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Later Mughals v1.c7: Chapter II. The Interregnum, 1712.

Later Mughals v1.c7

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Contents

Chapter II. The Interregnum, 1712.

Sec. 1.—The Condition of the Princes at Bahadur Shah’s Death.

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By Bahadur Shah’s death on the 20th Muharram 1124 H. (27th February, 1712) the whole camp was thrown into confusion. The Emperor had barely breathed his last, before his sons were ranged against each other in contest for Empire, an event which was far from unexpected. In order to make the narrative of events quite clear, it is necessary to go back a little and explain the position in which the four brothers stood to each other. Azim-ush-shan, the second son, had been far away from his father for the last ten years of his grandfather Alamgir’s reign. In 1109 H. (1697-8) he was appointed governor of Bengal, to which was added Bihar in the year 1114 H. (1702-3). He did not see his father again until they met at Agra in 1119 H. (1707) just before the battle at Jajau and the defeat of Azam Shah. During these ten or twelve years, Jahandar Shah, the eldest son, from his inattention to public affairs, lost favour with his father and spent most of his time in his separate Government of Multan. In the earlier years of Shah Alam’s stay in the Kabul province, his third son, Rafi-ush-shan, was his principal adviser and favourite son. In time he was supplanted in this position by the fourth son, Jahan Shah, who retained his influence at his father’s accession and for some time afterwards. The credit of Munim Khan’s appointment as chief minister is given to Jahan Shah. But about the time (December 1709) when the Emperor recrossed the Narmada on his return to Hindustan, all influence seems to have been absorbed by the second son, Azim-ush-shan. Jahan Shah had several long illnesses (4th—28th December, 1709; 30th July—5th October 1711), and ill-health may have contributed to his gradual exclusion from public affairs. At any rate, Azim-ush-shan continued in favour to the end of the reign. The great wealth that he had accumulated, both during his stay in Bengal and after he had obtained the chief direction of affairs, and the preponderating influence that he had exercised for a considerable period, while they raised his brothers envy, pointed him out to all men as the destined victor in the coming struggle. [Ijad, 32b ; Scott, ii. Pt. iv. 45.]

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The conduct of the four brothers betokened that they were at enmity ; that there could be little hope of a peaceful solution. Their dread of each other was shown in many ways, among others by an incident related by Iradat Khan.* During the Emperor's last illness, Jahandar Shah and Azim-ush-shan were seated near his bed. Azim-ush-shan took up a jewelled dagger lying near the pillow and began to toy with it, admiring the exquisite workmanship and the beauty of the blade. As he drew it from the sheath, Jahandar Shah, overcome with sudden terror, started up, and in his hurried retreat knocked off his turban at the tent-door, forgot to put on his shoes (a sign of great perturbation),† and, when he got outside, fell over the tent-ropes. As soon as his servants had picked him up, he mounted and rode off in all haste to his own tents. On a previous occassion a violent outbreak had been expected. On the 24th Rabi I. 1123 H. (11th May 1711), the day on which the Satlaj was crossed, Jahandar Shah and Jahan Shah went over the bridge of boats first and took up a threatening position upon the further bank. Messengers brought word that those two Princes and Rafi-ush-shan had made a plot together to attack the treasure carts of Azim-ush-shan as they were coming off the bridge. It was only by the exercise of the strongest pressure that the Emperor, who was extremely angry, was able to avert an outbreak. Another indication of the same strained relations between the four brothers may, I think, be detected in a sudden attack made upon Jahan Shah on the 15th Zul Hijja 1123 H. (23rd January 1712) near the kettle-drum stand, as he was leaving the camp after an audience. A man with a drawn sword rushed at his retinue, wounded a stick-bearer, and was himself cut to pieces. [Kamwar, 70, 100.]

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∗ J. Scott, 64; Ijad 120 b, 121 a.

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† For instance on an occasion of great emergency, one of Ali Wirdi Khan's slippers could not be found and he refused to move till it was brought. A bystander said, 'Is this a time to look for slippers?' 'No,' replied the nawab, 'but were I to go without them it would be said, 'Ali Wirdi Khan was in such a hurry to get away that he left his slippers behind him' (Stewart, Bengal, 462, note). I heard once a sharp Benares mukhtar apply this taunt most effectively to a barefooted litigant at a local enquiry, to the huge delight of the bystanders.

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Jahandar Shah had no money and therefore no troops: his whole force consisted of a hundred horsemen. Against Azim-ush-shan he felt that, under such conditions, it was hopeless to attempt hostilities; and he would have been content with, nay would have thought himself lucky in getting, one city only. He had made up his mind that on his father's death he would make his escape to Multan, where he was well known, and there make ready for an attempt to retrieve his fortunes. All the leading men paid assiduous court to Azim-ush-shan. Among the rest Zulfiqar Khan, Amir-ul-umara, the first Bakhshi, made an offer of his services through the means of Iradat Khan. One Shaikh Qudrat-ullah* wrote a note in reply, of a very curt and unceremonious kind, such as a person of his rank should not have written to a mansabdar of 7,000, saying that all the officers of the State were in attendance at the Prince's Court, there could be no question of any other place, and the Amir-ul-umara ought to present himself there, when he would be fittingly received. Zulfiqar Khan, with tears in his eyes, lamented over such mannerless conduct, and quoted the saying 'when Fortune turns against any one, everything conspires against his success.' He left the imperial guard-room at once, collected his troops, and moved with all his tents and effects to the camp of Prince Jahandar Shah, the eldest son.†

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† Warid, 60, 61; Yahya Khan, 117b; J. Scott, 65; or text (my copy) 68.

