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Twilight of the Sultanate c16: Chapter II: Cultural Activity in the Fifteenth Century

Twilight of the Sultanate c16

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Chapter II: Cultural Activity in the Fifteenth Century

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THE POLITICAL HISTORY of India from Tīmūr to Bābur does not make happy reading. During the first half of the period, despite its struggle for survival, the Sultanate went on shrinking. Some stability was attained in the second half, some lost territory was reclaimed, but then all was lost to Bābur in the end. In the political sphere, therefore, the fifteenth century was a period of decay and disintegration.

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But in the social and cultural sphere this period of a century and a quarter was of sustained progress and great achievements. It saw the development of new patterns in architecture. Many works of merit were produced in classical as well as regional languages. Many reformers and poets gave a new tone to society by their teachings and writings. The fifteenth century was thus a century of cultural advancement, of new trends in social behaviour and, above all, an age of socio-religious reforms. We will now turn to review the social and cultural achievements of the period under study.

Architecture

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In its heyday the Lodī empire extended from the Indus in the west to the bend of the Ganga in Bihar in the east. In the north it went up to the sub-montane belt of the Himalayās and in the south its boundary ran along a zigzag west-to-east line including Nagor, Mandrael, Narwar, Chanderi, Chunār and Khalgaon. Even when the empire was not so extensive, or conditions so favourable, the Saiyyad and Lodī Sultans, following the traditions of old, gave attention to art and letters, and constructional work went on throughout the one and a quarter century of their rule.

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The Khaljīs and the Tughlaqs were mighty builders. They had built enthusiastically, repaired and conserved old buildings, and developed a robust style of their own. But the continuity of architectural exuberance of the Tughlaq times received a setback at the hands of Tīmūr. Tīmūr's invasion swept everything before it. Besides the treasure of the State and the wealth of the capital, he carried away with him many good craftsmen, architects and stone-workers to Samarqand to build for him there, while many others, following the confusion of his attack, migrated to various provincial capitals. Without money and without artisans it was not possible for the rulers of Delhi to accomplish much. During the first decade after Tīmūr's departure, perhaps only one building was constructed, an Īdgāh by Mallū Iqbāl Khan, in an inscription on which he heartily cursed the “Kāfir” conqueror. The first two Saiyyads restored some political stability. Khizr Khan and Mubārak Shāh even founded two cities, but they (Khizrābād and Mubārakābād) have practically disappeared because of their poor construction owing to limited financial resources.

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The buildings constructed during the Saiyyad and the Lodī regime fall into two groups, (*a*) tombs and (*b*) mosques. The tomb-construction began to take a definite shape. It was based on two different conventions, one octagonal in plan and the other square. The prototypes of the first pattern are the three royal tombs of Mubārak Shāh Saiyyad (died 1434), Muhammad Saiyyad (d. 1445) and Sikandar Lodī (d. 1517). They deserve a detailed study for they reveal the stages in the evolution of the octagonal process which had begun in the tomb of Khan-i-Jahān Telangānī, the Prime Minister of Fīrōz Shāh, constructed in 1368-69¹, and found its culmination in the magnificent mausoleum of Sher Shāh Sūr. This type remained popular for well-nigh two centuries, and even provided the inspiration for some of Akbar's monuments.

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¹ Percy Brown, *Indian Architecture* (Islamic Period), Additional Plates, P.C. III, fig. 1.

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The tomb of Mubārak Shāh Saiyyad² is 30 feet each octagonal side, 74 feet wide, and the height of the dome, excluding the finial, is 50 feet. Here, the central dome is raised higher than in the original prototype, the Telangānī tomb. The height of the verandah, too, is increased; pinnacles (*guldastās*) are provided at the angles of the polygonal drum; kiosks (*Chhatrīs*) replace subsidiary domes, and an arched lantern crowns the summit in place of the usual finial.³ But there is one defect also. In the upper part the structure rises above the spectator's eyes and from the average line of sight these parts are foreshortened. The result is a slightly stunted elevation.

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² Arch. Sur. Ind. Rep., IV, 65.

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³ Sir John Marshall, C.H.I., III, 594.

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This defect is removed in the tomb of Saiyyad Muhammad, erected some ten years later by his son and successor 'Alāuddīn 'Ālam Shāh.⁴ This tomb, which lies in Khairpur to the north-east of the tomb of Safdar Jung, has the same dimensions as those of Mubārak Shāh, but the height of the central dome as well as the kiosks is elegantly elevated. Besides, there is also symmetry and cohesion in its several parts. Many of its features—use of local grey-stone and pierced stone-screens—were inherited from preceding centuries, but some new ones, chiefly decorative in character, were added to them. These include the use of blue enamelled tiling, refined treatment of surface ornament incised on plaster and embellished with colours, and the lotus finials on the domes, etc. The inner walls are decorated with quotations from the Quran in incised plaster. Besides Muhammed Saiyyad's, there are seven more graves, obviously of other relatives.

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⁴ *Arch. Sur. Rep.*, XX, 158; Carr Stephen, *Archaeology and Monumental Remains of Delhi*, 161-2; *Chronicles*, 336; *Āsār*, Chapter, III, 42; J.A.S.B., XXXIX, 82; *List.*, III, 32-33.

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The tombs of Saiyyad Mubārak and Saiyyad Muhammad are now more or less isolated structures, any supplementary features that may have surrounded them having disappeared. On the other hand the tomb of Sikandar Lodī,⁵ constructed by his son and successor Ibrāhīm in 1518, is better preserved and is more finished in form. It is similar in design and dimensions to that of Muhammad Shāh, but in this mausoleum the use of enamelled tiles has been much extended; tiles of several colours—green, yellow, azure and dark blue—are disposed in a variety of patterns. There is a marked tendency towards more lavish ornamentation. A significant structural deviation is also noticeable. In the tombs of the two preceding monarchs the dome is solely of uniform thickness of stonework, but in the present instance the dome is composed of an inner and outer shell of masonry, with a distinct space between the two. Such a device was quite well known in Iraq, Persia, and other parts of western Asia, but in India, Sikandar’s tomb provides the first “successful” example in the application of the “double dome”.⁶ It imparted a loftier and more imposing exterior, and provided the interior with larger space. Since later on, the larger domes of India were constructed on this same principle, the emergence of the device in the Lodī period is of special significance.⁷ Another noteworthy feature of Sikandar Lodī’s mausoleum was its walled enclosure “which occupies a place midway between the fortified enclaves of the Tughlaq tombs and the decorative garden of the Mughals”.⁸

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⁵ In Arch. Sur. Rep., IV, 184-85, A. L. Carlleyle located Sikandar's tomb at Agra near Sikandara. But Sir Saiyyad Ahmad Khan identifies it with the fine building in a walled enclosure at Khairpur, old Delhi. Āsār, I, 89. Ni'āmatulla's positive statement about Sikandar Lodī being buried in a garden by the side of his father's tomb sets at rest the doubts about the location of the tomb. *Makhzan*, 65 (a).

