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Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East (Vol. I: Champa; Vol. II: Suvarnadvipa) v2.c14.t6: II. Serat Kanda

Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East (Vol. I: Champā; Vol. II: Suvarṇadvīpa) v2.c14.t6

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II. Serat Kanda

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¹ Brandes—Par., pp. 223 ff.

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'It names Angkavijaya as the last king of Majapahit, and refers to his family relations, as in Babad Tanah Javi, with some modifications. Rahmat came to Java with a son, married a Javanese lady at Kudus, and had by her a son named Undung, later known as Sunan Kudus. Stories are told of a large number of Arabs who settled and married in Java, and thus propagated the Muslim faith. Angkavijaya's queen, the princess of Cempa, named Daravati, died in 1398, and was buried in Citravulan according to Muslim rites. Raden Patah was installed as chief of Demak in 1405. Sunan Kudus organised a Muslim coalition against Majapahit, and tried to make converts and secure allies all over the kingdom. Gajah Mada defeated the rebels at Tuban. A new expedition against Majapahit was organised by Sunan Kudus, and he was joined by sons of other Sunans. The result was at first indecisive, but ultimately the royal force led by the Muhammadan chief of Terung, *i.e.* Raden Usen, brother of Raden Patah, defeated Sunan Kudus. The king sent reinforcements under Kalungkung, his son by a Balinese princess, but his other sons, including the chief of Demak, who had become Muslims, now joined the enemy. The son of Sunan Kudus now became the head of the Muhammadan coalition. Aided by all sorts of supernatural means, the Muhammadan army captured and destroyed Majapahit, in 1476

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A. D. The king took shelter in Sengguruh in 1477 A. D. Kalungkung made a last stand there, but was defeated. The king fled to Bali, followed by Kalungkung and Gajah Mada, and Sengguruh was destroyed in 1478 A.D. Patah, who took the title of Panembahan, returned to Demak and became the chief of Java, and the faith of Islam was established everywhere.'

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While there is no doubt that the details given in the above traditions, specially the dates¹, are untrustworthy, we may nevertheless trace some historical basis, so far as the general picture is concerned. Properly analysed, and divested of all unnecessary details, the two stories lead to the presumption that Islam was spreading, at first in the coastland, by way of commerce, and gradually in the interior, by marriage relations and other peaceful means. Thus we find that the dethroned Muslim chief of Pase, Zain-ul-Abedin, took refuge with the king of Java who was related to him. The royal family apparently also contained some converts to the new faith, and the story of the Cem queen may be a fact. By these means Islam got a firm hold on a number of chiefs, as well as members of royal family and high officials at court. When they felt themselves powerful enough, the members of the new faith naturally tried to oust the king as he steadily refused to give up his own religion. It seems to be almost certain, that the Hindu kingdom fell as a result of internal disruption brought on by the clash of religious beliefs, and not by any organised Muslim invasion from outside. The traditions even connect the new Muslim ruling dynasty with the old (for Raden Patah was the son of the king of Majapahit), but this may or may not be true. The episode of Girindravardhana also makes it extremely doubtful if Majapahit was still the chief seat of Hindu authority. Even if it were so, it is by no means certain that the fall of Majapahit meant the downfall of the Hindu authority in Java. The Sengguruh episode seems to show that even after the Hindu king had lost Majapahit, he held out for some time in the eastern part of Java, and only a second defeat compelled him to leave Java and seek shelter in Bali. The story of the destruction of Majapahit is also not borne out by facts. A copperplate, dated 1541 A. D., is expressly said to be written at Vilvatikta.¹ There is no valid reason to suppose that it refers to any place other than the famous city of that name, which, therefore, existed till at least the middle of the sixteenth century A. D. Of course, there is no doubt that having lost its political and commercial supremacy it gradually dwindled in importance.

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¹ The dates of Putri Campa and the downfall of Majapahit are palpably wrong ; see ante.

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¹ T.B.G., Vol. 55. (1913), pp. 257 ff.

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The Muhammadan conquest of Majapahit was followed shortly by that of Suṇḍa. It is clear from the Portuguese accounts that by Sunda they meant the kingdom of Pajajaran. As would appear from the Portuguese accounts, quoted above, the cause and process of Islamic conquest were nearly the same in both Majapahit and Suṇḍa (Pajajaran). In the case of Suṇḍa, however, we can more definitely ascertain the date of the overthrow of the Hindu kingdom.

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As noted before, in A. D. 1522 Henrique Leme visited the Hindu king of Suṇḍa, called Samian (i.e. Sanghyang), who was friendly to the Portuguese merchants coming to his harbours. As a result of this visit, the Portuguese obtained the right of building a fort at Kalapa (near modern Batavia). The Portuguese could not carry this project into execution for four years, and when at last in 1526 they came back to Suṇḍa, they found it under a Muhammadan ruler, named Falatehan, who had come from Pase in Sumatra, and conquered the kingdom with the help of the king of Japara. The Portuguese had to return without accomplishing anything. Thus Suṇḍa must have passed into the hands of Muhammadan rulers some time between 1522 and 1526 A. D. Whether Pati Unus, chief of Japara, was its conqueror, as Barros states, has been, as noted above, doubted by Rouffaer. But even according to the later Portuguese accounts, the chief of Japara i. e. Pati Unus, who died in 1522, or his son, had some hand in the conquest. There is nothing improbable in the assumption that Pati Unus, aided by other Muslim chiefs, overthrew Suṇḍa and Majapahit about the same time, and in that case Falatehan, one of the confederate chiefs, might have been ruling in Suṇḍa, while Pati Unus was ruling in Majapahit. In any case it is certain that the Hindu kingdom of Suṇḍa was overthrown by the coastal Muhammadan chiefs between 1522 and 1526 A.D.