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But Zulfiqar Khan had not been so imprudent as to leave his own fate completely in the hands of Azim-ush-shan. For a long time he had been negotiating with the three Princes opposed to Azim-ush-shan, and had succeeded in bringing them to an agreement. The Court chroniclers noticed, as the outward sign of these intrigues, that on the 25th Zul Hijja 1123 H. (2nd February, 1712) Rafi-ush-shan and on the 1st Muharram 1124 H. (8th February, 1712) Jahandar Shah visited the quarters of Zulfiqar Khan. As Azim-ush-shan's power was held to be overwhelming, it was considered wise by Zulfiqar Khan, acting for Jahandar Shah, to make overtures for joint action to the two younger brothers. Accordingly an agreement sworn on the Quran was entered into for the division of the Empire into three parts. Jahandar Shah, as the eldest son, would be proclaimed Emperor of Hindustan, the Friday prayer being recited everywhere in his name, and the coinage throughout the country bearing his superscription. Rafi-ush-shan was to take Kabul, Kashmir, Multan, Tattha and Bhakkar, and Jahan Shah, the Dakhin from the Narmada to the island of Ceylon. Any cash or plunder obtained by a victory over Azim-ush-shan was to be divided among the three Princes equally. The preposterous condition was also included in the agreement that Zulfiqar Khan should be the only Wazir, remaining in person with Jahandar Shah at Dihli and exercising his functions through deputies at the Courts of the other two Princes. A more impracticable plan can hardly be conceived, and possibly it was never seriously intended by Zulfiqar Khan that it should be carried out. Up to this time, owing to the notorious poverty of Jahandar Shah, adventurers and soldiers had kept aloof from him, but when his cause was espoused by Zulfiqar Khan, they began to flock to his standard.*

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∗ A native of Allahabad. He was hanged by Mir Jumla early in Farrukh-siyar's reign.

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We have already recounted how Prince Rafi-ush-shan passed under arms the greater part of the night of the 18th

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∗ Kamwar Khan, 101, 102; Warid, 59, 60; Mhd. Qasim Lahori, 45. Valentyn, iv. 294, estimates the numbers of the contending forces as follows :—

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| | | | | Horse | Foot |
| Jahandar Shah | ... | ... | ... | 20,000 | 30,000 |
| Rafi-ush-shan | ... | ... | ... | 8,000 | 8,000 |
| Jahan Shah | ... | ... | ... | 25,000 | 30,000 |
| | | | | 53,000 | 68,000 |
| Azim-ush-shan | ... | ... | ... | 30,000 | 30,000 |

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He can give no record of the numbers slain in the subsequent fighting.

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Muharram 1124 H. (25th February 1712). In the morning the Prince slept late and was not yet awake when Kamwar Khan arrived at his house. Assembled there were the Prince's chief men, Afzal Khan, Fath-ullah Khan, Ata-ullah Khan, Jahangir Quli Khan and others, with their friends and relations. Camel-riders, one after another, came in with reports of the increasing severity of Bahadur Shah's illness. About noon Rafi-ush-shan left the mansion of Ali Mardan Khan, with his three sons and his family, and took shelter in a small tent put up for the occasion on the river sands. Kamwar Khan was posted, with all the Prince's men, at Katra Shah Balawal* to keep watch during the night. Munim Khan was despatched to the left, to the river bank, at the head of Prince Ibrahim's troops, while Fath-ullah Khan Mughal went out to the distance of a quarter of a kos as an advanced guard. The rest of the troops were drawn up to form a centre and two wings, and thus the night was spent in anxious expectation of the next news. [Kamwar, 104-5.]

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In the morning Rafi-ush-shan learnt that his father had passed away at the first watch of the night, and that the imperial camp had fallen into the possession of Azim-ush-shan. A tumult had at once arisen, and without delay, dark though it was, the chief nobles had deserted their posts round the Emperor's quarters, and had hastened to join one or other of the Princes. A few men only, such as Islam Khan, the Mir Atash, Hamid-ud-din Khan, Darbar Khan and Khawas Khan, remained at their posts and prevented the plunder of the women's apartments. Many men of lower station and all the traders, who had their families in camp, started for the city, leading their women and children by the hand. Most of their property was at once plundered by the loose characters hanging about the army, who collected at the Shalimar garden, between the camp and the city, while the streets and lanes of Lahor were crowded with people who could find no house in which to obtain shelter. The camps of the four Princes were in an uproar. The great nobles looked forward to inevitable death before the sun had set, while the soldiers clamoured for their arrears. Every sort of oppression was inflicted upon the paymasters; and whatever could be laid hands upon was carried off. Son could not help father, nor father, son; every one was wrapped up in thoughts for his own safety. Among others Inayatullah Khan, Khan-saman or Lord Steward, fled to Lahor, and as soon as he had reached the city, made a pretext of being ill of a cold and thus avoided presenting himself at any of the four darbars.*

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∗ Shah Balawal Qadiri Lahori, died 28th Shaban 1046 H. (4th Feb. 1637), aged 70 years. His tomb outside the Dihli Gate of Lahor was threatened by the Ravi in 1252 H. (1836-7), when the body was exhumed and re-buried at a little distance, Khazinat-ul-asfiya, i. 161.

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At early dawn spies brought in word that Prince Muhammad Karim, son of Azim-ush-shan, had started for the encampment of Mahabat Khan and Khan Zaman, sons of the late Munim Khan, Bahadur Shah's Wazir. The real objects of this movement had not been discovered by the other side. Naturally, it was supposed that Azim-ush-shan, having more treasure, men, elephants, and cannon than the other three Princes put together, and all the great nobles, with the exception of Zulfiqar Khan, having joined him, had taken the field at once, without allowing his opponents time to collect more troops. Zulfiqar Khan, as soon as he heard of this movement on Azim-ush-shan's part, revived the courage of his troops, who wished to retreat, by quoting the proverb, 'Never take off your stockings, till you see the ford.' Then he rode off with a small escort to Jahan Shah, who was near the tomb of Shah Mir,† and thence to the position of Prince Rafi-ush-shan near the Ravi. Azim-ush-shan had made overtures to Rafi-ush-shan, who had at first held back from taking one side or the other, then by the persuasion of Zulfiqar Khan had joined Jahandar Shah. But Zulfiqar Khan was still a little suspicious of him and therefore proposed that, as his force was small, he should take up his position as the rearguard. To this Rafi-ush-shan consented, and as soon as he knew that Muhammad Karim had marched, he drew up on the bank of the Ravi, at the head of 5,000 to 6,000 horsemen, about a bow-shot from his camp, and awaited the other side's approach. In like manner, Jahandar Shah, accompanied by Zulfiqar Khan, left his camp between the city and the Shalimar gardens, where he had been ever since arriving at Lahor; and Jahan Shah, mounting a swift gray horse, issued from his quarters near the tomb of Miyan Mir in readiness to give battle. [Kamwar 106, Nur. 23.]