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⁶ Percy Brown, 27-28; Marshall, *op. cit*, 595.

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⁷ Arch. Sur. Ind. Report, IV, 69; Carr Stephen, 170-71; Āsār., Chapter, III, 46; Hearn, *Seven Cities of Delhi*, 130; Rodgers, 89-90; J.A.S.B., XXIX, 1870, 84; Cole, *Reports of the Curator of Ancient Monuments in India*, 3 Reports, Second Report, 1882-83, Government Press, Calcutta, C XI; List., III, 38-41.

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⁸ Marshall, 595 n.

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The octagonal method of tomb-construction seems to have been confined to the royal family. The square-plan type of tomb was, perhaps, reserved for nobles and others of high rank, although some of them are even larger and more imposing than the royal tombs. The square type curiously enough found favour during the Saiyyad and Lodī time only, and all its examples fall within the fifteenth century. In Delhi and its neighbourhood there are at least seven such mausoleums. They are now known by their local names only, and it is difficult to say whose memory they commemorate. They are Barē Khan Ka Gumbad (or Dome), Chhotē Khan Ka Gumbad, Bara Gumbad, Shīsh Gumbad, Tomb of Shihābuddīn Tāj Khan, Dādī Ka Gumbad and Polī Ka Gumbad:⁹ They are square solid buildings with domes carried on squinch arches and an octagonal pillared kiosk (light open *chhatrī*) on each corner of the roof.

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⁹ Percy Brown, 28.

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Bara Gumbad, so called because of its lofty dome 80 feet to the top, lies some 300 yards north-east of the tomb of Muhammad Shāh Saiyyad. An inscription over the southern Mihrāb, incised in plaster, points to its construction in 1494 (900 H). It is a beautiful structure as its domes rest on corbelled pendentives most elaborately carved and finished. At the north and south ends of the apartment are oriel or projecting windows, whose prototype may be found in the back wall of the Quwwat-ul-Islam mosque at the Qutb. The Bara Gumbad has a mosque attached to it which is profusely decorated throughout with conventional foliage and verses from the Quran in incised plaster relieved by coloured tile-work.

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Cunningham compares the eastern gateway of the Bara Gumbad with the famous 'Alāī Darwāzā constructed by 'Alāuddīn Khaljī, and his opinion is shared by Fergusson.¹⁰ In contrast to the rich internal treatment of the 'Alāī Darwāzā¹¹ the walls of the Bara Gumbad are left uncarved. But in its grandeur it is perhaps unequalled in the ruins of Delhi save by its prototype,¹² although it is far removed "from that ideal structure".¹³ Shīsh Gumbad, or the Glazed Dome, is situated some 50 yards to the north of the Bara Gumbad. The tomb of an unidentified dignitary, its ceiling is decorated with floral carvings in incised plaster and quotations from the Quran. The exterior is ornamented with the blue glazed tiles in two shades which must have lent it a very striking appearance and which give the tomb its name.¹⁴

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¹⁰ Arch. Sur. Ind. Rep., IV, 67 ff; XX, 155-57; Fergusson, II, 210.

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¹¹ K. S. Lal, *History of the Khaljīs*, 377-79.

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¹² Carr Stephen, 196-97; Asar., III, 52; J.A.S.B., XXIX, 1870, 70-88.

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¹³ Percy Brown, 29.

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¹⁴ Arch. Sur. Rep., XX, 158; List., III, 36-37.

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It would be needless to make a detailed study of all the "Gumbads" mentioned above and many more like the Hijrē Ka Gumbad (Dome of Hermaphrodite) and Nīlī Gumtī, so called because of its blue tiles. The treatment in all cases is almost the same. A single chamber comprises the interior which is square in plan and the dome is supported by a squinch arch at each corner. There are sunken archways, those on the west contain the *mihrāb*. This gives a feeling of monotony and these structures seen one after the other look rather stereotyped.

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In the sphere of mosque construction the Saiyyads could not boast of any large ones of the public or congregational order;¹⁵ but with the accession of Sikandar Lodī, a new leaf is turned in this field. A devout Musalman, he is said to have built mosques throughout his kingdom.¹⁶ But most of them were of a private nature, mostly attached to the tombs. However, there are some notable structures like the mosque attached to the Bara Gumbad and Moth Ki Masjid, which in their specialised form of design provide a motif for Jamala Masjid (constructed in 1536) and Qila Kuhna Masjid of Sher Shāh (built in C 1550) in the last of which they ultimately reach perfection.

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¹⁵ There is one of Mubārak Shāh at Badaon, of no great architectural significance. Arch. Sur. Rep. ~~XVI~~, 26; J.A.S.B., 1872, 111-12, Epi. Indo-Moslemica, III, 1909-10.

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¹⁶ T.A., I, 336; *Makhzan*, 76 (a).

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The mosque attached to the Bara Gumbad is a kind of domestic chapel, and represents the Lodī technique in embryo.¹⁷ This technique is definitely improved in the Moth Ki Masjid, built ten years later (1505) by Miān Bhuā, the Prime Minister of Sikandar Lodī.¹⁸ Moth Ki Masjid stands on a raised platform. The gateway is faced with red sandstone ornamented with marble. The eastern angles of the enclosure are marked by domed *chhatrīs* supported on eight red stone pillars and contain traces of blue tile decoration.

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¹⁷ Percy Brown, 29.

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¹⁸ There is a story behind the construction of this mosque. Once the Emperor gave a grain of *moth* to his Prime Minister Miān Bhuā. The latter, thinking the grain to be auspicious, it having touched the royal palm, sowed it into the ground and obtained a few more grains. The process was repeated and a crop obtained. The crop was sowed as seed and a huge harvest was collected. In course of time, from the income of that one *moth*, the mosque was built up. This is how it came to be known as Moth Ki Masjid. *Khulāsat-ut-Tawārīkh*, 278.

