History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c14: Chapter XIV. Administration

History of the Khaljis, A.D. 1290–1320 c14

Language: English

Chapter XIV. Administration

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In the Sultanate of Delhi the Sultan was the apex of the administrative machinery. He was the commander-in-chief of royal forces and was the supreme judical and executive authority. He was the leader of his co-religionists (Amīrul Mauminin). The character of government was autocratic.

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According to most of the jurists and historians the Imām or Khalīfā was the head of the Muslims. He was the defender and maintainer of the faith, "the protector of the territory of Islam, the supreme judge of the state, and the chief organiser and administrator of the commonwealth".¹ Since the Caliph was the head of the Muslim state his authority was acknowledged in far-off lands ruled by Muslim monarchs. The early Sultans of Delhi, like Iltutmish, professed to derive their position, privileges, and status from him. Such was the awe and reverence associated with the name of Khalīfā that the name of Al Musta'sim Billah continued to be inscribed on the coins of Jalāluddīn Khaljī till the year 1296, although the above named Khalifa had been murdered by the Mughals in 1258.²

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¹ Ahkāmus Sultaniyah, pp. 3 and 16. Cited in Qureshi: *The Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi*, p. 23. Hughes: *Dictionary of Islam*, p. 622. *Encyclopaedia of Islam*, Vol. IV p. 543-44.

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² Khalil bin Shahin uz Zahiri, a writer of the 15th century, says that no king of the east or the west can hold the title of sultan unless there be a covenant between him and the *Khalīfā*. Arnold: *Caliphate* p. 101-102.

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The sultan of Delhi, working upon the model of the Abbasid Caliphs, attempted to propagate and protect the true religion by conquest, by an efficient system of administration, and by extention of justice to high and low. Thus in theory, the powers of the sultan of Delhi were very extensive indeed. For his actions he was responsible only to God, whose viceregent on earth he supposed himself to be. The duty of his subjects was to obey him, and to suffer, if need be, without remonstrance. "Under such circumstances, the sultan of Delhi was in theory an unlimited despot, bound by no law, subject to no material check, and guided by no will except his own. The people had no rights only obligations; they only lived to carry out his commands."³

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³ Ashraf: *Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan* p. 129. Also see Bashir Ahmad: *Administration of Justice in Medieval India.*

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In pratice, however, the position of the Muslim sultan of Delhi was full of difficulties. He had to rule over an alien people different from his co-religionists in faith as well as social and political outlooks. Consequently in his desire to propagate Islam he could not altogether ignore the beliefs and sentiments of non-Muslims, if he aimed at the establishment of a stable government. An incessant *Jihād* against the non-believers was not possible in this country. It is true that during the process of conquest atrocities were committed, but in times of war suffering is inevitable. With the establishment of peace and order no organised persecution of Hindus was possible. As early as Muḥammad bin Qāsim's campaign in Sindh it was thought politic by the leader of a few thousand Arabs to refrain from persecuting the Hindus in the name of a holy war and thus arousing swarms of them against him.⁴ Political exigencies demanded religious toleration. Internal revolts, the indefinite law of succession, the existence of various independent kingdoms all over the country, and the recurring Mughal invasions from the north-west, demanded the presence of a practical king rather than a vacillating or bigoted monarch. It is because of these considerations that strong rulers like Iltutmish, Balban, ‘Alāuddīn and Muḥammad bin Tughlaq never put religion above politics. Moreover, the ‘Ulamā’ also acted according to the wishes of the reigning king. If the throne was occupied by a bigot they advocated intolerance, otherwise they meekly subordinated their opinions to those of the strong monarchs like ‘Alāuddīn and Muḥammad bin Tughlaq.

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⁴ *Camb. Hist. of India,* Vol. III, p. 4.