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The overthrow of Majapahit and Suṇḍa dealt a death-blow to the Hindu culture and civilisation which had flourished in Java for well-nigh fifteen hundred years.

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Hindu civilisation, and even Hindu rule, however, did not vanish altogether, but maintained a desperate struggle for existence in the outlying regions, in the east as well as in the west. The archæological remains on mounts Willis, Lavu, and Merbabu indicate clearly that Hinduism found a last refuge in these highlands, but were gradually being transformed by the growing indigenous influence. A detailed study of the ruined structures and images of these hilly regions to the west of Majapahit unfolds the steadily declining stages of Hindu art and religion, leading to the supreme but inevitable tragedy of their ultimate annihilation by the rising forces of primitive barbarism¹.

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¹ This point has been further discussed in connection with Art.

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In the east, the regions around and beyond mount Smeroe (Sumeru) offered the Hindus a safe retreating place. According to a Portuguese account, the Muhammadan besiegers of Pasuruhan were forced to retreat in the middle of the sixteenth century. Even as late as 1600 A.D. Balambangan was an independent Hindu State, and remained as such for nearly two hundred years more.

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But although these petty states kept alive the traditions of Hindu rule in Java, the main currents of that culture now shifted to the east, and flowed freely only in the island of Bali, where the royal family and the aristocracy fled with a considerable element of the well-to-do people in Java. That island now possesses the unique distinction of preserving the old Hindu culture and civilisation, while in Java the old monuments alone remain to tell the tale of its past glory and grandeur.

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The Islamic conquest of Java was followed by the introduction of that faith in Madura. The king of Arosbaya, named Panembahan Siti Luhur, and other members of the nobility voluntarily accepted the new faith, and thus the conversion of the whole people took place in a comparatively short time. This also explains the almost complete destruction of Hindu temples in that island¹.

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¹ Congres I, pp. 264-5.

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END OF HINDU RULE IN BORNEO

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We have already seen how Borneo formed one of the earliest seats of Hindu civilisation. Unfortunately we do not possess anything like a continuous history of the Hindu colonisation in Borneo. After the archæological remains described above in Book I, Chapter VIII, there is a pretty long gap of many centuries for which we possess no internal evidence regarding the Hindu colonists. Only the Chinese annals throw some light on the obscure period, and we can do no more than summarise these accounts and draw such scanty conclusions from them as we reasonably may.

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1. Speaking of Po-lo, the History of the T'ang Dynasty (618-906 A.D.) says that in the year 669 the king of this country sent an envoy who came to court together with the envoy of Huan-wang (Siam).

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Groeneveldt, who has translated this passage, supplements the information by the following remarks¹: "There is of course not the slightest internal evidence that this passage relates to Borneo, but all Chinese geographers agree in assigning it to this island, which is designated by it to the present day. We have further no means of ascertaining which part of the island was meant, and here again the Chinese say it was the northern coast, from which they have derived their name for the whole island, just as we have taken Bruni or Brunei for the same purpose".

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¹ Groeneveldt—Notes, p. 101.

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Another Chinese history 'Tung Hsi Yang K'au'² (1618 A.D.) refers to the embassy of 669 A.D., but adds that the intercourse with the land then ceased for a long time. As a matter of fact the next embassy it mentions is that of 1406 A.D. The king at that period was originally an inhabitant of Fu-Kien, and thus evidently a Chinese.

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² Ibid, pp. 101-2.

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2. The History of the Ming Dynasty (1368-1643 A.D.) gives a short account of Bandjermasin, on the south coast of Borneo. It chiefly describes some of the peculiar manners and customs of the place.

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3. The earliest definite reference to Borneo in the Chinese annals is contained in Man-Shu, composed in the second half of the ninth century A.D., which refers to Po-ni having trade intercourse with Indo-China¹. The History of the Sung Dynasty gives a more detailed account of Pu-ni² which undoubtedly refers to the west coast of Borneo. The fact that their king bore the title Mahārāja proves the Indian origin of their civilisation. Some of their customs strikingly resemble those of India, e.g. they used cotton cloth, and for their marriage presents they first sent the cocoa-tree wine, then areca nuts, next a finger ring, and lastly cotton cloth or some gold and silver.

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¹ Pelliot, B.E.F.E.O., Vol. IV, p. 287, f.n. 2.

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² Groeneveldt—Notes, pp. 108-110.

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This kingdom came into contact with China for the first time in 977 A.D., when its king Hiang-ta sent three envoys to the imperial court. The occasion of this embassy is thus explained by the king himself in a letter which he sent with the envoys to the emperor.

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"I knew before that there was an emperor, but I had no means of communication. Recently there was a merchant, called P'u Lu-hsieh, whose ship arrived at the mouth of my river. I sent a man to invite him to my place and then he told me that he came from China. The people of my country were much delighted at this, and preparing a ship, asked this stranger to guide them to the court".

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The king added in the letter that he intended to send tribute every year. But the next reference that we come across is about hundred years later. In the year 1082 their king Sri Ma-dja (Śrī Mahārāja) sent again an envoy to bring as tribute products of the country.

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It is evident, however, that the first embassy of 977 A.D. led to the opening up of a regular trade between Pu-ni and China. For the History of the Sung Dynasty includes it among the list of countries whose ships frequented the ports of China.¹

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¹ T'oung Pao, Ser. II. Vol. XV (1914), p. 420.

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We next hear of Pu-ni in the thirteenth century A.D. from the accounts of Chau Ju-kua². He describes in greater detail the manners and customs of the people, which show an undoubted Hindu element. Chau Ju-kua expressly states that the people worshipped Buddha. According to Chau Ju-kua it was an independent kingdom.

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² Chau Ju-kua, pp. 155-157.