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∗ Kamwar Khan, 105; Qasim, 43; Yahya Khan, 117 a.

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† Shaikh Muhammad Mir called Shah Mir or Miyan Mir, died at Lahor, 7th Rabi I. 1045 H. (21st Aug. 1635), and was buried in Hashimpur near that city. Beale, 2nd ed., 304, and Khazinat-ul-asfiya, i. 154.

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One watch of the day had hardly passed when Azim-ush-shan's troops, after showing on a rising ground, disappeared from view. By the reports of the spies it became clear that Muhammad Karim had come out, not to give battle, but to rescue the sons of Munim Khan and some other nobles, who were escorted to Azim-ush-shan's camp. This movement was due to the fact that Rajah Gujar Mal and Jani Khan had been sent by Zulfiqar Khan to the tents of Mahabat Khan with the hope of persuading him to act as mediator between Azim-ush-shan and his three brothers, the object being to gain time. When Azim-ush-shan heard of this visit, he, suspecting that the sons of Munim Khan meant to desert him, sent his son to re-assure them, at the same time using the occasion to make a display of his own strength. The spies had also ascertained that Azim-ush-shan intended to shun a battle in the open, preferring to entrench himself. The preparation of earthen defences had been ordered and his purpose was to rely upon his artillery and musket fire. This news was most re-assuring to the three Princes, they returned joyfully to their camps, and ordered the enlistment of fresh troops.*

Sec. 2.—Azim-Ush-Shan Stands on the Defensive.

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We will now return to Azim-ush-shan's camp. On the preceding night, when Amin-ud-din Sambhali brought word that the Emperor had passed away, Azim-ush-shan first shed a few tears of sorrow at his father's death, then the drums were beaten in honour of a new sovereign's accession, and all the persons in attendance presented their congratulations and offerings. The Prince's advisers at once said to him that as Zulfiqar Khan was an open enemy, not a moment should be lost in making him a prisoner. Since he was at that time alone between the imperial audience tent and the outer enclosure, they could easily capture him. Niamatullah Khan and Aqidat Khan, in particular, insisted upon this order being given. From the first the Prince made objections, for he feared that the imperial family would at once be plundered. After all, what could Zulfiqar Khan do? Reliance must be placed on God's help alone. The leading men then ceased to urge the matter further, but said to each other, 'The Lord help and preserve us! the first words of invocation have been said wrong.'* On leaving the private audience-hall, Niamatullah Khan, disregarding the Prince's order, rushed off with a strong force, but before he could reach the spot, Zulfiqar Khan had left and gone to his own quarters, where he renewed his oaths to Jahandar Shah and by misleading promises persuaded the two younger Princes to make common cause with their eldest brother. [Dastur-ul-insha, 16.]

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∗ Kamwar Khan, 106; Nur-ud-din, 20, 24. Khafi Khan, ii. 686, says that Azim-ush-shan moved his position and transferred his camp to the vicinity of Budanah village, three or four kos from the city, where, having the Ravi in his rear, he dug a ditch round the other three sides. Faqir

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The next three days were passed by Zulfiqar Khan in negotiating with the Princes, rallying troops to their standard, and bringing artillery from the fort at Lahor. The former agreement between the Princes was renewed. Zulfiqar Khan visited Rafi-ush-shan and Jahan Shah, and urged them both to carry out their enthronement and assume regal honours and titles. When Zulfiqar Khan paid his visit to Prince Rafi-ush-shan, he used the most flattering words and placed his head on the Prince's feet. The Prince said to him, 'You place your head on my feet, lay rather your hand on my head, for have I not become an orphan?' and taking the hand of Zulfiqar

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Sayyid Jamal-ud-din says that there is now no Budanah village there, and suggests instead Uwan, some miles n. e. of the Shalimar garden.
* Bism-illah-i-avval ghalat shud.

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Khan, pressed it. Zulfiqar Khan made some appropriate reply and then left for his own camp.*

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In two or three days' time a large force of soldiers, some of long service but most of them greedy mercenaries, had been collected, and the artillery had been strengthened by the guns removed from the city walls. Three of the very largest guns were removed from the fort, each being dragged by two hundred and fifty oxen aided by five or six elephants, and it was ten days before the distance to camp was covered. One of these was sent to Rafi-ush-shan and one to Jahan Shah. When everything was ready, the three Princes left their old positions and encamped close to each other in a wide and open plain. Azim-ush-shan all this time never left the shelter of his earthen entrenchments, but contented himself with the daily discharge of a gun or two. On their side, the three Princes advanced daily at the rate of about one-eighth of a kos, or one-third of a mile, encamping each evening on the ground where they stood, and keeping an active look-out for fear of a night attack. In these nightly halts many of the new troops left the army, and it almost looked as if Jahandar Shah would be forced to retreat without fighting. But Zulfiqar Khan and Abdus-samad Khan exerted themselves to keep the men together. At length, early in the month of Safar (1st Safar 1124 H. = 9th March 1712), they pitched their camp not far from the entrenchment of Azim-ush-shan. For another two or three days, an artillery duel was maintained, and from time to time Azim-ush-shan's men made sallies and engaged the outposts of the attacking army. [Kamwar, 107 ; Nur. 28.]