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Contemporary opinion also spoke in favour of the autocratic position of a medieval monarch in general and of ‘Alāuddīn in particular. Amir Khusrau and Ziyāuddīn Barani considered the sultan as the naib or the Khalifā of God.⁵ He was *Zil‘illāh* or the shadow of God on earth. In *Khazāinul Futūḥ* Amīr Khusrau gives the sultan titles like “the sultan of the world”, “the sultan of the monarchs of the earth”, “the conqueror of the age” and the “shepherd of the people”. These phrases, in spite of their being exaggerated epithets allude to the prevalent conception that the king was the state and that it was an age of royal absolutism. ‘Alāuddīn like Louis XIV of France regarded himself to be all in all in the state, *L'état c'est moi*. According to Ziyāuddīn Barani a king was to be severe or kind as the emmergency required.⁶ He was to establish the true religion, distribute impartial justice and see that not a single person in his kingdom remained unfed and unclothed.⁷

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⁵ *Deval Rani* pp. 17-18. Barani p. 168.

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⁶ Barani pp. 35, 168. مجموع بادشاهی قهر وسطوت ولطف است

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⁷ *Ibid.* p. 147.

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‘Alāuddīn struck a new note in the conception of medieval kingship. Under him the temporal power eclipsed the ecclesiastical. His discussions with Qāzī Mughīs on the one hand clearly show the impracticability of following the advice of the bigoted 'Ulama in matters of state politics, and on the other the attitude of a medieval despot. "I know not", emphasised the king, "whether these laws are sanctioned by our faith or not, but whatever I conceive to be for the good of the state, that I decree".⁸ 'Alāuddīn thought that religion had nothing to do with politics. The business of the king was to administer the state while *Shara'* was the concern of the Qāzīs and Muftis.⁹ In direct contrast to his predecessor Jalāluddīn and his successor Qutbuddīn, 'Alāuddīn possessed all the qualities that go to make a successful despot. He possessed an iron will to enforce his commands; he made the nobility and the clergy submit to his wishes, and refused to tolerate laxity in matters of administration. He concentrated all authority in his hands and personally supervised every department of the government. He was the Commander-in-Chief of his army and personally led expeditions to kingdoms far and near, although he also sent expeditions under his able generals. He was the highest court of appeal, and through his judiciary and espionage, tried his best to administer impartial justice.

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⁸ *Ibid.* pp. 295-96.

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⁹ Barani p. 289.

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*The Nobility.*

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The nobility were the props on which the king's authority rested. The nobles were drawn from many races—Turks, Pathans, Indians and Persians. Some of them like Aibak, Iltutmish and Balban rose from the lowest rung. They started as slaves and achieved to eminence and even secured the throne, just through personal merit. Thus, theoritically, there was no limit to the acquisition of the highest position by a nobleman. Consequently all through the Turkish period a struggle for possession of real power continued to rage between the king and his barons. In fact the sultans of India could not evolve a governmental machinery to which the nobles could adapt themselves or under which they could feel secure. If the sultans were suspicious of the nobles' strength, the nobility were also in constant dread of the sultans, on whose goodwill depended their prestige, their honour and even their life. Under weak rulers like Jalāl-uddīn and Quṭbuddīn Khaljī the nobles dominated the government while under strong monarchs like Balban and 'Alāuddīn they were dominated by the king. Under strong rulers the nobles were a source of strength to the king, but during the reign of weaklings they became a real danger to the sovereign and the state.

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Under Iltutmish the nobles had acquired great strength. His "Corps of Forty" (*Chahalgānī*) counted for much in state affairs. In fact the Turkish aristocracy had even put the crown into commission and Balban became apprehensive of their strength. He tried to crush them, but his success was only partial. With Jalāluddīn's advent to power the nobles regained their slightly impaired power, firstly, because Jalāluddīn tried to win their support during the Khaljī revolution, and secondly, because the king was by nature extremely kind. Even so, he indicted his nobles very severely. "Except holding drink parties, seeking pleasure in women and wine, except gambling and dicing, and except plotting against the king," said the disgusted sultan, "the nobles had no other business."¹⁰

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¹⁰ Barani pp. 191-93.