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More than hundred years later, Wang Ta-Yuen³ (1349 A.D.,) writes about Pu-ni, that its people worship Buddha images and possess unusual skill in arithmetic and book-keeping. This is an unmistakable evidence that at least a part of the people of Borneo possessed some amount of culture and civilisation, and that of Hindu origin.

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³ T'oung Pao, Ser. II. Vol. XVI. (1915), p. 265.

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But Pu-ni could not long maintain its independence, and was conquered by Java some time before 1370 A.D. We learn from Chau Ju-kua, that Tañjungpura in south-west Borneo, was already a dependency of Java. The same place occurs in the list of territories conquered by Kṛtanagara and Gajah Mada, as we have seen above. It was evidently from this base that Java extended her influence over the rest of the island, till by 1365 A. D. a considerable portion of Borneo was included in the empire of Majapahit (see Bk. III, ch. VI). But in A.D. 1371 the king of Pu-ni, Ma-Mo-sha, sent a high official to the court of the emperor with a memorial and presents.⁴ The facts supplied by the History of the Ming Dynasty regarding the allegiance of Pu-ni, at first to Java, and then, from the beginning of the fifteenth century, to China, have already been referred to above (Bk. III, ch. VI). We shall now quote from the History of the Ming Dynasty further details regarding the intimate intercourse between Pu-ni and China during the fifteenth century A.D.¹

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⁴ Ibid.

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¹ Groeneveldt—Notes, pp. 110-115.

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"In the winter of the year 1405 the king Maradja (Mahārāja) Ka-la sent envoys to bring tribute and the Emperor sent functionaries to invest him as king of the country and gave him a seal, a commission, and silks of various colours. The king was greatly delighted, and embarking with his wife, his younger brothers and sisters, his sons, daughters and functionaries went to court".

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The king was received with great honour, and feasted at every place through which he passed, till he reached the capital in the eighth month in A.D. 1408. During his audience with the emperor he knelt down and pronounced a most flattering address to the suzerain. The king was received with usual ceremonies and he and his attendants got suitable presents.

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In the 10th month the king died in the Chinese capital. The emperor was very much grieved, closed his court for three days, and sent an officer to perform sacrifices and to give the silk required for the funeral. A temple was erected at the side of the grave, where every spring and autumn an officer sacrificed a goat.

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"The emperor issued an edict to console his son Hia-wang who was ordered to succeed his father and appointed king of the country. Hia-wang and his uncle reported that their country had to give Java a quantity of camphor every year and begged for an imperial order to Java that this annual tribute should be stopped, in order that it might be sent instead to the imperial court. They further said that as they were going home now, they asked for the Emperor's orders and for permission to remain at home a year in order to satisfy the wishes of the people; at last they requested that the time for bringing tribute and the number of persons who were to accompany it, might be fixed.’

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‘The emperor acceded to all these wishes. He ordered that tribute should be sent once in three years, and that the number of persons coming with it should depend upon the king’s pleasure. He also gave an order to Java telling them not to ask any more the annual tribute of this country.”

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‘At the time of taking leave the king and his party got very valuable presents from the emperor. The eunuch Chang Ch’ien and the messenger Chau Hang were sent to escort him. In 1410 the king sent envoys to carry tribute and present thanks for the imperial favour. The next year Chang Ch’ien was sent again with rich presents for the king. In 1412 Hia-wang came to court with his mother. They were entertained with great honour and received valuable presents. From the year 1415 to the year 1425 they brought tribute four times, but after that time their tribute-bearers became more rare.’

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‘During the period Wan-li (1573-1619) the king of Pu-ni died without any male issue. His relatives fought for the throne, and there was a great war in the country; at last all competitors were killed, and then a daughter of the late king was put on the throne. Since this time, though they did not bring any more tribute, the intercourse by traders was uninterrupted.’

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This extensive summary of the Chinese history gives us a very interesting account of the friendly intercourse between Borneo and China, but it adds but little to our knowledge of its history and civilisation. There is no doubt that the Chinese official writer has spared no pains to exaggerate the power and prestige of the emperor, and to paint him in a too dazzling light. But all the same he has left the impression that Pu-ni was a fairly civilised country, and enjoyed some amount of political authority and prestige.

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We may now conclude our account of Borneo with a few general remarks. It is clear that the Indians had colonised different parts of the island during the early centuries of the Christian era. By 400 A. D. several Hindu states had been established there, and Hindu religion and culture made their influence felt. But the history of the progress and development of the Hindu states and Hindu culture cannot be traced any further in the absence of positive information on the point. It is certain that Hindu culture survived to some extent for more than a thousand years. It seems to be, however, equally certain, that the stream of Hindu colonisation was not fed here for a long time from the parent source, and hence it decayed and was ultimately almost dried up. In other words, Hinduism in Borneo did not possess sufficient vitality to subdue the native elements for a pretty long time, and so ultimately the indigenous element prevailed upon the superimposed layer of Hindu culture.

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It is not absolutely certain that the later Hindu civilisation in Borneo, as depicted in the Chinese history, was an uninterrupted continuation of the early Hindu culture which is indicated by the archæological remains. But this seems to be a more reasonable view than to suppose that there were fresh streams of Hindu migration at a later period.

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An alternative supposition would be to trace the later Hindu civilisation in Borneo to Java. That Java exercised political authority in some parts of Borneo as early as the thirteenth century A.D. is definitely known, and it is easy to conjecture that Indo-Javanese culture and civilisation should find its way to Borneo, and influence it to a certain extent. This influence is quite apparent in the art of later Borneo, and nobody can possibly mistake it. But it is equally impossible to deny that some elements even of later civilisation in Borneo are not Indo-Javanese, and must be traced ultimately to India. Nor is it necessary to assume, with Krom, that Javanese political authority extended to Borneo even earlier than the thirteenth century A. D., in order to explain the traces of Hinduism noticed in Pu-ni in the tenth and eleventh centuries A. D.¹

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¹ Krom—Geschiedenis, p. 229.

