (1), Shahjahanabad (5), Akbarabad (5), Gwaliyar (1), Etawa (2), Muazzamabad, *i.e.*, Oudh (1), Kora (1), Patna (1). It is curious that in such a short reign a distant province like Kabul should have issued any coin; but the other places were well within control of the Court. In the gold coins the weights are 160, 168, 169 and 169.5 grains, and the diameters ·77, ·8, ·85, and ·94 of an inch. For the silver coins the weight and the diameter are respectively 172 (2), 173 (4), 174 (1), 174·5 (2), 175 (5), 176 (2), 177 (1), 178 (1), and 179 (1), grains, and ·82 (1), ·85 (2), ·90 (5), ·95 (5), ·96 (1), ·97 (1), 1·0 (3), 1·03 (1) of an inch. Mr. M. Longworth Dames (*Numismatic Chronicle*, Fourth Series, ii. 275-309) has three coins of this reign; adding thereby two more mints to the above, *viz.*, Burhanpur and Sarhind.

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*Family.*—The only reference to Rafi-ud-darjat’s wife or wives is to be found in the story given a page or two back, from which we learn the name of one wife, Inayat Banu. He seems to have left no children. One notable point about him was his descent on both sides from Alamgir, his mother being the daughter of Prince Akbar, that monarch's fourth son. With such an ancestry it is strange that he did not display more of the energy and ability characteristic of the earlier generations of his house.

Sec. 9.—The Accession of Rafi-ud-daulah (1719).

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On the 19th Rajab 1131 H. (6th June, 1719), Rafi-ud-daulah, middle son of Prince Rafi-ush-shan, third son of Bahadur Shah, ascended the throne in the audience-hall at Dihli in succession to his brother, Rafi-ud-darjat. He was eighteen months older than his predecessor. He received the title of Shah Jahan Sani, or the second Shah Jahan. At his accession no changes took place, except the insertion of his name on the coin and in the Friday prayer. He remained like his brother in the hands of Qutb-ul-mulk's nominees. His coming out and going in, his appearances in the audience-hall, what he ate and what he wore, his every act was under the control of Himmat Khan Barha. He was not allowed to attend the public prayers on Friday, to go hunting, or to converse with any noble, unless one of the two Sayyids or his guardian was present. His first formal audience was held in the ramna or hunting preserve of Khizrabad on the 24th Rajab (11th June, 1719) when the generals appointed for duty at Agra were presented and took their leave. After this the khutba was read at the great mosque in the new Emperor's presence on the 26th of the same month (13th June, 1719).[*]

Sec. 10.—Rising of Shaista Khan at Dihli.

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Shaista Khan, maternal uncle of the late Emperor,[†] Farrukh-siyar, was naturally discontented with the new régime, and at the instigation of Rajah Jai Singh, began to collect soldiers, with the intention of escaping from Dihli and joining the Rajah, then on his march to the assistance of Nekusiyar. Meanwhile he kept the Rajah well informed of all that was going on at Dihli. Khan Dauran, (Khwaja Asim) and other great men attempted to dissuade Shaista Khan from this dangerous course. He paid no heed to them and continued his preparations. Then by accident a letter addressed by him to Rajah Jai Singh fell into the hands of Husain Ali Khan. By this time the malcontent was reported to have collected seven or eight thousand men.*

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∗ Kamwar Khan, 203. Khafi Khan, ii. 831, fixes the 20th Rajab for the accession, perhaps to suit his chronogram : Shambah bistam-i-mah-i-Rajab bud, (1131 H.). Nor was it possible for the 20th to have fallen on a Saturday; it was either a Wednesday or a Thursday. The Khizrabad referred to is about five miles south of the new city or Shahjahanabad, and near the Jamuna river.

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† Khwaja Inayatullah Kashmiri, entitled Shaista Khan, died early in Rajab 1141 H. (January, February, 1729), at Shahjahanabad, Tarikh-i-Mhdi.

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On the 23rd Rajab 1131 H. (10th June, 1719), Zafar Khan and Nahar Khan Hansawi† were sent against Shaista Khan with a strong force. They stormed his mansion and, taking him a prisoner, conveyed him to Husain Ali Khan then at Barahpula where he had been encamped since the 7th Rajab, (25th May, 1719). Shaista Khan's property in cash and goods, his horses and his elephants, his cows and his asses, were given up to plunder. This incident aroused suspicions in the Sayyids' hearts with regard to many other of the nobles. But at such a critical moment silence seemed the wisest thing. Of those suspected, only a few men openly declared themselves. Ruhullah Khan III., son of Ruhullah Khan, the second of that title, had been appointed faujdar of Ahmadabad in Gujarat, but on his way to that place had turned aside and joined Rajah Jai Singh. Tahavvar Khan Turani had also escaped secretly from Dihli a week after Husain Ali Khan had started for Agra, and he, too, repaired to Jai Singh's camp by forced marches. Qutb-ul-mulk sent horsemen in pursuit, but they were unable to overtake the fugitive. Another of these absconders to Jai Singh was Sayyid Salabat Khan, brother-in-law of Farrukhsiyar and lately commander of the imperial artillery. [Kamwar 204, Qasim 272, K. K. 832.]