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But 'Alāuddīn's approach to the problem of nobility was different from that of his uncle's. The mutiny of troops near Jalor in 1299 and the revolts of Ikat Khān, 'Umar Khān and Mangu Khān, and the insurrection of Hājī Maula at Delhi in 1300 and 1301, coming one after another as they did in quick succession, very much alarmed the sultan. Even while his attention was wholly engrossed with the siege of Ranthambhor, he discussed with his trustworthy nobles like Malik Ḥamīduddīn, Malik A'izzuddīn, son of 'Alā Dabīr, Malik 'Ainul Mulk Multānī and other wise and experienced ones the causes of the political upheavals. After several days' deliberations it was unanimously concluded that there were four basic causes for the unhappy state of affairs. Firstly, the sultan neglected his people, and did not care to know whether they were prosperous or otherwise.¹¹ Secondly, the unrestricted use of wine encouraged people to hold drink-parties in which they invited their boon companions. It was at such entertainment that conspiracies against the state were hatched. Thirdly, free intercourse and association of barons, their matrimonial and other connections brought them so close to one another that if any one of them was in difficulty, "a hundred others on account of their connection, relationship and attachment to him became his confederates." And lastly, wealth made people contumacious and disloyal, haughty and proud.

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¹¹ Ibid. p. 282. The sultan until then had been intent on wars and conquests and had hardly turned his attention towards improving administration.

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On his return from Ranthambhor in 1301 not only did 'Alāuddīn put down the rebels, he made up his mind to destroy the very bases of such revolts. Ilbarīs had interested themselves in Hājī Maulā's insurrection, the Mongol nobility had never reconciled to the Khaljī government. The sultan decided that the best way to clip the wings of the refractory element was to impoverish it. The reclamation of crown lands, the enhancement of revenue, and other fiscal measures, which will be described shortly, affected the nobility to a very large extent. The barons were ordered to refrain from visiting one another or holding convivial parties. Further, they were prohibited from contracting matrimonial alliances without the previous permission of the crown. These orders were strictly enforced. In fact ‘Alāuddīn reduced the noblemen to the status of slaves and imposed upon them all the three conditions of slavery, viz., the sultan was to inherit the noble; no marriage could be arranged without the sultan’s permission, and the sons of noblemen became slaves of the king in their turn. The Maliks and Amīrs, on account of the fear of the intelligence service, behaved most cautiously and carefully. Even when they congregated in the royal palace they dared not speak to one another, and expressed themselves through gestures.

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The narrative of the contemporary chronicler may be exaggerated. Even so there is no doubt that the noblemen in the time of ‘Alāuddīn were not allowed to raise their head. Their suppression facilitated the work of administration. So long as ‘Alāuddīn enjoyed sound health, his argus eye and iron hand steered the course of the state well. But the moment his health began to decline trouble brewed up on all sides. A weakened order of nobility could neither check the atrocities of Kāfūr, nor could it impart dignity nor stamina to administration, and a tragic collapse began to loom large on the political horizon.

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*Officers of the State*

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After the sultan the head of the administration was the Vazīr. On the civil side the Vazīr was responsible to the king about the administration of the provincial governments. He was directly incharge of the Finance department. He appointed ‘*āmils* for the different parts of the empire to collect revenue and deposit it into the royal exchequer. On the military side the Vazīr commanded the imperial forces and led expeditions into different kingdoms.