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On the other side, Mirza Shah Nawaz Khan Safawi urged Prince Azim-ush-shan to take the field and give battle in the open. Daya Bahadur and others joined with him in his entreaties.* They believed that by one sudden onset they could drive the whole of the enemy's force away. The only answer they could obtain was 'wait a little longer.' After that they could say no more. Azim-ush-shan relied on the extent of his treasure; he had also received pledges from Churaman Jat and the Banjara grain-carriers that his camp should not suffer from scarcity of grain. In his opponents' camp there was, as he thought, nothing but poverty, and their men must disperse or die from hunger. Moreover, he had an exalted opinion of his own abilities and an equally low one of his brothers' capacities. Muizz-ud-din had, doubtless, shown himself a good soldier in his grandfather's and father's time, but now want of means rendered him quite helpless. As for Rafi-ush-shan, he had the heart of a courtesan, devoting all his energy to the adornment of his person and the purchase of clothes and high-priced jewels, a man to whom the verse applied:

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∗ Kamwar Khan, 107; Nur-ud-din, 26. There is a long letter, which I reject as apocryphal, in a work professing to be the Insha of Har Karan, son of Mathura Das Multani, and said to have been compiled in Mhd. Shah's reign (1131-1161 H.). In it Jahandar Shah expostulates with Azim-ush-shan, and ends with the defiance, Dam az mihr dah, ya ba kin zan payam, Kalam-am bar in khatam shud o us-salam. 'Breathe words of love, or send your challenge, My speech closes with this and so farewell.' According to the true Inshae Har Karan the letter, of which the above is an imitation, was addressed in 1068 H. by Aurangzeb to Dara Shukoh.

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Holding mirror and comb in hand,
Like a pretty woman, he adores his own curls.†

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† *Aina o shana girifta ba dast, Chun zan-i-rana, shuda gesu-parast.*

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Then as for Jahan Shah, his conceit was such that he thought his very name enough to put an enemy to flight. For all these reasons he thought that the longer he delayed, the greater would be his advantage. Nor was he at all liberal in the distribution of money to his soldiers, his miserliness being proverbial. It was a saying that the coldest place to be found was Azim-ush-shan's kitchen. To every report that was made his only reply was the unchanging *andak bashid*, 'Wait a little longer.' When they saw this state of things, his followers were much dejected and made sure that Heaven did not favour their cause.‡

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‡ *Nur-ud-din*, 27; *Dastur-ul-insha*, 17; Mhd. Qasim Lahori, 47; Yahya Khan, 117b.

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On the 6th Safar (14th March 1712) the three Princes were close to the entrenchment of Azim-ush-shan. On both sides, small groups of men came out and fought. In the course of two days, batteries for the guns were made ready through the exertions of Abdus-samad Khan, and by these batteries three sides of Azim-ush-shan's position were commanded. Abdus-samad Khan wished, if he could, to blow up Azim-ush-shan's powder magazine. But Sulaiman Khan Panni* was too much on the alert. One night, however, the besiegers found the sentinels asleep and entered the camp by climbing over one corner of the earthen wall. In the darkness they encountered the outposts of Shah Nawaz Khan Safawi, and were forced to return with their purpose unexecuted. [Nur. 28.]

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∗ The *Dastur-ul-insha*, 17, also names Amin-ud-din, Niamatullah Khan, Nawab Aziz Khan, Rajah Muhkam Singh Khatri, Rajah Raj Singh Bahadur, Baz Khan and Umar Khan.

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The next day (7th Safar 1124 H. = 15th March, 1712), the besieged began a cannon fire, which they kept up continuously for some time. Repeatedly Kokaltash Khan and Jani Khan, commanding on the side of the investors, were forced to abandon their batteries and seek shelter behind walls. But, from a battery on the north, Abdus-samad Khan returned shot for shot. However, when the attack on two sides of the entrenchment had been withdrawn, as above stated, Shah Nawaz Khan, without asking the Prince's leave, came out at the head of 2,000 cavalry. Abdus-samad Khan and Jani Khan opposed him. Just as those on Jahandar Shah's side were about to be defeated, Prince Jahan Shah arrived with reinforcements, and forced the other side to take to flight. The Prince himself received a slight wound on the arm, but Shah Nawaz Khan, while retreating, received two sword cuts in the back from Jani Khan and his horse's tail was cut off. Pursuing the fugitives, Jahan Shah arrived at the walls of the earth-work. Thereupon Sulaiman Khan Panni, and his tribesmen, from their position on the walls shot arrows and fired off rockets. In another direction, Daya Bahadur offered a stout resistance and put many of Jahan Shah's men to flight. But Jahan Shah himself held his ground, nay continued to advance, shouting to the fugitives 'Are you men, if not, go home and put on women's apparel.' At this juncture, Mukhtar Khan threw himself bravely into the melee at the head of his most trusted followers. When he had fought his way close to Jahan Shah, he flung himself from his horse, and according to the ancient practice of Hindustan, continued the contest on foot, shooting his arrows and dealing blows about him with his sword. It was near to sunset when he forced his opponents to beat a retreat. Several men of note on Azim-ush-shan's side, such as Raza Khan and Karim Khan, were slain. [Nur. 29-31.]

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∗ Brother of Daud Khan Panni, naib-subahdar of the Dakhin.