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This mosque¹⁹ is much larger than the one attached to the Bara Gumbad, and measures nearly one hundred and twenty-five feet across. Consequently it provided much more scope for the skill of the craftsmen and "it epitomises in itself all that is best in the architecture of the Lodīs".²⁰ In the central portion the system of squinch arches found in earlier buildings continues, but in the side aisles a form of stalactite pendentive is introduced in the angles.²¹ Free intermixture of white marble, red sandstone and enamelled tiles lends a colourful effect to the decoration, which contrasts effectively with the bold quality of the masonry. The spandrels above the arches are full of carvings in plaster with exquisite arabesque designs of typically Islamic character. Percy Brown suggests: "There was evidently a very talented group of craftsmen, engaged in this art during the fifteenth century, reminiscent of that much greater school of artists who, at about the same time were perpetuating such wonders in a similar technique on the walls of the Alhambra in Spain."²²

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¹⁹ Arch. Sur. Rep., IV, 67, 90. *Archaeology*, 1902-3, 77; Carr Stephen, 166-67; Āsār., Chapter, III, 44; Rodgers, 89.

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²⁰ Sir John Marshall in C.H.I., III, 596.

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²¹ Percy Brown, 29-30.

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²² Percy Brown, 30. *Cf.* Also Sir John Marshall, *op. cit.*, 596-97.

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Sikandar Lodī was by far the greatest builder of the fifteenth century. Inscriptions on various buildings in northern India indicate his love for architectural activity. He is credited with constructing a canal in A.D. 1492-93²³ a Baolī in Rajputana²⁴ and mosques in almost all important cities including Lahore, Karnal, Hansi and Makanpur (district Kanpur), besides many in Delhi and Agra.²⁵ There are also so many nameless mosques and tombs belonging to the Lodī period which, from their design and material of construction, can safely be attributed to Sikandar's time.²⁶ Like Fīrōz Tughlaq, Sikandar Lodī was not only a great builder but also a great repairer. In his time in A.D. 1492 (897 H) was built the mausoleum of Amīr Khusru. An inscribed frieze at the entrance doorway of the Qutb Mīnār credits him with repairing this world famous edifice in A.D. 1503 (909 H),²⁷ although the nature of the repairs is not known. A few more buildings of his son and successor Ibrāhīm Lodī are also extant, like the tomb of Khwājā Khizr (completed in 1522) and Rajōn Ki Baolī, with a mosque attached to it. But Ibrāhīm's political difficulties left him little time for much constructional activity.

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²³ P.A.S.B., 1872, 48.

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²⁴ Arch. Sur. Rep., XX, 131.

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²⁵ Arch. Sur. Rep., XVII, 105. *Ibid.*, XXIII, 115; P.A.S.B., 1873, 141. Epi. Indica, II, 1894, 137. Rodgers, *Revised List of Objects of Archaeological Interest in the Punjab*, 50, 151.

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²⁶ List, II, Delhi Province, Monuments Nos. 101, 104, 107 and many others.

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²⁷ Epi. Ind., 1919-20, 4; Carr Stephen, 59-60. Āsār, III, 18. Asiatic Researches, XIV, 487. J. A. Page, *A Guide to the Qutb*, Delhi, 21.

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Besides the Imperial style of architecture, two other local styles, those of Jaunpur and Gwalior, deserve special attention.

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Otherwise an obscure place, Jaunpur was brought into prominence in 1360 by Fīrōz Shāh Tughlaq, who built it into a city. It assumed independence a little before Tīmūr's invasion and thereafter continued its own course undisturbed. Even when it was engaged in wars against Delhi and other neighbouring kingdoms, its rulers continued to lend patronage to art and learning. The buildings that the Sharqīs of Jaunpur have left speak of their aesthetic architectural taste. Unfortunately many of Jaunpur's finest monuments were destroyed by Sikandar Lodī after defeating Husain Shāh in 1495. The few that have survived include several large mosques, three of which still remain tolerably entire, and a considerable number of tombs and palaces. The Atālā mosque, the Khālis Mukhlis, the Lāl Darwāzā Masjid, the Jhanjhri mosque and the Jama' Masjid are some of the best specimens of Indo-Muslim architecture in India.

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The construction of the Atālā mosque was started in about 1373 during the reign of Fīrōz Shāh Tughlaq and was completed in about 1408 in the reign of Ibrahīm Sharqī (1401-1440). It was erected on the site and from the material of an earlier Hindu temple said to have been built by Raja Vijāya Chandra Dēva of Varanasi.²⁸ Built on the orthodox plan, it consists of a square courtyard, measuring 177 feet on each side, with the prayer chamber on the west and colonnaded cloisters on the other sides. The domes over the prayer chamber and its back wall, the tapering minarets, the *kangūra* cornices and the arches and trellis windows are of the Tughlaq style. On the other hand the imposing propylon (75 feet high), propylon screens and surface decoration give it, and the Jaunpur style, its distinctive character. The Atālā mosque is so like a Hindu arrangement "that one might almost at first sight be tempted … to fancy it was originally a Hindu monastery",²⁹ but it also exhibits the saracenic arcuate style in as great a degree of perfection as is exhibited at any period, prior or subsequent. The one defect pointed out in this edifice is that the propylon was made so lofty that the domes are hidden from view, but the architects seem to have so designed the building that while the massive propylon looks grand and imposing from the front, the domes seen from the sides and the rear are equally beautiful.

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²⁸ Fuhrer and Smith, *Sharqi Architecture of Jaunpur*, Arch. Sur. of India, 1889, plates, 29-40.

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²⁹ Fergusson, II, 227.

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Another mosque belonging to the reign of Ibrāhīm Sharqī was built by two governors of Jaunpur, Maliks Khālis and Mukhlis, who have given their names to it. The Jhanjhı̄i Masjid was also built by Ibrāhīm in honour of Hazrat Sa‘id Sadr Jahān Ajmali.³⁰ The former is a plain structure, but the latter, though badly mutilated, was very similar in design to the Atālā mosque as is indicated by its propylon screens. The Lāl Darwāzā Masjid, so called because of its vermilion-painted gate, was built by Mahmūd Shāh (1440-52) and the Jama‘ Masjid by Husain Shāh (1452-78). Both these are more or less based on the design of the Atālā Masjid, although the latter edifice is more imposing than the former. The architect of the Lāl Darwāzā mosque is said to have been a Hindu, named Kamaū, the son of Visadru, and it is likely that the architect of the Atālā Masjid was also a Hindu.³¹ Thus the architecture of Jaunpur had all the beauty and grace of the Hindu art employed to the best advantage in the construction of their mosques.³² The massive propylon gives the facade almost the look of a south Indian temple, and constitutes the most distinctive element of the style. The peculiarities of this style—the best blending of the Hindu and the Muslim—extended into other important cities of Jaunpur kingdom like Kalpi, Varanasi, Ghāzipur and Āzamgarh.