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On his accession 'Alāuddīn appointed Khvājā Khatīr to the office of Vazir. Khvājā Khatīr was a man of experience and wisdom and had served under Balban and Jalāl-uddīn. A great civil administrator, he was, however, not a militarist. Failing to come up to the expectations of his master, who was building a military state, he was superseded by Nuṣrat Khān in 1297. Nuṣrat was a great military leader. He led successful expedition to Gujarat and died fighting at Ranthambhor. He was also well known for his monetary extortions from the people. Another Vazir mentioned by Ferishtah is Saiyyad Khān, "the notorious," about whom not much is known. It is difficult to say as to when Malik Tājuddīn Kāfūr *Hazārdinārī* was appointed naib of the sultan. He was more a Vazir of the king than of the state.¹² His only qualifications were that he was a great military leader as also a favourite of the sultan. Thus in 'Alāuddīn's time Vizarat was conferred on military leaders and this is not surprising because 'Alāuddīn had to fight the Mughals and at the same time conquer new lands.

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¹² Tripathi: *Some Aspects of Muslim Administration*, p. 180.

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Beside the Vazir the other principal officers of the state were Qāzī-ul Quzāt or Lord chief justice, Mir 'Arz or Lord of petitions and the Mīr Dād, an officer whose duty was to present before the Qāzī any big officer or noble against whom a complaint had been instituted. On the financial side, next to the Vazir were the Dīvān-i-Ashrāf or the Accountant General, and the Mustaufī or the Auditor General of imperial Finances. They were responsible to the Vazir for state finances and kept an account of all the items of income and expenditure. The chief officers on the military side were the 'Ariz-i-Mumālik or Minister of war and the Bakhshi-i-Fauj or paymaster of the forces. The Amīr-i-Kohi was the Director of Agriculture, and Malik Ḥamīduddīn held this office under 'Alāuddīn. But there was no line of demarcation between the civil and military services and an officer of the civil side was given charge of military expeditions and vice versa.¹³

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¹³ For a detailed list of junior and senior officials in revenue and other departments see *Qarauna Turks* Vol. I p. 260-66.

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*Provincial Administration.*

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Before making a study of the system of administration at the centre it may be mentioned that the administration in the various provinces was a replica of that of the central government. The empire was parcelled out into a number of provinces each of which was put under the charge of a governor. According to Ziyā Baranī there were eleven provinces besides the territories of the central government.

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1. Gujarat under Alp Khan.
2. Multan and Sivistan (Sehvān) under Tājul Mulk Kāfūr.
3. Deopalpur under Ghazi Tughlaq.
4. Samanah and Sunnam under Akhurbeg Tātak.
5. Dhar and Ujjain under 'Ainul Mulk Multānī.
6. Jhain under Fakhrul Mulk Maisarti.
7. Chittor under Malik Abu Muhammad.
8. Chanderi and Iraj under Malik Tamar.
9. Badaon, Koelah and Kark (?) under Malik Dīnār.
10. Avadh under Malik Buktan (?)
11. Kara under Malik Naṣīruddin Sautelah.¹⁴

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¹⁴ Baranī p. 323.

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We have already discussed the extent of the authority of the central government over these provinces. The governor of a province was a sort of a king in miniature. As was the king at Delhi, the provincial governor was the chief executive and judicial head of the province. Each governor had his own provincial force and was required to send a fixed quota of troops whenever required to do so.¹⁵ The governor held court, administered justice, and looked after other spheres of administration. He collected the land revenue of the province and after deducting the amount assigned to him, he sent the surplus to the imperial exchequer. Under weak kings the provincial governors behaved almost as independent rulers but under strong monarchs like Balban and 'Alāuddīn they dared not assume a contumacious attitude with impunity. That veteran generals like Ghazi Malik, Malik Kāfūr and Alp Khan loyally served the government for so long, is a proof of the strength and vigilance of 'Alāuddīn. It was only when the emperor was dying and the grip of the central government was becoming lax that trouble arose in some provinces of the empire.

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¹⁵ *E.g.* in 1299 during the conquest of Gujarat Ulugh Khan was ordered to join in the conquest of Jaisalmer. During the invasion of Targhi provincial governors were called to defend the imperial capital. Alp Khan was ordered to march to assist Naib Kāfūr in the latter's expedition to Devagiri in 1308.