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When after night-fall Jahan Shah reached his quarters, Zulfiqar Khan came in person on the part of Jahandar Shah to congratulate him on the victory, and by his flattering speeches kept the Prince in good humour. He added that on the morrow it was his turn to take up the fighting and display his zeal for the cause. Next he visited Rafi-ush-shan, and talked to him in the same strain and impressed him so favourably, that he proposed to head the attack in person on the following day. Thence Zulfiqar Khan went to the camp of Jahandar Shah and laid before him other plans. At his suggestion, Jahandar Shah sent a message in very friendly terms to Prince Rafi-ush-shan asking him to give up his idea of heading an attack. Rafi-ush-shan returned his thanks but renewed his request, and very early in the morning (8th Safar) moved out at the head of 5,000 well-mounted cavalry, and boldly delivering his attack, forced a way to the foot of the entrenchment. The besieged replied with artillery fire and rockets, but repeated charges of Rafi-ush-shan's troops so demoralized many of them that they flung musket and rocket down and fled for shelter behind the wall. Then the men on Jahandar Shah's side mounted the wall and shot down their arrows on their foe within. They had almost succeeded in making their way into the entrenchment, when Sulaiman Khan Panni, followed by five hundred Afghans and two hundred of Shah Nawaz Khan's men, with Gul Khan at their head, arrived to reinforce the half-defeated defenders. Their arrows flew so thick and straight that the attacking party could not stand up against them but withdrew again from the top of the wall. Thereupon Sulaiman Khan followed in pursuit. [Nur. 33.]

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On issuing from the entrenchment, Sulaiman Khan advanced against the centre of Rafi-ush-shan’s division. The fighting became general and both sides struggled bravely for victory. Zulfiqar Khan, at the head of 2,000 men belonging to Kokaltash Khan and Jani Khan, speeded to reinforce his own side, and without distinguishing friend from foe, ordered his bowmen to shoot off their arrows. If this help had not arrived, a disaster would have occurred to Rafi-ush-shan. The men who had dispersed re-assembled and resumed the offensive. Seven to eight thousand men, horse and foot, bore down on Sulaiman Khan and encircled him. Sulaiman Khan withstood the flood undismayed, and the fight waxed hot. In the thickest of the fray, an arrow hit Gul Khan in the throat and killed him, after which his men fell into disorder. Pressed back by repeated charges of Jahandar Shah’s troops, Sulaiman Khan felt the day was lost, and turning his horse’s head, he retreated into the entrenchment, where he resumed his fire from the shelter of the wall. The sky grew black with smoke. Many on both sides were killed or wounded. However, on Jahandar Shah’s side no one of any note was injured, and when the sun had set, Rafi-ush-shan and Zulfiqar Khan returned in safety to their quarters. [Nur. 33, 35.]

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After the first day’s fighting, in which Abdus-samad Khan had penetrated into the entrenchment, but retreated without effecting his purpose, Shah Nawaz Khan hired several deft-handed Qalmaq slaves and sent them to assassinate Jahandar Shah. Evading the outposts, these men succeeded in penetrating at night as far as the tent occupied by the Prince. The eunuch on watch called out, ‘Who is there, what do you want?’ Their only reply was to cut him down and attempt to enter the tent. But a groan came from the dying eunuch and his falling body shook the ropes and sides of the tent. This untimely noise roused a Qalmaq woman servant of the harem, called Raiman, who was possessed of considerable strength. She ran out to see what was the matter. Observing the strangers she gave the alarm. The men retreated, pursued by Raiman, and one of them caught his foot in a tent-rope and fell. Raiman slew him with a dagger and was herself wounded slightly on the arm. Hearing the noise, sentinels ran from all directions but the Qalmaqs mixed in the crowd and thus succeeded in escaping. After Jahandar Shah had obtained quiet possession of the throne, he conferred on Raiman the title of Rustam-i-Hind, a curious choice, giving as it did an opening for the scoffer to say that in India their only Rustam was a woman! [Nur. 35-36, Kamwar 108.]

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On the third day of the fighting (8th Safar), the three Princes advanced together to the attack, beginning it with an artillery fire. Zulfiqar Khan took the direction of these operations. The cannon were posted on the mounds* formed of the debris left from brick-burning. The besieged were much harassed by the fire and many leaders quitted their posts and tried to escape. Finding the way closed by the besiegers they could only return within the entrenchment. Rajah Pirthi Raj Bundela,† by repeated attacks reduced the besieged to despair. Then Sulaiman Khan Panni, and Shah Nawaz Khan, with nearly 2,000 men of their own race, appeared on the northern wall, but there Abdus-samad Khan barred their exit. In another direction, where Pirthi Raj was closely threatening the entrenchment, Kesari Singh, brother of Muhkam Singh Khatri, made a sally and engaged his opponent hand to hand. Pirthi Raj was nearly overwhelmed, when Rafi-ush-shan detached to his aid Fath-ullah Khan and his Mughal horse. These men charged with drawn swords. Azim-ush-shan then sent out Daya Ram Nagar,‡ to reinforce Kesari Singh. While the contest was still undecided, Jahandar Shah arrived in person, and a rumour spreading that Azim-ush-shan intended to flee, his commanders, Sulaiman Khan, Shah Nawaz Khan, Kesari Singh and Daya Ram, withdrew their men and returned to seek their master. Jahandar Shah and his two brothers proceeded in triumph to their previous encampment. [Nur. 37-38.]

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∗ For those not familiar with the north of India it may be necessary to explain that these mounds, thirty or forty feet high, are to be found outside every brick-built town.

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† A son of R. Chattarsal Bundela.

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‡ Called generally Daya Bahadur, a title given him in Bahadur Shah's 4th year (1710-11), when he returned to Court from the charge of Kora (subah Allahabad), where he was succeeded by his brother, Chabela Ram (B. M. No. 1690 fol. 156a). These men were styled Mahta, a word which means 'head' or 'chief,' and is ordinarily applied now to the richest or most important tenant in a village. The Nagars are a sub-division of the Brahman caste, and are chiefly found in Gujarat.

Sec. 3.—Defeat and Death of Azim-Ush-Shan.