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³⁰ Marshall, *op. cit.*, 627.

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³¹ *Ibid.*, 628.

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³² Cunningham, Arch. Sur. Rep., I, 287; Fergusson, II, 227-8.

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The architecture of Gwalior, annexed to the Sultanate in 1518, can be best described in one word—grandiose. Perched on a high hill, the fort and palace of Raja Mān Singh (1486-1518) and the palace added by his successor Vikramāditya, are the most remarkable examples of the Hindu architecture of northern India during the period under review. Bābur was struck by their beauty and wrote: "They are singularly beautiful palaces (of Mān Singh and his successor Vikramāditya), wholly of hewn stone. The palace of Mān Singh is more lofty and splendid than that of any other Rajas.... The five large domes are covered with plates of copper gilt. The outside of the walls they have inlaid with green painted tiles.”³³ The copper is gone, but the tiles still look exquisite. A visitor to Gwalior is even today struck by its grandeur, and Fergusson rightly remarks that these palaces furnished points of imitation to Mughal emperors as well as Hindu princes.³⁴

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³³ B.N. (B), II, 608-9. Bābur visited it on 27 September, 1528.

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³⁴ Fergusson, II, 176.

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The Imperial or Delhi, Jaunpur and Gwalior styles are the chief styles of the Sultanate. The buildings in the Punjab have undergone such large-scale renovations in successive ages that the forms in which they now exist cannot be called pre-Mughal. In Sindh nothing of note was constructed during this period. But the rise of Bengal, Malwa, Gujarat, Bahmanī and Vijāyanagar as independent kingdoms gave fresh impetus to architectural activity. The capitals and other cities of these independent States were decorated by their monarchs according to the best of their ability and resources. Thus the break up of the Sultanate at the close of the fourteenth century did not prove to be an unmitigated curse, for throughout the fifteenth century different schools of architecture flourished in these various States; and although their study does not fall within the frame-work of this work, a brief survey of their accomplishments would be good for a comparative study, and for having a glimpse into the overall picture of the architectural achievements of the country as a whole.

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In Bengal, the early Muslim buildings bear traces of the Hindu temple architecture since they are mostly superstructures on the original Hindu, but the climate of Bengal is so singularly inimical to the preservation of architectural remains, that the extant ones belong only to the period of over two centuries (A. D. 1338-1576). Besides, Bengal is practically without stone. Therefore, the Muslim rulers constructed their edifices with heavy short pillars of stone supporting pointed arches and vaults of brick, and the style so developed may rightly be called the “brick style” of Bengal. The Purbiya dynasty of Bengal (A. D. 1352-1487) did not do anything much to entitle them to a place in political history, but since they possessed one of the richest regions of India, they spent their wealth lavishly in adorning their capital with beautiful buildings. Jalāluddīn Muhammad Shāh (1414-1443) was a great builder. His Eklakhi mosque is a bold architectural enterprize and though smaller than 'the Ādīna mosque (built by Sikandar Shāh, 1358-89), it is a great improvement upon it. A very interesting antiquity of Bengal is the Mīnār standing just outside the fort of Gaur. For two-thirds of the height it is a polygon of twelve sides; above that it is circular till it attains the height of 84 feet. There is said to have been an inscription ascribing its erection to Saifuddīn Fīrōz Shāh II (A. D. 1488-90). There are also several gateways, the finest one being the Dākhil or Salāmī gateway, the northern entrance to Gaur fort, said to have been built by Ruknuddīn Bārbak Shāh (1460-74). It is made of brick, but in strength and grace it is second to none in its class found anywhere.

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To the west of the shrunken Sultanate of Delhi had risen two powerful kingdoms, Malwa and Gujarat. The Ghorīs of Malwa declared independence about the same time as the Sharqīs of Jaunpur. The Ghorī dynasty of Malwa made Māndū their capital. It occupies one of the noblest sites occupied by any capital in India.³⁵ It is an extensive plateau four or five miles east and west and three miles north and south, abounding in water and fertile in the highest degree. This Māndū, the Ghorī and Khaljī dynasties adorned with all kinds of beautiful buildings.

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³⁵ Fergusson, II, 247.

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The finest building in Māndū is the Jama' Masjid, commenced by Hoshang Shāh and completed by Mahmūd Khaljī I in 1454. "Though not very large, it is so simple and grand ... that it ranks high among the monuments of its class."³⁶ The tomb of its founder stands behind the mosque. Its stern style is relieved by three perforated marble screens of exquisite beauty. More beautiful than all these—mosques and tombs—are the palaces of Māndū. The massive and picturesque "Jahāz Mahal" is situated between two great tanks, almost literally in the water, like a ship. The other palaces of note are the palace of Bāz Bahādur (built apparently by Nāsiruddīn Khaljī in 1509),³⁷ the pavilion of Rūpmatī and the Hindōlā Mahal built much later.

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³⁶ *Ibid.*, 248.

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³⁷ Fergusson, II, 250.

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The Māndū architecture in a word is massive, elegant and saracenic. Red sandstone and marble, both white and coloured and locally available, have been freely used, the first for constructive and the other for decorative purposes. The builders clung steadily to the pointed-arch style and unlike Jaunpur and Gujarat, the Hindu principles do not seem to have influenced the style of Mändū.³⁸

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³⁸ J.B.B.R.A.S., 1903, 339-40 gives a detailed study of the buildings of Dhar and Mandu.

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About the architecture of Gujarat, Fergusson remarks: "Of the various forms which the saracenic architecture assumed in India, that of Ahmadabad may probably be considered as the most elegant, as it certainly is the most characteristic of all. No other form is so essentially Indian."³⁹ For long Gujarat had been a bulwark of Jainism and it contained a considerable number of big and beautiful Jain and Hindu temples. Even after its conquest by 'Alāuddīn Khaljī in A. D. 1299, the Chalukyan style of architecture continued to persist. When Muzaffar Shāh, a converted Rajput of the Tank clan,⁴⁰ and the governor of Gujarat, declared his independence there was, as it were, conversion of Rajput government into Muslim, of Rajput architecture into Muslim. In A. D. 1411 his grandson Ahmad Shāh, moved his capital to Karnavati, which was then renamed Ahmadabad,⁴¹ and he and his successors decorated Ahmadabad and other towns for the next two centuries.