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Before closing the account of Borneo we may briefly refer to another country named Sulu which was situated in or near Borneo. Shortly after the year 1368 the people of Sulu attacked Pu-ni, where they made a large booty and only retired when Java came with soldiers to assist this country.

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In the year 1417 the eastern king of this country Paduka Pa-ha-la, the western king Ma-ha-la-ch'ih (Mahārāja), and the king of the mountain of Ka-la-ba-ting, called Paduka Prabu ( Prabhu ), all went with their families to China to pay homage and tribute. They presented a letter of gold, with the characters engraved upon it, and offered pearls, precious stones, tortoise-shell and other articles.

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Embassies were again sent, in 1420 by the western king, and in 1421 and 1424, by the eastern king.¹

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¹ The above account is based on the History of the Ming Dynasty ; cf. Groeneveldt — Notes, pp. 103-5. Groeneveldt identifies Ka-la-ba-ting with the mountain Klaiba-tangan on the north-eastern coast of Borneo. In that case Sulu or a part of it must be located in the island of Borneo itself.

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THE BALI ISLAND.

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We have already discussed the few data regarding the early history of Bali that can be gathered from the Chinese sources.¹ This brings us down to the end of the seventh century A. D. For the next century we possess no definite historical information regarding the island. According to a somewhat vague tradition preserved in Carita Parahyangan, the island was conquered by the Javanese king Sañjaya.² This may possibly be true. Recent investigations³ in Bali have yielded quite a large number of inscriptions on stone and copperplates, and other antiquities, some of them reaching as far back as eighth century A. D. Apart from their great importance from the point of view of political and cultural history, to which we shall refer below, the inscriptions clearly prove, both by their language and subject matter, that Bali was a Hindu colony with distinct characteristics of its own, derived directly from India, and it was in no way a product of or influenced by the Indo-Javanese colony or civilisation. The fact that the language of these inscriptions is old-Balinese and not old-Javanese is enough to discredit the generally accepted view that Bali derived its Hindu culture through Java, and we must regard the Hindu colony in that island as developing independently, and side by side, with that of Java and other islands in the archipelago. The most reasonable conclusion, therefore, would be to regard the Hindu culture and society in Bali, which we find reflected in these records from the eighth to the tenth century A.D., as a direct development of the old Hindu colony and civilisation referred to in the Chinese annals.

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¹ Book I. Chap. IX.

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² Book III. Chap. I.

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³ Stutterheim—Oudheden Van Bali (1929). Epigraphia Balica Vol. I (1926). O.V. 1914, pp. 28-35. Unless otherwise stated, the inscriptions mentioned below are to be looked for in these authorities.

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The inscriptions, particularly the series of copperplate Grants, have yielded very interesting information regarding the political history of Bali. The oldest of them, dated 896 A.D., and found at Bebetin, does not refer to the name of any king. But two inscriptions discovered at Babahan and Sembiran, and dated respectively in 915 and 933 A.D., were issued in the reign of king Ugrasena, who may thus be regarded as the first historical king of Bali, definitely known to us. Then follow king Tabanendravarmadeva and Candrabhayasinghavarmadeva with dates 955 and 962 A.D. respectively.

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We next hear of king Janasādhuvarmadeva, ruling in A.D. 975, and queen Śrī-Vijayamahādevī ruling in 983. No particulars are known about any of these. An inscription recently discovered near Sanoor¹ refers to Śrī Keśarivarmā, lord over all neighbouring princes, who overcame Gurun and other localities. He probably ruled in the tenth century A.D.

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¹ The inscription has been edited by Dr. Stutterheim in Acta Orientalia, Vol. XII, Pars II (1934), pp. 126-132. The inscription, incised on the upper part of a round monolith pillar, consists of six lines written in an eastern variety of north-Indian alphabet of about the tenth century A. D., and of thirteen lines in Kavi alphabet. According to Dr. Stutterheim the latter belongs probably to ninth or tenth century A.D.

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Not long after this, the island of Bali was conquered by the Javanese king Dharmavaṃśa, and was ruled on his behalf by his predecessor's daughter Mahendradattā *alias* Guṇapriyadharmapatnī, along with her husband Dharmodāyanavarmadeva (or in its shorter form, Udayana), the parents of the famous king Airlangga.²

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² See above, Bk. III, Ch. II.

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Stutterheim³ holds the view that Dharmodāyanavarmadeva was a Balinese, who afterwards became a member of the royal family of Java by his marriage with the daughter of Makuṭavaṃśavardhana, and ruled over Bali as Prince-consort of Guṇapriyadharmapatnī. This view mainly rests upon the fact that the last three (now four) Balinese kings, mentioned above, had all of them names ending in Varmadeva. It has been argued on the other hand, that he was a Javanese chief, who, on being appointed to rule over Bali, assumed a name in conformity with the Balinese royal custom.¹

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³ B.K.I., Vol. 85 (1929), p. 483.

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¹ Krom—Geschiedenis², p. 232, fn. 4.

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Whatever that may be, there is no doubt that the rule of Udayana and Mahendradattā introduces a new epoch in the cultural history of Bali. Henceforth Indo-Javanese culture makes a deep impress upon that of Bali, so much so that the culture and civilisation of Bali after 1022 has been regarded as old-Javanese in character.