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*Administration of Justice.*

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"According to the ancient political ideal, which both the Hindus and the Muhammadans accepted, the Sovereign is the fountain of justice, and it is his duty to try cases personally in open court."¹⁶ The sultans of India like Iltutmish, Balban, 'Alāuddīn and Muhammad Tughlaq followed this ideal and personally administered justice in open court. The sultan himself constituted the chief court of appeal and everybody had access to him to demand and obtain justice. Iltutmish is said to have hung a chain of justice¹⁷ for people who sought redress and his reign was noted for jurists well versed in law.¹⁸ Ziyāuddīn Baranī praises sultan Ghiyāṣuddīn Balban for his love of justice and says that he never showed any partiality towards any of his subjects even if they were his own kith and kin. 'Alāuddīn was as relentless and unflinching in administering justice as Balban. Unfortunately no traveller like Ibn Baṭṭūṭah visited his court, and the contemporary historians do not describe the manner in which the sultan administered justice in open court.

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¹⁶ J. N. Sarkar: *The Mughal Administration*, p. 106.

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¹⁷ Ibn Battūtah, Lee, p. 112 Cf. *Elliot*, III p. 591.

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¹⁸ Baranī p. 111. See also Wahed Husain: *Administration of Justice during the Muslim Rule in India*, p. 22.

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Next to the sultan, the head of the judicial department was Sadr-i-Jahān Qāzīul Quzāt or the Lord Chief Justice of the empire. Under the Qāzīul Quzāt served naib Qāzīs or 'Adls and they were assisted by Muftīs who expounded the law and gave opinion on complicated cases. There was another officer Dādbeg-i-Haẓrat¹⁹ whose office corresponded to the office of Mir 'Adl of the Mughals. He was a judge of the capital (Haẓrat) as distinct from judge of the camp (Qazi-i-Lashkar).²⁰ There was also Mīr Dād whose duty it was to produce before the court any influential person against whom a suit had been filed, but who was too powerful to be controlled by the Qāzī.²¹ A similar system of gradations of judicial officers obtained in the provinces where the governor, the Qāzīs and other junior officers administered justice. In smaller towns and villages, however, the headmen and the *panchayats* used to settle disputes and decide cases.

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¹⁹ Malik Fakhruddīn Kūchī was appointed to this office in the first year of 'Alāuddīn's reign. Baranī p. 248.

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²⁰ Footnote by Major Fuller in his translation of Baranī's *Tarikh*. *J.A.S.B.* 1870 p. 187.

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²¹ *History of Qarauna Turks*, I, p. 269.

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Besides these judicial officials, princes, Vazīrs, commanders of armies and other high officers of the state decided cases which did not involve expert knowledge of the law. Thus cases regarding land revenue were heard by the governor or his Finance minister, the Dīvān, and such cases did not fall under the jurisdiction of the Qāzīs.²² Justice was administered quickly and promptly without any circumlocutory proceedings. There were no pleaders or lawyers in those days and the judges mostly worked upon the doctrine of Qayās or private judgement after considering the statements of the witnesses.

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²² Bashir Ahmad: *Administration of Justice in Medieval India* p. 117.