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³⁹ Fergusson, II, 229.

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⁴⁰ For Tank or Tak clan see Elliot, *Races of the N.W. Province*, Beames's Edition, I, 109, 114; Cunningham, Arch. Sur. Rep., II, 8; Tod, *Rajasthan*, Madras Edition, I, 103 ff.

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⁴¹ Havell, *Aryan Rule in India*, 341.

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Ahmad Shāh decorated his capital with all kinds of elegant buildings—fort, mosques, gates and tombs. From the fort to the gateway known as the Tīn Darwāzā and thence to the Jama' Masjid it was an achievement in town-planning. The Jama' Masjid of Ahmadabad was completed in A. D. 1423 and is "generally considered the high water-mark of mosque design in western India, if not in the entire country".⁴² Its spacious courtyard of 49,500 square feet and some 300 tall, slender, closely set pillars simulate "a thick grove of silver pine trunks".⁴³ It was but fitting that his son and successor Muhammad Shāh (1442-51) interred Ahmad Shāh in front of the eastern entrance to the Jama' Masjid and sustained his style in his tomb.

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⁴² *Ibid.*, 52 and plate XXXV, Fig. 1.

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⁴³ Percy Brown, 51.

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In Muhammad Shāh's reign the tomb of Shaikh Ahmad Khattri was built in 1446 at Sarkhej (6 miles S. W. of Ahmadabad). Many other mausoleums and mosques were built there by him and by his two successors Qutbuddīn (1451-58) and Mahmūd I Beghara (*A. D.* 1459-1511). During the time of the latter came Gujarat’s greatest days. He founded Mahmūdābād (17 miles S. E. of Ahmadabad) and decorated it, at the same time enhancing the beauty of Ahmadabad and other cities of Gujarat like Batwa and Champanir. The tomb of Shaikh Mubārak Saiyyad, erected about 1484 near Mahmūdābād, represents the arcuate style of Gujarat in its finished form. This tomb clearly betrays the style of Lodī tombs at Delhi and it is not improbable that some Delhi craftsmen were attracted to Gujarat. In 1492 the mosque of Muhāfiz Khan, “a gem of architectural refinement” was built. But the most famous mosque is that of Sīdi Saiyyad built sometime between 1510 and 1515. Although almost an insignificant building, it has acquired world-wide fame because of the perforated stone screens in its sanctuary. Great skill is shown in the even manner in which the pattern is spread over the whole surface.⁴⁴ What the Gujaratis had been able to accomplish on hard stone in the fifteenth century, the Mughals could do on marble only in the seventeenth and perhaps not so well.

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⁴⁴ Burgess, *Muhammedan Architecture of Ahmadabad*, 41 ff and plates 46-51; Arch. Sur. of Western India, VII, 1901. Fergusson, II, 236-7 and plate 394; P. Brown, 58, and plate XLI, Fig. 1.

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Of sanctuaries and mosques there is no dearth in Ahmadabad, Champanir and other prominent towns of Gujarat. Structures of the secular variety are also by no means inferior to the religious buildings. Among these is the palatial scheme at Sarkhej, consisting of a large artificial lake with Mahmūd Beghara’s palaces occupying two of its sides. The *wavs* or step-wells of Gujarat are known for their artistic beauty. Two of these are the Bai Harīr’s *wav* in Ahmadabad constructed in 1499 and that at Adalaj built about the same time. Indeed in beauty and in construction the architecture of Gujarat was far superior to the contemporaneous architecture of the Sultanate of Delhi and for the matter of that to that of any other State in the country.

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Like any other Muhammadan dynasty, the Bahmanīs too were great builders. Their architecture betrays Sarcenic influence. The mosques at Gulbarga and Bidar are beautiful specimens of Deccan art, but the most remarkable architecture is that of Bījāpur. The Gol Gumbad (tomb of Muhammad 'Ādil Shāh) has traces of Ottoman influence and so have some of the other tombs and mausoleums. The kings of Bījāpur were mighty builders. Their city-walls, colleges and libraries, though ravaged by time, still speak of their artistic tastes and accomplishments.⁴⁵

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⁴⁵ Ferishta, II, 302.

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Equally impressive is the architecture of Vijāyanagar and Rajputana. The kings of Vijāyanagar built palaces, temples, public offices, aqueducts and irrigation works with great enthusiasm. And what they built, they decorated. Nuniz speaks of their "wonderful" system of irrigation, and Portuguese chroniclers and Abdur Razzāq speak highly of the beauty of Vijāyanagar painting and sculpture. Most of the buildings of this great kingdom are now in ruins, and yet they exhibit a grandeur which forces itself upon one's eyes. The famous Hazāra temple built during the reign of Krishna Deva Raya is "one of the most perfect specimens of Hindu temple architecture in existence".⁴⁶ Vitthalswāmī temple too "shows the extreme limit in florid magnificence to which the (South Indian) style advanced".⁴⁷

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⁴⁶ Longhurst, *Hampi Ruins*, Memoir of the Archaeological Survey of India, 124-32.

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⁴⁷ Fergusson, I, 401.

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In Rajasthan, the palace of Rana Kumbha (A. D. 1418-68) in Mewar is "grandiose", and shows the same "beauty of detail which characterises his buildings in general".⁴⁸ Its ruins show kiosks covered with domes resting on lintels and columns, amidst Hindu balconies.⁴⁹

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⁴⁸ Fergusson, II, 172.

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⁴⁹ Rousselet, *L'Inde des Rajahs*, 232-33, cited in Fergusson, II, 172 and Tara Chand, 246.

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Reverting to the imperial style of the Delhi Sultanate, it may be remarked that the Saiyyads and the Lodīs built little, but whatever they built they decorated well. Many of the constructional and decorative details of the fifteenth century were inherited from the preceding centuries, yet there are some innovations introduced. The use of blue enamelled tilings for decoration, surface ornamentation of incised plaster embellished with colours, lotus finials on domes, stunted turrets, *guldastās*, diminutive kiosks or *chhatrīs*, fuller domes and pinnacles are contributions of the Lodīs to Indo- Muslim architecture.⁵⁰ The double dome was adopted by the Mughals, so also the octagonal mausoleum. Sikandar Lodī's tomb enclosure anticipates the ornamental garden tombs of the Mughals. The use of enamelled tiles continued to be popular in future years. All this was no mean contribution of the fifteenth century to Indo-Islamic architecture. In the words of Sir John Marshall: "Out of the universal chaos which followed on the invasion of Tīmūr, there emerged a vigorous and catholic spirit of design—a spirit replete with creative energy and imagination—which under the Saiyyad and Lodī dynasties gave encouragement once more to the latent genius of Hindustan and at the same time derived new inspiration from the never failing source of Islamic art in Persia."⁵¹

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⁵⁰ Fergusson, II, 176. Also B.N.(B), II, 608-14.