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The Balinese records from 989 to 1001 A. D. refer to both Guṇapriyadharmapatnī and her husband Dharmodāyanavarman, but the name of the latter alone appears in two records, dated 1011 and 1022 A. D. The natural presumption, therefore, is that the queen died some time between 1001 and 1011 A.D., and since then her husband alone ruled in Bali.² But a Sembiran copperplate, dated 1016 A.D., refers to a queen (ratu) Sang Ājñādevī. It has been suggested that Ājñādevī was but another name of Guṇapriyadharmapatnī.³ But, then, it is difficult to explain why she alone is mentioned, under a different name and with a lower title ‘ratu.’ An alternative suggestion would be to regard Sang Ājñādevī as a vassal chief, or one ruling independently in some parts of the island.⁴ In any case Udayana must have regained his authority before 1022 A.D. He evidently died in that year, some time between the months of Caitra, when he issued the edict, and Pauṣa, when a record was issued by Śrī Dharmavaṃśavardhana Marakatapangkaja-Sthānottunggadeva. This king ruled at least till 1025 A.D. His name indicates that he belonged to the family of Dharmavaṃśa and was thus a member of the Javanese royal family. It is, of course, equally possible to hold that Dharmavaṃśa was originally a ruler of Bali and then obtained the throne of Java, possibly by marrying the daughter of king Makuṭavaṃśavardhana. The relationship between Udayana and his successor Marakatapangkaja-Sthānottunggadeva is not known, nor is it possible to decide if the latter ruled as an independent king, or acknowledged the suzerainty of Airlangga, the Javanese king.¹ The absence of any royal title lends support to the latter view, and in that case we may hold that in spite of the catastrophe which overwhelmed the kingdom of Java about this time, she still maintained her hold over the island of Bali. In any case, Airlangga ultimately asserted his full suzerainty over Bali; so much so, that once he even planned to divide his kingdom among his two sons by giving Java to one and Bali to another. This, however, did not take place, and instead Java itself was divided into two kingdoms, Janggala and Kaḍiri, as we have seen above.

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² Cf. Bk. III, Ch. II. p. 263 above.

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³ O.V. 1920, p. 132. Stutterheim reads the name as Sang Ājñādevī, while Krom gives it as Sangājñādevī ( Geschiedenis² pp. 233, 245) on the authority of O.V.

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⁴ Korn—Het Adat-recht Van Bali (1924), p. 547.

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¹ In a recent article Dr. Stutterheim has suggested that Śrī Dharmavaṃśavardhana, who succeeded Udayana in Bali, is no other than Airlangga himself, who died in 1049 A.D., and was succeeded in Bali by his younger brother (B.K.I., Vol. 92, pp. 196 ff.)

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Bali, as usual, had its own ruler, but how far it acknowledged the authority of Janggala, it is difficult to say. Ten copperplate records, bearing dates between 1049 and 1077 A.D., refer to a king who was "the youngest child of the goddess, who is cremated at Burvan, and of the god who is cremated at Bañuveka". The phrase most probably alludes to Udayana and his wife Guṇapriyadharmapatnī. If this view be correct, the ruler of Bali between 1049 and 1077 A. D. was a younger brother of Airlangga. He evidently ruled over the whole island, as his records are found both in north and south Bali, from Sangsit to Klungkung.

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The next ruler of Bali, known from a record of 1098 A.D., is named Śrī Śakalendaki ring Eśāna Guṇadharma-lakṣmīdhara Vijayottungadevī. In this name we have a reminiscence of that of Guṇapriyadharmapatnī, the mother of Airlangga, and of Īśāna, the reputed founder of the royal family to which Airlangga belonged. If it were safe to presume anything from these factors, this ruler of Bali may be regarded as belonging to that royal house. The same, however, cannot be said of the two rulers who followed, vix., Śrī Śūrādhipa, with dates 1115 and 1119 A.D., and Śrī Jayaśakti, with dates 1133 and 1150 A.D. It is possible that Bali was now altogether independent of Java.

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A king Paduka Śrī Mahārāja Haji Jaya Pangus is known from thirteen records. One of these is dated in the year 1177 A.D., while the remaining were issued on one and the same day in the year 1181. In these he appears as the suzerain king, ruling over a circle of seven states in Bali (Balidvīpamaṇḍala). But the genuineness of these records has been justly doubted, and so no sure conclusion can be based upon them. Next we hear of two other kings, Śakalendu with a date 1201 A. D., and Bhaṭāra Parameśvara and Bhaṭāra Guru Śrī Adhikunti (ja)ketanā of 1204 A.D. Shortly after this Bali must have been conquered by Java. Chau Ju-kua, describing the state of things in the first part of the thirteenth century A.D., includes Bali among the fifteen vassal states of Java, though he expressly adds that Bali and Tañjungpura (South-West Borneo) were the most important among them.

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The internal conflict in Java which ultimately led to the fall of Kaḍiri in 1222, and the palace intrigues and revolutions in the newly established kingdom of Singhasāri, gave a good opportunity to Bali to free itself from the yoke of Java. Of this period only one king is known to us, Parameśvara Śrī Hyang ning hyang Adilañcana, ruling in 1250 A.D. But during the reign of Kṛtanagara Java again found means to subdue the neighbouring island. A military expedition was sent to Bali in 1284 A.D., and its king was brought a prisoner before Kṛtanagara.

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¹ O.V. 1929, pp. 73-78.

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Kṛtanagara’s success was, however, a short-lived one. In 1292 he met with a tragic end, and his kingdom was overthrown by the chief of Kaḍiri. Bali must have profited by this respite, and an indication of this is furnished by the fact that when the Chinese army returned from its expedition against Java in 1293 A.D., they brought to the emperor, among other things, a letter in golden characters from the kingdom of Bali, with rich presents.¹ As we have seen above, it was a deliberate policy of the Chinese emperor on that occasion to detach the smaller states from Java and make them transfer their allegiance to China. With this view envoys were sent to these smaller states, and there is no doubt that Bali took advantage of it to substitute a nominal allegiance to China in place of a real control exercised by Java.