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In the early years of Sultan ‘Alāuddīn's reign Sadr Jahān Sadruddīn was appointed the Qāzī-i-Mumālik or the Chief Justice. Although he was not very much renowned for his learning, his experience was so wide and his judgement so keen that none dared to resort to cunning or falsehood in his presence.²³ After him Qāzī Jalāluddīn Balvachī was appointed naīb Qāzī, while Maulana Ziyāuddīn of Bayana, who was the Qazī-i-Lashkar, was appointed to the office of Sadr Jahān. Qazi Ziyāuddīn, in spite of his erudition, did not possess the dignity required of the chief judge of the capital. But the last Qāzī, Maulana Hamīduddīn Multānī, whom ‘Alāuddīn appointed in the closing days of his reign, was altogether worthless. Baranī remarks that the judgeship of Delhi, the capital city, which was a very responsible office to be entrusted only to a learned and capable person, was given to a "servant" of the sultan's household.²⁴ The king appointed Hamīduddīn in consideration of his past services, unmindful of the fact that such a post should be given only to a man who was incorruptible, and who possessed qualities of simplicity and renunciation. Naturally with Hamīduddīn at its head the judiciary lost its lustre and prestige. Prominent among the provincial Qāzīs were Saiyyad Tājuddīn of Badaon and his nephew Saiyyad Ruknuddīn of Kara. Baranī, who knew both of them personally, praises them for their inspiring personality, their dignified bearing and their other excellent qualities.

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²³ Baranī p. 351.

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²⁴ Ibid. p. 352.

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The Qāzīs were treated with great respect and consideration, and they could punish even the most powerful officers of the empire. Baranī lays great emphasis on the purity of character as an indispensable qualification for a judge. Not only learning but fear of God and abstinence from all evil things were essential qualities in a Qāzī.²⁵ Sultan 'Alāuddīn was very particular about seeing his high judicial officers behave well even in their private life. He did not hesitate to sentence to death a Qāzī who had taken to drinking.²⁶ The police and intelligence service were so efficient that offending judicial officials could not escape punishment. It may be noted in this connection that in spite of the great respect in which the Qazīs were held, theologians in general did not wield too much power. They were allowed to decide judicial cases only and arbitrate purely on religious matters, while the real power in all other matters was vested in the sultan. The Qāzīs themselves did not maintain a very high standard of character and efficiency. Amīr Khusrau and Ziyāuddīn Baranī, both have to say much against them. In *Matla-i-Anwār* Khusrau observes that the Qāzīs were quite ignorant of the principles of law, while Ziyāuddīn, repentent in his old age, confesses that theologians, a class to which he himself belonged, used to stretch the meaning of the Quranic texts to carry out the wishes of the sultans.²⁷ Even so, the testimony of Maulana Shamsuddīn Turk, a theologian who hailed from Egypt, seems to be too harsh an indictment on the theologians of the day. The Maulana learnt that "illfated wiseacres of black faces" sat in mosques with abominable law books and made money by cheating both the accuser and the accused, and the Qāzīs of the capital did not bring all these facts to the notice of the king."²⁸ It appears that the Maulana wrote all this to 'Alāūddīn only to cast aspersions on the character of Qāzī Humīduddīn of Multan to whom he was deadly opposed and about whom Barani also holds a very low opinion.²⁹ But as the Sultan was not negligent in administering justice to people, it is obvious that the judiciary was in a fairly good condition.

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²⁵ Ibid. p. 352.

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²⁶ Badaonī, Ranking, I, p. 187.

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²⁷ Baranī p. 446.

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²⁸ Ibid. p. 299.

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²⁹ From the fact that Maulana Shamsuddin Turk mentions the name of Qazi Hamiduddin it follows that the former came to India in the later part of 'Alāūddin's reign, because according to Baranī Hamīduddīn was appointed Qāzī of the realm in the last years of 'Alāūddīn.