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After three days of indecisive fighting Zulfiqar Khan bethought himself of another device for weakening the enemy. On the night of Bahadur Shah's death he had sent out troops in three directions in order to prevent all escape by the ferries on the Ravi river, and had sent flattering promises and a note in Jahandar Shah's hand-writing to Mahabat Khan and the other sons of Munim Khan, the deceased Wazir. Many imperial commanders and soldiers were encamped in great discomfort on the sandy ground in the dry bed of the river, where they also suffered occasionally from cannon shot which fell in that direction. It occurred to Zulfiqar Khan that if his guards at the ferries were withdrawn, all these men would be only too glad to make their escape with their families. Accordingly this order was carried out during the night between the 8th and the 9th Safar. Many marched away to a place of safety, and many joined the standard of Jahandar Shah. The movement also extended itself to Azim-ush-shan's own adherents. Crowds of men during this night, on pretence of placing their families out of danger, made their escape from the earth-work. None of them were touched or hindered by the other side; all were allowed to pursue their own way. Among the first who fled were Mahabat Khan and Khan Zaman Khan, sons of Munim Khan and Hamid-ud-din Khan Qul Alamgiri, all of whom crossed the Ravi during the hottest of the fighting. Sulaiman Khan Panni, Shah Nawaz Khan Safawi, Daya Ram Nagar, and Kesari Singh remained faithful and passed the night on the alert.*

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When morning broke on the 9th Safar (17th March, 1712), the three Princes decided to bring the contest to a final issue. Zulfiqar Khan took command of the centre by the side of Jahandar Shah ; Abdus-samad Khan was put at the head of the vanguard ; Kokaltash Khan was on the right and Jani Khan on the left wing. Jahan Shah supported the vanguard and Rafi-ush-shan commanded the rear. In this order they advanced towards the entrenchment of Azim-ush-shan. For six hours both sides maintained an artillery-fire, and Jahandar Shah's guns after each volley were advanced slowly until they were close to the earthen wall. Suddenly Kesari Singh and his men charged the guns but were repulsed by Abdus-samad Khan. In the hand to hand encounter, Kesari Singh was shot and fell from his horse. His men were thrown into confusion. Abdus-samad Khan, seeing his chance, encouraged his men with a loud voice, and in a short space their opponents were all put to the edge of the sword, not one escaping alive. Following up their advantage, Abdus-samad Khan and his men rushed on towards the entrenchment. Pirthi Raj, leader of Jahan Shah's vanguard, and Abdus-samad Khan entered the position together. Sulaiman Khan and his fellow-Afghans met and opposed their onset. Once he succeeded in forcing back the assailants. But Abdus-samad Khan supported Pirthi Raj vigorously. Shah Nawaz Khan, by Azim-ush-shan's order, now arrived with reinforcements commanded by some Afghan leaders, such as Mali Khan and his son, Alwi Khan. Most of Sulaiman Khan's Afghans were killed. Shah Nawaz Khan was severely wounded and withdrew, having seventeen arrows sticking in him,* while Sulaiman Khan still stood firm, with a hundred of his own most trusty followers, and fronted Abdus-samad Khan and Pirthi Raj. The Turani bowmen, noted for their skill, shot their arrows at Sulaiman Khan and his men, and every arrow emptied a saddle. The Afghans treated it as if they were being pelted with flowers, and still barred the way. When only some thirty or forty horsemen were left, and all hope of reinforcements had vanished, Sulaiman Khan, seeing that further effort was fruitless, collected his men and retreated. As soon as the way was thus opened, Abdus-samad Khan accompanied by Pirthi Raj pressed onwards.*

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∗ Kamwar 108; Warid, 62; Qasim, 49. B.M., 1690, fol. 158b, adds Sarafraz Khan to the fugitives. They took refuge in the Lahor Masjid.

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∗ Shah Nawaz Khan died of his wounds (Tarikh-i-Muhammadi, 1124). See his biography in Masir-ul-umara, iii. 692. He was the last of the Safawi race who distinguished himself in India; he was in the sixth generation from Shah Ismail Safawi, (1500-24). Seven women of the family had been married to Princes of the Mughal imperial house. For lives of Safawis in India, see Masir-ul-umara, ii. 670; iii. 296, 434, 477, 555, 556, 581, 583, 677, 692.

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In another part of the field Daya Ram Nagar attacked Jahan Shah's guns, hoping to pass through them and reach the centre of that Prince's division. But Afzal Khan's courageous resistance defeating this manœuvre, Daya Ram drew rein and turned off towards Jahandar Shah's batteries. Here Daya Bahadur was shot down. His men then dispersed in every direction and sought safety in flight. Those who made off towards the Ravi were met and killed by Rafi-ush-shan's troops, who protected the rear of Jahandar Shah's division. [Nur. 43.]

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At length, Jahandar Shah obtained an entrance to the entrenched position of Azim-ush-shan. Zulfiqar Khan's and Jahan Shah's troops took possession of the walls, while Kokaltash Khan, at the head of 4,000 horsemen, was sent to the assistance of Abdus-samad Khan inside the entrenchment. As Jahandar Shah's men began to gain the upper hand, Muhammad Karim, eldest son of Azim-ush-shan, quitted his father and crossing the river hid in the house of a poor cotton-carder or weaver, where he was seized a few days afterwards, as will be related hereafter.† Jahandar Shah's army now advanced in a body against Azim-ush-shan. Sulaiman Khan tried all in vain to re-inspire his troops with confidence. Resolving to sell his own life dearly, he met Jahandar Shah's men with repeated discharges of arrows, until in a short time final disaster fell on Azim-ush-shan's partisans through the loss of the Prince, their leader. [Nur. 44.]

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∗ Kamwar Khan, 108; Qasim, 50; Yahya Khan, fol. 177b.

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† One account (Mhd. Qasim, 52) says that he had lost his way at the end of the first day's fighting and wandered all night round his own camp without being able to find it. At dawn one of his servants found him, changed his clothes, put him on a horse and took him to a weaver's house in the quarter of Talbagha, near the shrine of Pir Ali Hajwiri. This saint died in 456 H. (1063-4) and was buried at Lahor—(Beale 246). The mausoleum is now known as Data Ganj-Bakhsh (S. Latif, History of the Panjab, 84).