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⁵¹ C.H.I., III, 593.

Music and Painting

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About the art of painting during this period little is known. The Sultans of pre-Mughal India were great builders, but they do not seem to have had much liking for paintings. The Hadīs forbids painting of all human forms, and thus places a ban on the development of this art.⁵² Moreover, paintings either on paper or in plaster are not as durable as sculptures in stone, and when most of even the stone edifices of these times have been reduced to a dilapidated state, it is fruitless to search for any contemporary paintings. Even so we cannot say that the art of painting had ceased to exist. Ibn Battūta appreciated the "strikingly beautiful paintings and mosaic" of the palace of Hazār Sitūn.⁵³ We also know that Fīrōz Tughlaq forbade paintings on buildings, which shows that they were a common feature. But not much can be said about this art in this period.

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⁵² Islamic Culture, XXIV, 1950, 218-225.

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⁵³ I.B., 58-59.

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Like architecture and painting, dance and music have also been the soul of India through the ages. The sculptures on the surviving temples have kept alive the glorious memory of dancing in ancient times. Commoners and kings held these fine arts in the highest esteem.⁵⁴

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⁵⁴ The Hindu system of notation is perhaps the oldest; it was carried to Europe in the eleventh century A.D. G. S. Ojha, *Madhya Kālin Bhāratīya Sanskriti*, 193-4.

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With the advent of Islam, the art of music and dancing entered upon a new phase. Music is prohibited in Islam, but human nature ever asserted itself against the austere laws of the faith. Muslim rulers and nobles always patronised music throughout the medieval times. Contact with Iran, rise of Sūfism and their stay in Hindustan made Muslim rulers lovers of music and dance. Indian classical music survived throughout the Sultanate period, although classical Indian dancing almost died out in northern India because it had drifted from the aesthetic sphere into that of the courtesans and the dancing girls.

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The Khaljīs were great patrons of music.⁵⁵ Amīr Khusru, himself a renowned musician, gives interesting details about contemporary musicians and musical instruments in his *A‘ijāz-i-Khusravī*.⁵⁶ Though a puritan, Fīrōz Tughlaq got a number of books on music and dance, he had obtained from the Jwālā Mukhī temple, translated into Persian.⁵⁷ Even the terrible Tīmūr, who had learnt about the beauty of Hindustani music, listened to Indian artistes when he was in this country and profusely rewarded them.⁵⁸

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⁵⁵ T.F.S. (B), 128-29, 188, 199-200; Ferishta, I, 84; Aiyangar, *South India and Her Muhammedan Invaders*, 113-16.

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⁵⁶ *A'ijāz-i-Khusravī*, Bk. II, 180.

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⁵⁷ Badaonī, I, 249.

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⁵⁸ 'Abdul Ghanī, *op. cit.*, I, 31.

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But the upheaval caused by Tīmūr’s invasion dispersed the musicians of Delhi to the far-off courts of Gwalior, Jaunpur and Gujarat which remained centres of musical art throughout the fifteenth century. Husain Sharqī of Jaunpur was a great lover of music and he is said to have invented the Khayāl. Another great centre of music in northern India was Gwalior. Raja Mān Singh and his queen are said to have been proficient composers and singers. It is said that the Raja called a conference of musicians to make a proper classification of Rāgas.⁵⁹ Undoubtedly he was the founder of the Gwalior school of classical music.⁶⁰ He is said to have revived the Dhrupad style which had been neglected and therefore forgotten since the days of Amīr Khusru.⁶¹ He was the author of a treatise on music entitled *Mān-Kutuhal*.⁶² He also got the *Rāgadarpana*, a treatise on Indian classical music, translated into Persian. In his court flourished masters like Baijū, Pandvī, Lohang. The master musician was Nāyak Bhikshū. It is, therefore, not surprising that Tānsen originally belonged to Gwalior. In the far-off Vijāyanagar empire the art of music developed rapidly. Both Krishna Dēva Raya and the Regent, Rāma Raya, were proficient musicians, and during this period some new treatises on music were produced, about which we shall study a little later.

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⁵⁹ His great-grandfather Dungar Singh, who maintained friendly relations with rulers of other countries, sent a valuable work on music to Sultan Zainul Ābidīn of Kashmir. Mohibbul Hasan, *op. cit.*, 73.

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⁶⁰ V. N. Bhatkhande, *A Short Historical Survey of the Music of Upper India*, 18.

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⁶¹ Islamic Culture, XXIX, 1955, 20.

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⁶² Blochmann, Āīn, I, 681; Harihar Nivas Dwivedi, *Mān Singh aur Mān-Kutuhal* (Hindi) 41, 43.

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At Delhi music gradually regained its position with the stability of the Sultanate. The Saiyyad kings do not seem to have neglected this art and Mubārak Shāh was known for his love of music.⁶³ The orthodox Sikandar Lodi also was a great lover of music. Although to keep up a show of religious austerity he would not allow anyone to sing or play in his presence, all the celebrated artists used to come and perform before the King's favourite noblemen like Mīrān Saiyyad Rūhullā and Saiyyad Ibn Rasūl, whose tents, by the Sultan's orders, were pitched near those of the king's.⁶⁴ Thus the clever and virtuous monarch filled his ears with melody without damaging his reputation for piety. In the palace, instruments were regularly played on. Shahnāi was played every night, commencing at 9 o'clock.⁶⁵ A number of beautiful singers and players played on instruments like Chang, Qanūn, Tambūr and Vīnā.⁶⁶ According to 'Abdulla, the Sultan's favourite tunes were Mālkaus, Kalyān, Kanada and Husainī;⁶⁷ according to Ahmad Yādgār they were Kedār, Adāna, Husainī and Rāmkalī, while according to Rizqulla Mushtaqī, his favourites were Gaur, Kalyān, Kanada and Maqām-i-Husainī.⁶⁸ This list shows that Sikandar loved to listen to almost every important Rāga. Sikandar Lodi's services in promoting the art of music were laudable. Under his patronage was written and to him was dedicated the *Lahjāt-i-Sikandar Shāhī*, a treatise on music by 'Umar Yahiyā.⁶⁹ Yahiyā was a scholar of Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit and his work is based on many Sanskrit treatises like *Sangīt Ratnākar*,⁷⁰ *Nṛtya Sangrah*, *Sangīt Kalpataru* and the works of Matang.⁷¹ Probably the *Lahjāt* is the first book in Persian on Indian music.