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∗ Khafi Khan 831, Kamwar Khan 204, and Siwanih-i-Khizri.

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† That is "native of Hansi." He was either a Ranghar (a Muhamadan Rajput) or a Khanzada. Possibly he is identical with the Nahar Khan Shaikhzada, of Hansi, mentioned as faujdar of Dholka in Gujarat, see Kamwar Khan, p. 200, entry of 24th Jamadi I. 1131 H. Kamraj, Ibratnama, 69a, says S. Dilawar Ali Khan, Bakhshi of the Wazir, was also sent against Shaista Khan.

Sec. 11.—Husain Ali Khan's Campaign at Agra.

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At length on the 6th Shaban (23rd June, 1719) Husain Ali Khan commenced his march. Under his orders were Muhammad Amin Khan Chin, Samsam-ud-daulah Khan Dauran, Zafar Khan and others. Muhammad Khan Bangash came in from Sadabad* on the 20th Shaban (7th July, 1719) and followed the main body. At this time many rumours were prevalent. As usual in such cases, dreams or the opinions of soothsayers and astrologers favourable to Nekusiyar, passed from mouth to mouth. Rajah Jai Singh, people said, was marching from Amber on Agra; Chabela Ram was on his way from Allahabad at the head of thirty thousand men; Nizam-ul-mulk had started to reinforce them with a mighty army; Nekusiyar, in the garb of a faqir, had escaped from Agra and reached the camp of Rajah Jai Singh. Of all these statements the only true one was that Rajah Jai Singh had come out one stage from Amber at the head of nine or ten thousand horsemen, and there awaited the advance of Chabela Ram. The latter, however, was still busily occupied with the revolt of Jasan Singh of Kalpi, who was backed up by the Afghans. Nizam-ul-mulk showed no serious intention of taking up the cause of Nekusiyar. [Kamwar 205, K. K. 832.]

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On the 21st Shaban (8th July, 1719) Husain Ali Khan reached Sikandra, within sight of Agra; the weather was extremely hot, and a halt was made for three days. On the 25th (12th July) camp was moved to Bagh Dahr-Ara. The siege which had been commenced by Ghairat Khan and Haidar Quli Khan, was now pressed on with redoubled energy. [Qasim, 277.]

Sec. 12.—Siege of Agra Fort.

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As soon as he reached Agra, Husain Ali Khan rode round the fort and fixed in person the sites for the batteries, the side selected for attack being the south, where is the bastion then known as the Bangala-burj, a place which was weakly defended and had no earthwork (pushta) to strengthen the wall. Heavy guns were brought to bear on the walls;* but as the wet weather had begun and the rain was heavy, ten and in some cases twenty days were occupied in dragging these cannon the distance, only a mile or two, which separated the camp from the fort. The route through the lanes and bazars being very narrow, the dwelling-houses and shops were pulled down to allow of the passage of the artillery. Within the fort there are said to have been thirteen hundred cannon, counting those of every kind. From these the garrison artillerymen (the Baksariya) kept up an incessant fire, not allowing themselves a respite even during the night. Damage was done on both sides. Even persons resorting to the river bank to draw water were fired on from the fort, and fell victims. The governor's mansion near the fort was destroyed, the mosque known as the Begam Sahib's, standing opposite to the citadel, was injured, the tower and marble steps being struck by shot, and the buildings of the Tirpoliya or triple gate, suffered equally. The besiegers returned the fire and injured the battlements on all four walls, doing also some damage to the Moti Masjid. Haidar Quli Khan, who had under his command many Europeans, whom he had brought from Surat, drove several saps towards the walls. Little effect was, however, produced on the fort; nor did the garrison show any enterprize, or try to open a way through the investing lines and join their friends outside. The attacking force had succeeded in causing the besieged to withdraw within the fort; but beyond this advantage nothing was gained, except that Ghairat Khan and Shamsher Khan, after a good deal of fighting, took the chabutra or police office at the fort gate.†

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∗ Sadabad, a town in the Ganges-Jamuna duaba.