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*Punishments.*

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The punishments inflicted by 'Alāūddīn as also by other sultans of the age were barbarous. Neither the dignity of high office nor piety nor wealth could save a man from the clutches of law. Even a *shahnāh* of the position of Malik Qabūl Ulugh Khānī, who possessed lands and cavalry, once received twenty stripes for suggesting to the sultan to raise the price of grain by half a *jītāl*. Flogging was very common, and on one occasion a man received one thousand stripes.³⁰ Decapitation, mutilation of limbs and putting an offender into fetters, were common forms of punishment. Ferishtah gives a graphic picture of the horrible punishments of the times of Fīroz Tughlaq. "It has been usual," says he ". . . to spill Muhammadan blood on trivial occasions, and for small crimes, to mutilate and torture them by cutting off the hands and feet, and noses and ears, by putting out eyes, by pulverising the bones of the living criminals with mallets, by burning the body with fire, by crucifixion and by nailing the hands and feet, by flaying alive, by the operation of ham-strings, and by cutting human beings to pieces.”²¹ Tortures were inflicted for extorting confession. ‘Alāuddīn was extremely severe in punishing the guilty; and for offences like smuggling wine into the city or drinking in public the offenders were imprisoned in abominable “wells” dug for that purpose. So horrible were these prisons that many people died in them and those who escaped alive were completely shattered in health. There were no regular jails and prisoners were incarcerated in some old forts. Brokers in horse trade, found guilty of contravening the sultan’s orders, were banished to distant fortresses.²² Amīr Khurd, the author of *Sairul Auliā*, describes the abominable conditions prevailing in such jails. He says that once his father Saiyyad Kamāl was imprisoned by sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq in Bhaksi jail, near Devagiri. It was reported about that place, says he, that no prisoner used to come out alive from it as it was full of rats and snakes.²³ The fraudulent shopkeepers who were found guilty of giving short weight were forced to make up the deficiency from flesh chopped from their bodies. Stoning to death for adultery, hanging of the body of the dead for days together on spear head, and parading it into the city were of common occurrence.

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³⁰ *Favāidul Favād* Lko. Text pp. 53-4.

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²¹ Briggs’ Ferishtah, Vol. I, pp. 462-63.

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²² Barani p. 313.

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²³ Sairul Auliā, Trans. p. 190.

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*Police and Secret Intelligence.*

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An efficient police and intelligence system is the inevitable concomitant of effective administration. The sultan organised the police department on a very efficient basis. The kotvāl was the most important officer of the police. His powers were extensive and his post very responsible. He was justice of peace and custodian of law and order. He advised the sultan on important issues, and was entrusted with the protection of the *haram* in the absence of the sultan from the capital.³⁴ Under Balban and 'Alā-ūddīn the kotvāls wielded great influence with the king. Malik Fakhruddīn, the vetern kotvāl of Delhi, used to tender advise to Balban on important matters. Nuṣrat Khan the first Kotvāl of 'Alāūddīn was very much feared by the people. After him Malik 'Alāūlmulk was given the post of kotvāl. 'Alāūlmulk's candid talks with the king clearly indicate that the status of the kotvāl was very high.

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³⁴ As 'Alāūlmulk was given the charge of the *haram* at the time of Qutlugh Khvājā's invasion.

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'Alāūddīn reformed the police department, created some new posts, and appointed efficient men to them. The post of Divān-i-Riyāsat was created to maintain strict control over the trades-people. The *Shahnāh* or the magistrate of the Market was also an officer of the same sort. Another officer, Muḥtasib, has been mentioned by most of the contemporary writers. He was the chief custodian of public morals and he enquired into the conduct of the people. Besides this he also controlled the market and examined weights and measures. Thus the control of the police was comprehensive and complete.

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But if the police made the people correct in their behaviour the rigorous spy system scared them immensely. The appointment of secret agent was not a novel step, firstly, because a secret service is the very basis of despotic government, and secondly, because the predecessors of 'Alāūddīn had all resorted to espionage. Maḥmūd of Ghaznī had a very efficient intelligence service in the Divān-i-Shughl-i-Ishrāfī-i-Mamlukāt, in which persons of both sexes served as spies.³⁵ Ghayās- -uddīn Balban also had a very efficient intelligence department so that even the movements of his own son, Bughrā Khān, were regularly communicated to him. ‘Alāuddīn, however, seems to have organised espionage to great perfection. He appointed a number of informers known in the official language as *munhīs*. They were of different grades and kept the Sultān informed about the most trivial matters relating to persons high and low. The *munhīs* could even enter the houses of the people and trouble them for slight offences.²⁶ Ziyā-uddīn Baranī bears witness to the rigour with which the intelligence department worked. “No one could stir without his (‘Alāuddīn’s) knowledge, and whatever happened in the houses of the Maliks and Amīrs, officers and great men, was communicated to the Sultān in course of time . . . . The fear of spies led barons to cease speaking anything aloud in the Hazār Sitūn, and if they had to say anything they said through gestures. Day and night did they tremble in their own houses on account of the activity of the patrol. Nor did they do anything nor utter a single word which could subject them to reproof or punishment.”∗