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⁶³ T.M.S., 211.

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⁶⁴ T.D., 40.

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⁶⁵ *Ibid.*, 41, گذشتن يك پهر از شب: E.D., IV, 449.

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⁶⁶ T.S.A., 48.

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⁶⁷ T.D., 41. In Persian music there are, according to the *Ghayāsul Lughāt*, twelve Maqāms (or modes) of which Husainī is the tenth.

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⁶⁸ T.S.A., 48.

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⁶⁹ *Islamic Culture*, XXVIII, 1954, 411.

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⁷⁰ By Sārang Deva, a contemporary of 'Alāuddīn Khaljī (1296-1316).

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⁷¹ *Islamic Culture*, 1954, 414. A MS. of the *Lahjāt-i-Sikandar Shāhī* is in the Lucknow University Library. Another is in the Madras University Library.

Promotion of Learning

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Throughout the medieval period of Indian history the Sultans were keenly interested in the promotion of learning. Iltutmish, Balban and 'Alāuddīn Khaljī established a number of Madrasās in Delhi and elsewhere. During Fīrōz Tughlaq's reign numerous colleges and monasteries were established throughout the country. Besides, his various Kārkhānās provided vocational training to thousands of youngmen.

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After Tīmūr's invasion not much is known about the educational system until Sikandar Lodī came to power. Himself a poet and litterateur, Sikandar encouraged learning in every way. He established Madrasās in all parts of his kingdom and appointed distinguished scholars to the charge of the colleges at Agra and other places. He wanted to raise the percentage of the educated, especially among the Afghans, and therefore insisted on compulsory education of his military officers.⁷² According to the author of the *Akhbārul Akhyār*, the Sultan invited learned men from Arabia, Iran and Central Asia to India and many of them adopted Hindustan as their home. Shaikh Husain Tāhir, who lived during the reigns of Bahlūl and Sikandar, was known as a walking encyclopaedia.⁷³ Two distinguished brothers, Shaikh 'Abdulla and Shaikh 'Azīzullā Tulambī, were invited from Multan and appointed Principals of the colleges at Agra and Sambhal respectively. 'Abdulla⁷⁴ produced forty good disciples of whom Miān Ladhan, Jamāl Khan Dehlvi, Miān Shaikh of Gwalior and Miān Saiyyad of Badaon are well known.⁷⁵ Sikandar Lodī himself often attended 'Abdulla's lectures. He used to enter the class with silent steps, listened with humility, and when he left he offered the customary salutation.⁷⁶ Shaikh 'Azīzullā's two distinguished disciples were Miān Hātim Sambalī and Shaikh Ilah Diya Jaunpurī. The Sultan founded schools at Mathura and Narwar also, which were open to all without discrimination of caste or creed.⁷⁷ Learning thus "spread in the country".⁷⁸

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⁷² T.A., I, 336.

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⁷³ He died in 1503 and lies buried at Delhi. T.D., 60-63; List., III, 158 *Akhbārul Akhyār*, 195-6.

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⁷⁴ He died in 1541 and was buried at Shaikh Sarāi, Delhi. List., III, 142 ; *Akhbārul Akhyār*, 330-31.

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⁷⁵ Islamic Culture, XXX, 1956, 110.

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⁷⁶ Badaonī, Ranking, I, 427.

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⁷⁷ Yūsuf Husain, *Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture*, 74.

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⁷⁸ T.A., I, 336 ; T.D., 44.

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Two important points may be noted in connection with the educational system in the medieval times. The first is that there was hardly any secular approach to education. The location of Muslim and Hindu schools in masjids and temples respectively, was enough to give a religious bias to education. Hindu scholars concentrated on the study of religious books like the Vedas and Shāstras besides logic, grammar and literature. The subjects of study in Muslim schools likewise were of a religious nature. Great emphasis was laid on theological education (*manqūlāt*). Besides grammar, literature and logic, the other most important subjects were Hadīs (Tradition), Fiqh (Jurisprudence), and Tafsīr (Exegesis). In the words of Dr. Yūsuf Husain, "the institutions of higher learning in the Muslim countries, called Madrasās, had developed into centres of learning with a distinct religious bias. They were essentially schools of theology, with auxiliary linguistic studies. These Madrasās were the strongholds of orthodoxy and were subsidised by the State.⁷⁹

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⁷⁹ Yūsuf Husain, *op. cit.*, 69.

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The second point of importance is that the standard of education was high. Education was neither compulsory nor universal. Only those who had a keen desire to acquire knowledge joined the schools. There were no printing presses, no text books, no "made-easy" notes. The students devoted their whole time and concentrated attention to study; and lack of printed books necessitated strenuous taxing of the memory. Grammar was the basis of study of languages and there was no other short-cut for acquiring mastery over it. Religious and philosophical studies interspersed with high-brow discussions required a thorough grounding in the subject. Thus while only a few persons took to scholastic pursuits, those who joined schools and colleges took to their studies in right earnest.

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*Persian Literature*

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Although there were separate schools for Sanskrit and Persian studies, there were some Muslim scholars who learnt Sanskrit and Hindu scholars who learnt Persian. Muslims had learnt much from Hindu medicine, philosophy and astronomy, and translated many works on these subjects from Sanskrit into Persian. This was possible only when the translators possessed mastery of both the languages. Similarly Hindus too had started taking to the study of Persian. A contemporary Brahman scholar of Persian was Pundit Dongar Mal. He was a poet, a scholar and a professor of Persian.⁸⁰ He wrote both in Hindi and Persian, and his style combined the grace and mystic note of the Sūfi classics.⁸¹ Similarly a Muslim theologian, Shaikh Rizqulla (1491-1581), wrote lyrics on the love of Krishna in Hindi under the titles of *Wujūb-Jap-Niranjan*, "the work being unfortunately lost to us".⁸²

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⁸⁰ Badaonī, Ranking, I, 426; Islamic Culture, XIII, 1939, 408-14.