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† Shiu Das, 29a; Risala-i-Muhammad Shah, 76b; Qasim, 280.

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The garrison were evidently reserving themselves until they had learnt of the advance of their hoped-for allies. Time passed, and of these helpers there was no word or sign. After a month provisions began to be scarce. Many of those who had joined from the country round began to desert, getting over the walls at night, only to be seized by the Nawab's sentries. These fugitives informed Husain Ali of the disheartened and suffering condition of the garrison and the depression in Mitr Sen's mind. All the good grain had been used up; and nothing was left but inferior pulses, and these had been stored over seven years and smelt so strongly, that even the four-footed beasts would not eat them with avidity. Attempts were made to bring in small supplies of flour, which were dragged up by ropes let down from the battlement. Even some men of the artillery in the besieging force engaged in this traffic. After this fact was found out, the strictness of watch was redoubled, anything moving in the river at night was shot at, and expert swimmers were kept ready to pursue and seize any one who attempted to escape by way of the river.

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∗ These guns had each a name, such as Ghazi Khan (Lord Champion), Sherdahan (Tiger-mouth), Dhum-dham (The noisy), and so forth. They carried balls from thirty Shahjahani sers to one and a quarter man in weight; attached to each were from one to four elephants, and from six hundred to seventeen hundred draught oxen.

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Secret overtures were accordingly made to the garrison. In Husain Ali Khan's artillery a man was serving named Chura, who had acquaintances within the fort; and through him a message was sent to these men guaranteeing to them their lives and property, if they delivered up Prince Nekusiyar together with the fort. Churaman Jat, who commanded at an entrenchment near the fort, opened up similar negotiations. The garrison called these two Churas within the fort, where they placed a pot of Ganges water on their heads and made them swear an oath to carry out faithfully the terms agreed on.*

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About this time the hazaris, or captains of artillery, had told Mitr Sen that they could not continue the defence. Mitr Sen sent a confidential secretary, Nath Mal, to reassure them. This Nath Mal was the son of Bhukan Mal, who had been high in the service of Asad Khan, Alamgir's Wazir. Instead of listening to his remonstrances, the artillerymen seized Nath Mal and made him over to their friends outside. He was brought before Husain Ali Khan, and in his pen-box were found communications to Nekusiyar from many of the nobles holding commands in the besieging force or offices round the Emperor's person. Husain Ali Khan dissembled in this matter as much as possible but his bosom friend, Asad Ali Khan, a connection of the celebrated Ali Mardan Khan, was publicly disgraced. Among the letters found were some from Samsam-ud-daulah and Zafar Khan Roshan-ud-daulah. [K. K. 836, Siwanih.]

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∗ Shiu Das, 30a; Mhd. Qasim, 281, 286, 287.

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Others captured were Rup Lal and his companions, seven men in all, who had been sent to some of the besieging nobles in the hope of winning their adherence to Nekusiyar's cause. Their captor was Khizr Khan Panni; Rup Lal was executed. Sayyid Firuz Ali Khan also made prisoners of Sulaiman Beg and six others. A large sum was offered by Husain Ali Khan to any one who would surrender the fort. [Kamraj, 69b.]

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Shortly afterwards Mirza Asghari, brother's son of Nekusiyar,[*] tried to make his escape from the fort (22nd Ramzan 1131 H., 7th August, 1719), with the hope of reaching Rajah Jai Singh at Amber, or Chabela Ram at Allahabad. He intended to come out on the side facing the river, but Manohar Jat, one of the garrison, sent notice to Churaman Jat, who commanded in that direction. From sunset Churaman took up his station near the river at the head of two hundred men. When Mirza Asghari, followed by twelve servants, made his appearance, he was forthwith seized and detained till the morning. At day-break he was taken before Husain Ali Khan, who ordered him to be kept a prisoner in the custody of Mutamad Khan. The money which he had brought out to bribe Churaman, was made over to that chief, together with an elephant.[†]

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A plan was now devised to overcome Safi Khan's reluctance to give in, and to induce him to abandon the struggle. A letter purporting to be from his brother, Islam Khan, then a prisoner at Dihli, was prepared, and on it Qutb-ul-mulk impressed the seal of Islam Khan. It urged Safi Khan to resist no longer, but make over the fort and the pretender to Ghairat Khan. Safi Khan sent this letter on to Ghairat Khan, expressing his willingness to surrender, if he were promised a pardon. Ghairat Khan hurried off to Husain Ali Khan and obtained from him a written

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[*] Kamraj, *Ibratnama*, 69b, says it was the other son of Buland Akhtar, viz., Fath-ul-mubin, who tried to escape. [†] *Siwanih-i-Khizri*, Khafi Khan ii. 836, Kamwar Khan 207.