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During this day Azim-ush-shan had preserved the same attitude as hitherto of a helpless waiter on events. When Daya Bahadur and Muhkam Singh entreated him to give orders to assume the offensive, no other answer could they force from him except his eternal *andak bashid*, ‘Wait a little longer’. They spoke their minds freely to him and went against the enemy without waiting for his orders. We have seen above how little advantage they reaped, in spite of all their exertions. Sufficient reinforcements were not sent, and by the end of the day most of the troops had vanished, having sought a refuge in Lahor city. At last out of the 60,000 to 70,000 men that he had at first under his command, Azim-ush-shan was left with 10,000 to 12,000 men only. During the night which preceded the last day’s fighting, the rest of the men deserted. The artillery fire continuing all night long, every man thought of his own safety. Only a few determined to remain steadfast so long as Azim-ush-shan was still alive, and these passed the night in watching and prayer. At early dawn the drum beat for them to take horse. But, when the Prince’s war elephant was brought up, it refused to allow him to mount, and his attendants were forced to send for another. Round him were grouped Niamat-ullah Khan and Aqidat Khan in *palkis*, for they said they were wounded, Rajah Raj Singh of Kishangarh with about 1,000 men, and Amin-ud-din Sambhali with twelve relations or dependents and ten new men. Shortly afterwards Khwaja Muhammad Asim,* paymaster of the Ahadis, with Ghulam Husain, an Afghan of Qasur near Lahor, joined the party. In all there may have been two thousand men round the Prince. [*Dastur-ul-insha*, 18.]

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It so happened that a high wind sprang up and the sand from the Ravi banks rose in clouds. Everything was blotted from view; all that they could hear was the report of the cannon, all that they could do was to shut their eyes to keep out the dust. Jahandar Shah’s army could not see them, nor could they see any trace of him. Suddenly some Mughals bore down on them and let fly their arrows, by which some flesh wounds were caused. The Mughals did not recognize the Prince, and rode on to plunder the treasure and horses. Then a ball from a small gun (*rahkala*)* passed close over the Prince's elephant and set fire to the cushions, so that the smoke hindered the view. The Prince threw the cushion down, and when asked, said that no harm had been done. Amin-ud-din recommended him to mount his horse and take flight either to Bengal, where he was well known, or to the Dakhin, where Daud Khan Panni was favourable to him. In either place he could recruit his forces and renew the struggle. The Prince replied that Dara Shukoh and Muhammad Shuja had gained nothing by flight, ending by quoting in Arabic the words 'With God's help the few shall overcome the many.' Thus they might still win the day. Amin-ud-din said he had only twenty-two followers left. The Prince asked for ten of them with which to make a charge on Muizz-ud-din, the other twelve could be led by Amin-ud-din against Jahan Shah. This talk was just ended when Khwaja Mhd. Asim, the paymaster of the Ahadi troops, came from his station, and out of friendship to Amin-ud-din, called out, 'I am off to Bengal, come with me.' Amin-ud-din refused to leave while the Prince was still alive. Muhammad Asim then went off towards Sultanpur, in the Jalandhar Duaba, and finally made his way to Prince Farrukh-siyar at Patna. Rajah Raj Bahadur escaped to his home country of Kishangarh.†

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∗ Afterwards Ashraf Khan, and subsequently Samsam-ud-daulah Khan Dauran Bahadur (d. 1151 H., February, 1739).

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In a little while a shot from one of the heavy guns struck the trunk of the elephant on which Prince Azim-ush-shan was riding. The elephant turned and fled towards the Ravi, the driver fell off, and Jalal Khan Lodi,‡ the attendant in the hind seat, clambered down by the ropes and escaped. Such was the terror of the elephant that it outstripped the dust itself had raised. Amin-ud-din and others galloped in pursuit at the top of their horses' speed, in the hope of barring the elephant's further flight. All was in vain; they were left far behind in the race. Suddenly the elephant disappeared over the high bank overlooking the stream; when the pursuers reached the edge and looked down, all they saw was the heaving mud and sand, from which issued the most frightful roaring. The elephant and the Prince had been swallowed up by a quicksand. Amin-ud-din passed the night alone under the shade of a tree, and in the morning sought refuge in the city of Lahor.*

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∗ *Rahkala*, J. Shakespeare Dict., 1203, a small cannon, a swivel, a field-piece; also a cart. † *Dastur-ul-insha*, 18; and B. M. 1690, fol. 158b; Kishangarh is in Rajputana, north-east of Ajmer. ‡ He was a *qarawul* (huntsman) and *qush-begi* (chief falconer), Warid, 62. He died at the end of Safar 1136 H. at Dihli, *Tarikh-i-Mhdi*.

Sec. 4.—The Division of the Spoil.

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The three Princes ordered the drums to beat for a victory, they sent congratulations to each other, and returned to their quarters with loud rejoicings. The plunderers were meanwhile busy and, with the exception of the treasure and the women's tents, which were protected by a girdle of cannon, the whole contents of that great camp were carried off and hardly a trace of it was left. Such persons as escaped from it were stopped and relieved of their belongings by the men attached to Jahandar Shah's artillery, whose camp was at the Shalimar garden. Horses and camels without number and much property fell into these men's hands. Jahandar Shah's troops speedily surrounded and took possession of the carts laden with treasure, of the cannon, and of the household of Azim-ush-shan. Thus the painfully collected wealth of that Prince, the fruit of years of meanness, became in a moment the prey of his adversary. [Kamwar, 109-110.]

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∗ Dastur-ul-insha, 20,—Kamwar Khan, 109, says that Azim-ush-shan's corpse was brought in, and speaks (138) of its being sent by Farrukh-siyar to Aurangabad for burial; Yahya Khan, 117b also says it was found in the river and brought in; but I prefer the account in Amin-ud-din's letters, as given in the Dastur-ul-insha. I believe these letters to be genuine, and they were evidently so considered by Ghulam Husain Khan, who used them in writing his Siyar-ul-mutakherin, see Briggs, 29. Warid, 63, states that the elephant was brought in, but many believed that Azim-ush-shan escaped alive, since his body had not been found. When Warid wrote, nineteen years afterwards, the Prince had never been heard of. Others asserted that Rajah Raj Singh, styled Raj Bahadur, had carried off the corpse to his own country, i.e., Kishangarh (Mhd. Qasim, 51).