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¹ Groeneveldt—Notes, p. 27.

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For nearly half a century Bali remained an independent state. The earliest document for this period, a record of 1304 A.D., is issued by one Bhaṭāra Guru together with his grandchild Śrī Mahāguru. The latter alone issues a charter in 1324. The next charter was issued by Śrī Valajayakṛtaningrat with his mother Pāduka (Bha)ṭārā Śrī Mahāguru in 1328 A.D. This lady is evidently the same person who is referred to simply as Śrī Mahāguru in 1304 and 1324 A.D. Lastly, we find the record of Aṣṭāsuraratnabumibanten dated 1337 A.D.

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With the growth of the empire of Majapahit attempt was made to re-establish the supremacy of Java over Bali. According to a tradition preserved in Pamañcangah, the struggle had begun in Jayanagara’s reign. The first fruits of this struggle are to be seen in 1338 A.D., when the Regent Tribhuvanottunggadevi founded a Buddhist sanctuary in that island. But the battle was indecisive for a long time. The king of Bali strove hard to maintain his independence. At last a powerful military expedition was sent against him in 1343 A.D. According to Nāgara-Kṛtāgama, Gajah Mada distinguished himself in this expedition. Several historical traditions refer to the details of the severely fought battle.¹ Ultimately the king of Bali was totally routed, and his kingdom was added to the growing empire of Majapahit.

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¹ In addition to Pamañcangah (edited by Berg, 1929) the details of the expedition are referred to in Usana Jawa (pp. 159-162) and Kidung Sunda. Cf. Berg—Mid. Jav. Trad., pp. 103-121; Inleitung, pp. 157-9. According to Pamañcangah the Javanese first conquered Bedahulu, and installed there a chief named Kapakisan. But it taxed all his strength to bring the rest of the island under his control. The Usana Jawa refers to simultaneous fighting in North and South Bali, the latter under the personal supervision of Gajah Mada. According to Kidung Sunda the fall of Bali became inevitable only when the auxiliary forces from Sunda and Madura conquered respectively the western and eastern forts.

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Henceforth Bali formed an integral part of the empire. Two records of Bali, dated 1384 and 1386 A.D., are issued by Śrī Vijayarājasa, prince of Vengker, and the maternal uncle of the Javanese king. A third, dated 1398 A.D., refers to him as Śrī Parameśvara who died at Viṣṇubhavana. It is likely, therefore, that Vijayarājasa represented the Javanese authority in Bali as a governor or viceroy. The residence of the viceroy was fixed first at Samprangan and thereafter at Gelgel. The Majapahit conquest of Bali carried still further the process of Javanisation of that island which had already begun in the 11th century A.D. Henceforth the two islands are very closely associated both in politics and culture. This state of things is clearly reflected in Nag. Kr. Berg has shown how Bali formed a centre of Javanese literary life, which grew in importance in the same proportion in which it declined in Java itself. Bali carried on and developed the traditions of Java, first as a dependency of Majapahit, and then as an independent Javanese kingdom.

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For, as we have seen above, the king of Majapahit, unable to withstand the onrush of Islam, took refuge in Bali with his followers. His example was followed by a large number of Javanese who found in migration to Bali the only means to save their religion and culture. Bali thus received a strong influx of Javanese element, and became the last stronghold of Indo-Javanese culture and civilisation, a position which it still happily maintains. It has not only contributed to the further development of Indo-Javanese culture, but has also preserved from oblivion much of it which Java herself lost as a result of the Muhammadan domination.

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The subsequent history of Bali may thus be regarded as merely a continuation of Majapahit. Indeed, the popular notion in this respect is so strong, that most of the inhabitants of Bali style themselves, with pride, as Wong Majapahit or men of Majapahit. Only a few primitive tribes, scattered in hilly regions, are called by way of contrast ‘Bali aga’ or indigenous people of Bali.¹

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¹ These people live in the neighbourhood of Sangsit, in Krobokan and Sembiran, in the villages of Chempaga, Sidatopa, Padava, and Tigavasa, to the west of Buleleng, and at Tenangan in Karangasem. Their religion, though old-Polynesian in character, is strongly marked by a veneer of Hinduism.

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The later history of the island may be briefly told.² A prince of the royal family of Majapahit made himself overlord of the island. He assumed the title Deva-agung Ketut, and restored peace and order in the country. He chose Gelgel as his capital, and there his successors ruled till the end of the seventeenth century A. D., when the town was destroyed by the people of Karangasem, and the capital was removed to Klungkung.

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² For the later history of Bali, cf. Encycl. Ned. Ind. s.v. Bali and the nine states that arose in the eighteenth century. The literary traditions about the history of Bali, since the Javanese conquest of 1343, have been discussed by Berg (Mid. Jav. Trad., pp. 121-175.) How far these traditions can be relied upon as historical facts is very doubtful. Some kings like Batu-Renggong undoubtedly played a prominent part.

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Among the kings of Gelgel, Batu-Renggong occupies a prominent place. He ruled in the third quarter of the sixteenth century A.D. In addition to the whole of Bali, he ruled over Sasak and Sambawa, and a considerable part of Balambangan. He also proved a formidable enemy of the kings of Pasuruhan and Matarām, and maintained peace in his kingdom. He was considered by later generations as the incarnation of Viṣṇu. He was a patron of letters, and it was during his reign that the great Javanese scholar Nirartha was settled in Bali, and there was a great outburst of literary activity among the Javanese settlers in that island.