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⁸¹ A *matla'* (opening couplet) of his is full of feeling: Had not thy glance been the dagger, my heart had not bled to-day; Had not thy look been the serpent I never had lost my way. (Cited in Badaonī, Ranking, I, 426).

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⁸² N. B. Roy, *op. cit.*, xxii; *Akhbārul Akhyār*, 174.

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Indeed from the days of Fīrōz Tughlaq onwards many works were translated into Persian from Sanskrit; Sanskrit possessed a rich Literature. Fīrōz Shāh Tughlaq got a work on Hindu Philosophy translated into Persian and named it *Dalāyal-i-Fīroz Shāhī*. In the fifteenth century the work of translating Sanskrit works into Persian went on apace. King Zainul 'Ābidīn of Kashmir (1420-70) possessed good knowledge of Persian, Hindi and Tibetan. Under his patronage the *Mahābhārata* and *Rājtaranganī* were translated into Persian. Jonarāja (d. 1459) carried on Kalhan's *Rājtaranganī* in the same style, his pupil Srīvara covered the period from 1459 to 1486, while Priya Bhatta and his pupil Shuka carried on the tale to some years after the annexation of Kashmir by Akbar.⁸³

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⁸³ Keith, *History of Sanskrit Literature*, 174.

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Miān Bhuā, the Prime Minister of Sikandar Lodī, got together many Indian and foreign scholars to write books on every science.⁸⁴ He appointed physicians of India and Khurāsān to prepare a treatise on Medicine. They consulted works of "Charak, Sushrut, Jānu Karan, Bhoj ...., Chintāman, Chakrāvat, Kīrat and many others,"⁸⁵ and completed in A.D. 1512 a work called the *Tibb-i-Sikandarī* also known as the *Madanush-Shifāi Sikandarī*. The chief author of the work is mentioned as Miān Bhuā, son of Khawās Khan and Minister of Sikandar.⁸⁶ In view of the fact that the works of so many scholars of medicine were consulted in the preparation of the treatise, the contention of 'Abdulla that it was a translation of a Sanskrit work entitled *Ayur Mahāvaidak*,⁸⁷ does not seem to be correct, more so because the title *Ayur Mahāvaidak* is itself open to doubt. Obviously the *Madunush-Shifāi Sikandarī* was the result of years of patient research based on the works of many ancient masters of Indian Medicine "which were popular in those days". Both Rizqulla and 'Abdulla aver that "there is no work of greater authority on medicine in India" than the *Madunush-Shifāi-Sikandarī*.⁸⁸ Similarly many works of Persian were adapted into Indian languages. *Katha Kautuk* was written by Srīvara on the theme of Yūsuf and Zuleikhā by the Persian poet Jāmī.⁸⁹

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⁸⁴ W.M., 32 (a).

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⁸⁵ The dots indicate portions which have been eaten away by worms in the MS. of the *Madanush-Shifāi Sikandarī*, 3 (a).

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⁸⁶ B.M. *Catalogue*, II, 471.

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⁸⁷ T.D., 44.

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⁸⁸ W.M., 32 (a), T.D., 44. The work has been published by the Newal Kishore Press, Lucknow.

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⁸⁹ A. Berriedale Keith, *A History of Sanskrit Literature*, 361.

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Besides works of translation many original works of merit were produced during this period. Muhammad bin Shaikh Zainuddīn compiled a lexicon entitled *Farhang-i-Sikandarī* alias *Tuhfa-us-Sa'dāt*. A very uncommon work of its kind, it was completed in A.D. 1510 and dedicated to Sultan Sikandar.⁹⁰ Another famous writer of the time was Zahīr Dehlvī. Sultan Sikandar conferred the title of Zahīr on him. Other writers of note were Maulānā Hasan Naqshī, Maulānā 'Alī Ahmad Nishānī and Nūrul Haqq.⁹¹ But the greatest intellectual of the age was perhaps Shikh Jamāl Kambū. He was a theologian, poet and writer and a great traveller. Badaonī says that his Dīwāns alone consisted of eight to nine thousand couplets. Shaikh Jamāl's real name was Shaikh Fazlulla *alias* Jamāl Khan.⁹² He was the author of a number of works of which *Siyār-ul-'Ārifīn*, *Masnavī Mehr O Māh* and the *Dīwān* are well known.⁹³ The *Siyār-ul-'Ārifīn* is a biography of saints commencing from Khwājā Mu'īnuddīn Ajmerī and finishing with the author's own spiritual guide, Shaikh Shamsuddīn. Jamāl's poetry vibrates with exalted passion.⁹⁴ Sikandar Lodī, himself a good poet, used to submit his verses to Shaikh Jamāl for his opinion.⁹⁵ Eleven lines of his composition in praise of the saint are still preserved in the *Makhzan-i-Afghānī*.⁹⁶

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⁹⁰ British Museum Catalogue, II, 493.

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⁹¹ E and D, VI, 487.

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⁹² *Akhbārul Akhyār*, 227-29. His tomb is in Mehrauli. Āsār., 47; Carr Stephen, 173; Arch. Sur. Rep., IV, 67, 90.

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⁹³ T.S.A., 47 and n. 1.

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⁹⁴ Cf. "I wear a garment woven of the dust of thy street And that too rent to the skirt with my tears." *Also* "My heart's desire is fixed on thy abode Oh thou that art long absent from my sight; By day and night the thought of thee alone My constant partner is . . . . . " (Cited in Badaoni, Ranking, I, 429-30)

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⁹⁵ Badaoni, Ranking, I, 429; Dorn, I, 89.

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⁹⁶ Some of the lines express the Sultan's deep regard for the saint-poet "Oh Jamālī, the store-house of eternal wealth, The wayfarer of the path of faith. You went round the world, . . . . . You had been a jewel but now turned into a full treasury . . . . . I may lose the sight of my eyes by the glare of the sun, But the moon of your face will not be remote from me." (Cited in *Makhzan*, 71 (a-b) ).

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The list of the authors and works given above is obviously not complete or exhaustive. But it is indicative of the type of literature produced in the Persian language in the fifteenth century. The works of translation as well as the original ones cover a long range of subjects—medicine, philosophy, theology, lexicography, biography and poetry. Examples of lyrical poetry quoted here exhibit extreme delicacy of feeling and expression; passionate love and deep disappointment; the depth of mysticism and sūfism. Similar works of mystic poetry were produced in other languages also (but of that a little later).

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Cites (42)