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The claims of Azim-ush-shan, whom judicious observers had considered the destined successor to the throne, being thus finally disposed of, the agents of the two younger Princes attended Zulfiqar Khan for several days in succession with a request for a division of the booty and the realm, according to the compact that had been entered into. But Zulfiqar Khan, his pride raised above all bounds by such a victory over his most powerful opponent, had forgotten all his oaths and promises. Furthermore, it was clear to everybody that just as two swords cannot be got into one scabbard, there cannot be two kings in one kingdom.* Each day witnessed the invention of new excuses.† His hope was that the two Princes having no money, their armies, largely composed of mere mercenaries, would during this prolonged delay disperse of themselves. One day he paid a visit to Prince Rafi-ush-shan and made to him the usual evasive promises. Another day he visited Jahan Shah. Rustam Dil Khan, who had been released from prison shortly before Bahadur Shah's death, had from the first taken the side of Jahan Shah. He and Mukhlis Khan Harisi now said to the Prince that this man (Zulfiqar Khan) was the root of all the troubles, if he were disposed of, the rest would be easy. Jahan Shah refused his consent, repeating the line, ‘When God the Beneficent is our friend, what can our enemy do?’‡ Moreover, Zulfiqar Khan's obsequious manners in his presence led him to believe that the man was at heart his friend. One of Jahan Shah's chief men gave Zulfiqar Khan a hint and he hastened his departure, asking as a pretext that an officer might be sent with him to take over the Prince's share of the treasure and military stores. The Prince, only too delighted at the prospect, gave him his dismissal at once. As he left he said to the two nobles above-named, ‘You have done your best for your master, but if he does not accept, it is because fate so decrees and not through your fault.' When he reached his quarters, he gave a flat denial to the officer who had accompanied him, and sent off both money and *matériel* to Jahandar Shah.*

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∗ Do shamsher dar yak ghilaf o do Padshah dar yak mulk budan muhal ast, Yahya Khan, 117b. † The Dutchmen, who take Jahandar Shah's side throughout, put the blame on Prince Jahan Shah's greediness, in claiming one-half instead of one-third of the confiscated property—Valentyn, iv. 293. ‡ Dushman cheh kunad, chun Mihrban bashad dost.

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During this interval Rafi-ush-shan, through his conduct to Hakim-ul-mulk, had cooled the zeal of any nobles who might have assisted him. Hakim-ul-mulk had received from him a promise of being his chief minister, and was deep in his confidence. But by chance there fell into the Prince's hands letters from the Hakim to Zulfiqar Khan, giving full details of all the Prince's intentions and plans. These letters had, it seems, been passing daily. Hakim-ul-mulk was sent for and so severely treated that he was carried away to his quarters half dead. [Yahya, 118*a*.]

Sec. 5.—Death of Jahan Shah.

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At last no doubt remained of Zulfiqar Khan's intentions, and further delay was obviously useless. The Princes ordered the enlistment of fresh troops, and a number of Azim-ush-shan's fugitive troops returned from Lahor city and were admitted into Jahan Shah's service. Some three thousand or four thousand experienced soldiers were thus recruited. Jahandar Shah adopted similar measures, taking on many of the fugitives at high rates of pay. Rafi-ush-shan did the same. A few days only had passed since these men had been ranged in battle against their new employers; then for a time they had been unable to find bread to eat and were trembling for their very lives. By one of those transformations peculiar to such times, they were now restored to prosperity as suddenly as they had been plunged into poverty. In eight days from the defeat and death of Azim-ush-shan all preparations had been completed. [Kamwar, 110; Nur. 50.]

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On the 18th Safar 1124 H. (26th March, 1712) Jahan Shah made the first movement. He marched from his old position near Shah Mir's tomb and encamped near the village of Handu Gujar,† where there was an imperial hunting preserve. At once Jahandar Shah sent out his advance guard under Kokaltash Khan and Abdus-samad Khan, now his *Mir Atash* or general of artillery. The fighting was confined to the artillery. Rustam Dil Khan, who had charge of the artillery for Jahan Shah, placed two cannon in a commanding position and killed many men, the fight being continued until the setting of the sun. Both armies encamped on the ground they occupied, and under cover of night many of the mercenaries absconded. The numbers on both sides were thereby much diminished. During this night Jahan Shah's powder magazines were exploded. Raji Muhammad Khan, afterwards Jahandar Shah's *Mir Atash*, obtained the credit of this exploit.*

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∗ Kamwar Khan, 110; Khush-hal Chand, 385*a*-386*a*; Yahya Khan, 117*b*. † Query Mandu Gujran on *Indian Atlas*, sheet No. 30, just north of Mian Mir and the Railway line?

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The next day (19th Safar 1124 H., 27th March, 1712)† the fight was renewed, and it continued till the sun had passed the meridian, when both combatants prepared to rest and refresh themselves where they stood. Owing to the hot wind and exhaustion, the fighting had been up to this time far from vigorous. Jahan Shah now ordered a charge to be made by Rustam Dil Khan, Jani Khan and Mukhlis Khan. They rushed forward 'as a hungry tiger out of ambush flings itself on a buffalo's head.' Rustam Dil Khan reached without hindrance Jahandar Shah's vanguard which with little or no effort he drove before him, and pursuing the fugitives, he soon reached their centre. Here Azz-ud-din, the eldest son of Jahandar Shah, was made a prisoner. Nor far off was a small field-tent, in which Jahandar Shah had passed the night with his concubine, Lal Kunwar.‡ Surprised by this sudden attack, the Prince came out and mounted his elephant, while Lal Kunwar entered a litter and fled for safety to the mansion of Dara Shukoh in the city of Lahor, a house which had been recently assigned to her. [Warid, 65.]

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