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The death of Batu-Renggong was followed by a period of unrest and revolutions in course of which Bali lost all her foreign possessions. Balambangan proved the bone of contention between Bali and Matarām, and in 1639 the king of Matarām invaded Bali. The invasion proved unsuccessful, and Bali retained its hold upon Balambangan until it passed into the hands of the Dutch towards the close of the eighteenth century.

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From the very beginning of this period the kingdom of Bali was divided into several districts, each being placed under a governor. These governors gradually assumed an independent position, so that in the eighteenth century Bali was practically divided into nine autonomous states, viz., Klungkung, Karangasem, Mengui, Badong, Bangli, Tabanan, Gianjar, Buleleng, and Jembrana.

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The history of Bali during the two following centuries is merely one of interminable wars among these states. Jembrana soon ceased to be a separate state, being conquered successively by Buleleng and Badong. The remaining eight states continued their inglorious existence till the Dutch conquered them all and established their supremacy over the whole island. This conquest of Bali did not, however, prove to be an easy task. The Dutch suzerainty was first acknowledged by the Balinese in 1839, but many expeditions were necessary before the Dutch could finally curb the independent spirit of the ruling chiefs.

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In 1908, the Deva-agung of Klungkung, the last heir of the Emperors of Majapahit, made a final effort to free himself from the foreign yoke. Even when his palace was besieged by the Dutch, and there was no hope of success, he refused with scorn the offer of his enemy to save his life and family by an unconditional surrender. Remembering the proud examples of his Kṣatriya forefathers, he seized the sacred sword, and boldly rushed out with his nobles, wives, and children to meet with an end worthy of his race. Klungkung fell, and the remaining warlike elements of the place were interned at Lombok. In 1911 Klungkung was formally incorporated in the Dutch empire, and with that the Hindu rule in Bali came to an end.

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POLITICAL THEORY AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION IN JAVA.

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The Javanese Law-books do not contain anything about administrative law such as we have in Chapter VII of Manu-Saṃhitā. Consequently the system of administration in Java is but little known. There are three old-Javanese prose texts on the political theory and public administration, but their value as a practical guide to this subject is difficult to determine. We may begin with a brief reference to them.

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1. Kāmandaka¹. An old-Javanese text, in which Bhagavān Kāmandaka explains to his pupils the duties of the king. The book was also known as Rājaniti. The characters from the Rāmāyaṇa and the Mahābhārata are cited as illustrations of the political principles. Yudhiṣṭhira, for example, is held up as an ideal.

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¹ Cat I., Vol. II, pp. 240-43.

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2. Indraloka². In this book Bhagavān Indraloka gives lessons on politics to his pupil Kumārayajña.

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² Ibid., pp. 238-40.

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3. Nitipraya³. This book describes the duties of a king towards his enemy. It was communicated by Viṣṇu to Vyāsa. But there is an introductory episode which runs as follows :

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³ Ibid., pp. 243-246.

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‘King Suparkadeva of Ayodhyā was attacked by Aji Wangbang, whereupon Bhagavān Ratnabhūmi gave him the Nitipraya. In consequence of this Wangbang was defeated, and his daughter Yajñavati was taken prisoner. Ratnabhūmi’s son Rāveya went to heaven, where, through mistake, he threw a Nagasari flower at Indra, and was changed to a parrot. In this shape he gave many lessons to Suparkadeva.’

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The language of the book is now and then very modern. According to Raffles, this book is held in very high esteem, and constantly referred to by the Javanese. Raffles has quoted a few passages from this work, some of which are given below¹.

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¹ Raffles—Java, Vol. I, pp. 305-8.

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“A good prince must protect his subjects against all unjust persecutions and oppressions, and should be the light of his subjects, even as the Sun is the light of the world.

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“It is above all the duty of a prince to take notice of every thing going on in his country and among his subjects.

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“It is a disgrace to a prime-minister for any hostile attack to be made on the country entrusted to his charge without his knowledge.

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“But a good prime-minister is he who is upright in his heart, moderate in his fear of the prince, faithfully obedient to all his orders, kind-hearted, not oppressive to the people, and always exerting himself to the utmost for the happiness of the people and the welfare of the country.

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“And a prime-minister is good beyond measure, who knows everything that is going on in the country and takes proper measures accordingly; who always exerts himself to avert whatever is likely to be injurious; who heeds not his own life in effecting what is right; who considers neither friends, family, nor enemies, but does justice alike to all; who consults much with his brother officers with whom he ought always to advise on affairs of business.

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“A prince, a prime-minister and the chief officers of the court should direct the administration of the country with such propriety that the people may attach themselves to them; they must see that the guilty are punished, that the innocent be not persecuted, and that all persons falsely accused be immediately released, and remunerated for the sufferings they have endured.”

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While these texts certainly hold up a high and noble political ideal they do not throw much light on the actual system of administration. For this we have to rely upon the data furnished by the inscriptions, and the following sketch embodies the result of a study of the available records.

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The absolute power of the king formed the basis of a state. No form of government other than an absolute monarchy is ever referred to, and there was never any idea, far less an attempt, to put any check upon the unrestrained power of the king. Indeed the king was often conceived as the incarnation of God,¹ and thus the theory of divine right, which we find in a fully developed form in Manu-Saṃhitā,² had a complete sway in Java. This is further exemplified by the deification of kings after death. This is accomplished by making divine images on the model of the king’s person, and always referring to the dead king as god (Bhaṭāra) of such and such a place, meaning thereby the place of his cremation.

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¹ King Kṛtanagara is described as a part of divinity and an incarnation of dharma (Penampihan grant, J.G.I.S., Vol. II. pp. 55 ff). King Jayanagara is referred to as an incarnation of Viṣṇu (Sidoteka Grant, J.G.I.S., Vol. II, p. 145).