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promise of pardon, attested by his seal and signature. Thereupon Safi Khan came out of the fort and delivered up letters which he had received from many of the great nobles, instigating him to bring forward Nekusiyar as a claimant for the throne. Among the rest was one bearing the private seal of Husain Ali Khan himself. He was struck with amazement. On enquiring, he found that Mitr Sen at the time when he had access to the Nawab's darbar, had prepared it and sent it to Safi Khan. [Siwanih.]

Sec. 13.—Surrender of Agra Fort and of Nekusiyar.

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At length on the 27th Ramzan 1131 H.* (12th August, 1719) the garrison surrendered. Ghairat Khan was sent in with a force to take possession, while Rajah Muhkam Singh and Samandar Khan brought out Nekusiyar and his other nephew, Baba Mughal.† At the gate of the fort the two Princes were placed on elephants and escorted to the camp. A great crowd had assembled to see them, through which they passed with hanging heads, looking neither to the right nor to the left. As they dismounted, Husain Ali Khan advanced to greet them and conducted them to the tent already allotted to Mirza Asghari. There they were made to sit on one carpet of honour (masnad), while the Bakhshi stood before them humbly, with folded hands. But Nekusiyar, whose life had been passed in the harem, rose at once, and in the dialect used by women began to beg and pray for his life, accompanying his words by prostrations utterly opposed to usage. Anxious to maintain the usual decorum, the Nawab took his hand, and remonstrating, said, "Let your mind be at rest, and count this place as your own. Until this time you were in the hands of infidels." Nekusiyar uttered bitter complaints against those who had made use of him for their own purposes; and asked that some eunuch might be sent at once to allay the terror of his mother and the other women, by informing them of the kind reception he and his nephew had received. They were then furnished with carpets, pillows and other necessaries.*

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∗ It is the 29th Ramzan in Muhammad Qasim, 289, and so also in the Tabsirat-un-nazirin, year 1131 H., p. 129, where is to be found Abdul-jalil's qasida in honour of the occasion. The poet was present on the spot.

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† Baba Mughal is, I suppose, the same as the Prince called Fath-ul-mubin by Kamraj, Ibratnama, fol. 69b.

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Before the imperial soldiers could seize him, Mitr Sen had made an end of himself by plunging a dagger into his own breast. While still a little breath was left in the body, the soldiers, to prove their zeal, lifted it up and carried it into the presence of Husain Ali Khan. He ordered them to sever the head from the body and send it to Qutb-ul-mulk. For three days the drums were beaten in honour of the victory, and in the end Nekusiyar was sent to Dihli to be placed with the other captive Princes in Salimgarh : he died there on the 6th Rajab 1135 H. (11th March, 1723) and was buried at the Qutb.†

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† Burhan-us-safa, 167b; Kamwar Khan, 208; Khafi Khan, 837; Tarikh-i-Mhdi., year 1135; Siwanih-i-Khizri, p. 3.

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The next pressing work was to obtain possession of the hoards of treasure and other property. Husain Ali Khan in person proceeded to the fort, where he placed Haidar Quli Khan in general charge, and Ghairat Khan was told off to search for treasure. Trusty men were placed as sentries at the gates and no one, whether belonging to the army or not, was allowed to pass without being strictly searched. Ancient treasurers and guards of Alamgir’s time, who had long left the service, were summoned from their homes. By much urging and the offer of rewards they were induced to point out the underground store-houses. In one place thirty-five lakhs of tanka minted in the time of Sikandar Lodi (1488-1516) were recovered ; and in another seventy-eight lakhs of Shah Jahan’s silver coinage, with ten thousand gold coins of Akbar’s reign. The papers of account were also recovered. These showed that the money had been placed by Alamgir in the custody of Shaista Khan, Amir-ul-umara ; but upon that Emperor’s death in the Dakhin, no further notice had been taken of these hoards. They were not discovered in Bahadur Shah’s or Jahandar Shah’s time. In the wardrobe were a shawl studded with jewels which had belonged to Nur Jahan Begam, a sword used by the Emperor Jahangir, and the sheet sprinkled with pearls which Shah Jahan caused to be prepared for the tomb of Mumtaz Mahal. One valuation puts the property at 1,80,00,000 Rupees (£1,800,000), 1,40,00,000 Rupees in cash and the rest in goods. Khafi Khan puts it still higher, namely, at two to three krors of Rupees (£2,000,000 to £3,000,000).*

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