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³⁵ Nazim: *Sultan Maḥmūd of Ghazna* p. 144.

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²⁶ *E.g.* Baranī p. 286.

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∗ *Ibid.* p. 284

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Thus the Secret service department became a terror to the people and the activities of the munhīs aroused feeling of fear and hatred. The nobles, the traders and the common people, all stood in dread of the king’s reporters. ‘Alā-uddīn’s market control was successful because of the strict vigilance of this department.

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*Postal System.*

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The administration of the Sultanate was greatly facilitated by an efficient postal service which connected different parts of the empire. A detailed account of the postal system prevailing in the time of Muḥammad bin Tughlaq has been given by Ibn Baṭṭūṭah and the author of *Masālikul Absār*.

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Yahya, the author of *Tarikh-i-Mubārak Shāhī*, also refers to it. From the writings of Battūtah and Baranī it appears that the postal organisation had much improved in the reign of Muhammad Tughluq as compared with that of ‘Alāúddīn.³⁸ Ziyāuddīn writes that whenever the king sent an expedition to some place he established posts between the capital and the destination of the army. From Tilpat which was the first stage from Delhi, horsemen were stationed at a distance of half or three-quarters of a *kos* and at every post officers and clerks were appointed. These officials sent reports to the king every-day or every third day as they received news from the marching or besieging army. At times, due to varying circumstances, the postal service was greatly distrubed and once when Malik Naib Kāfūr was engaged in reducing the fort of Warangal, ‘Alāúddīn could not received any news about the army for more than forty days.

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³⁸ The postal service of Muhammad bin Tughlaq is too well known to be repeated here. For its details see *Ibn Battūtah*, Vol. III, pp. 95-6.; *Masālikul Absār, Elliot*, III, p. 581.

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Baranī does not make mention of *dava* or *dhava* (footmen) and *aulāq* (horsemen) appointed on various posts, about whom Battūtah speaks in detail, but his silence does not mean that such postmen did not exist in ‘Alāúddīn’s days. Describing the regulations about prohibition of drinking, Baranī states that spies as well as *barīds*,³⁹ posted at the gates of the city and near about, kept a strict watch over smugglers.⁴⁰ It was on account of the efficient working of the posts that ‘Alāúddīn could be informed of Hājī Maulā’s revolt just on the third day of its occurrence.⁴¹ Another reference to the efficiency of the postal service is found in the fact that Khusrau Khan was carried from Devagiri to Delhí in a week's time by orders of sultan Qutbuddīn.⁴² These facts as well as the story references of Barani clearly show that postal service in the days of 'Alāuddīn was quite efficient and must have been of great help to the Sultan in enforcing his various regulations.

Cites (6)

Maṭlaʿ al-anwār — Amīr Khusraw Dihlavī, Persian
تحفة النظار في غرائب الأمصار وعجائب الأسفار — Ibn Baṭṭūṭa, Arabic
Khazāʾin al-futūḥ — Amīr Khusraw Dihlavī
Tārīkh-i Fīrūzshāhī — Shams-i Sirāj ʿAfīf, Persian
Tārīkh-i Mubārakshāhī — Yaḥyā b. Aḥmad Sirhindī
Fawāʾid al-fuʾād — Amīr Ḥasan Sijzī Dihlavī