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² According to Carita Parahyangan, king Niskalavastu Kañcana scrupulously followed the laws of Manu.

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The framework of administration followed the Indian model to a certain extent. The king was at the head of a state, but all large kingdoms were divided into smaller units, each under a governor appointed by the king, and the smallest unit was formed by a village which had some form of local self-government under a headman.

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The king was surrounded by a large group of officials whose names occur in inscriptions, specially land-grants, as is the case with similar records from ancient India. But in both cases it is difficult to determine the exact nature and duties of these various officers.¹

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¹ Readers, unacquainted with Javanese or Dutch, may consult the English translation of the following inscriptions edited by Mr. H. B. Sarkar.
(i) An old-Javanese Inscription from Ngabean of the Śaka year 801. (J.G.I.S., Vol. I, p. 38).
(ii) An old-Javanese Inscription of the Śaka year 841 (Dacca University studies, Vol. I, No. 1, pp. 102 ff.).
(iii) An old-Javanese Prasaśti from Surabaya of the Śaka year 956 (I.H.Q. Vol. XI, pp. 487 ff.). (iiii) Ten old-Javanese Copper-plates from Sidoteka of the Śaka year 1245 (J.G.I.S. Vol. II, pp 131 ff.).
(iv) The Inscription of Trawulan (Ś 1280) (I.C., Vol. II. pp. 523 ff). Reference will be made to these in the following pages.

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The leading part in the bureaucracy was played by certain high officials, whose number and designation varied at different periods.

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The inscriptions of Central Java refer to two classes of high officials charged respectively with religious and secular matters. In Kalasan inscription the former are called Ādeśaśastrins, also known by three Javanese designations, viz., Pangkur, Tavan, and Tirip. In other inscriptions we hear of Pitāmahas, who obviously occupied similar positions.

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The civil officials are designated with the title raka (rakryān), usually in the form raka i (or rake) followed by a local name.² The exact connection of the official with the place so named is not clear; perhaps it denotes in most, if not in all, cases, his administrative jurisdiction.

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² Stutterheim held that the term 'rake' is derived from raka+i, but Poerbatjaraka thinks that rake is derived from rakai, and the latter from rakryān (T. B. G., 1933, pp. 162-6).

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The dignity and honour of the title clearly appears from the fact that even the king and a number of members of the royal family bore the same title at one and the same time.

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In Java it has always been the practice to entrust members of the royal family, specially the heir-apparent, with high and important civil functions.

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The relation of the king to the place-name following his rake title is difficult to define. Certain it is that the same place-name is not added to any other rake-title during the life-time of the king, though after his death it again forms part of the rake-title of an ordinary official. In the case of Airlangga we are definitely told that as he was formally consecrated at Halu he got the title rake Halu, and this may serve as an explanation of the raka-title of many kings of an earlier date also.

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The records of Eastern Java refer to a large number of officials. The names are mostly Javanese, but we have, besides Mantri, also two other Indian designations, Senāpati (commander-in-chief) and Senāpati Sarva-Jala i.e. admiral. These records also introduce a stereotyped form of government which continued, with slight changes and occasional modifications, throughout the Hindu period. Next to the king were three great Mantris, called Mantrī Hino, Mantrī Sirikan, and Mantrī Halu; and after them three chief executive officers, Rakryan Mapatih, Rakryan Demung, and Rakryan Kanuruhan. Sometimes the titles of these two groups were combined in one person, as for example in Rakryan Mapatih Hino, Mahāmantrī Śrī Ketudhara. Later on, however, the two groups became distinct, and the former gradually became ornamental figures, while the chief powers passed to the three Rakryans. During the Majapahit period two more were added, viz., Rakryan Rangga and Rakryan Tumenggung, thus increasing the total number of chief executive officers to five, known as ‘Pañcari Vilvatikta’ (the five of Majapahit). But the record of Kṛtarājasa, dated 1294 A.D., refers to seven chief executive officers with Rakryan Mantri as the highest among them. The successive titles of Gajah Mada as Patih of Kahuripan, Daha, and Majapahit indicate a new class of functionary of high dignity and great power. Indeed the position of Gajah Mada as the chief minister of the empire almost overshadowed the authority of the king. But the danger was averted by the abolition of the post after his death. A new experiment was then tried, *viz.*, the formation of an inner cabinet consisting of the members of the royal family (see p. 337 above), which kept the chief direction of affairs in their own hands.

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Besides these high executive officials there were two other classes of important functionaries, *viz.*, Dharmādhikaraṇas and Dharmādhyakṣas.

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The Dharmādhikaraṇas, as in India, denoted judicial officers. The Sidoteka copper-plate grant of the Śaka year 1245 explains the term as “the distinguisher between righteous and evil processes,” and the Travulan inscription calls them ‘dharmapravaktā’ and ‘vyavahāravicchedaka,’ *i.e.* propounders of law and judges. The inscriptions refer to the following seven classes of them:

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1. Pamget (or Samget) i Tirvan
2. Do Kaṇḍamuhi
3. Do Manghuri
4. Do Pamvatan
5. Do Jāmbi
6. Do Kaṇḍangan atuha
7. Do Kaṇḍangan rare

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Dr. F. H. Van Naerssen¹ concluded, after a careful study of all relevant documents, that these seven officials formed the Sapt-opapatti of Nāgara-Kṛtāgama, the first five being Śaivite, and the last two, Buddhist. As regards the hierarchy of these officials, so far as we can judge from their respective position in the list, he observes as follows: “The Pamget i Tirvan always heads the list. The two Pamgets, Pamvatan and Jāmbi, always come under the other two, Kaṇḍamuhi and Manghuri, though within each group the position of the two officers is sometimes interchanged. The two Buddhist Upapattis (Nos. 6 and 7) stood apart from the others.’

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