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The Dynastic History of Northern India (Early Mediaeval Period) v1.c13: Chapter III. Dynastic History of Kashmir

The Dynastic History of Northern India (Early Mediaeval Period) v1.c13

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English

Contents

Chapter III. Dynastic History of Kashmir

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The present State of Kashmir ‘covers an area of 80,900 square miles, extending from 32°17′ to 36°58′ N. and from 73°26′ to 80°30′ E.’ Its northern frontier almost touches the upper waters of the Ab-i-Panja. In the south it faces the Punjab districts of Jhelum, Gujrat, Sialkot and Gurdaspur. West to east it extends from the river Yarkhun to the Lingzi Thang Plains. Of this extensive area ancient *Kāśmīra* formed but a small portion. The political and geographical application of the term was ‘restricted to the great basin of the Vitastā (Jhelum) and the side valleys drained by its tributaries above the Bārāmūla defile.’ It was surrounded on all sides by a ring of high mountains, which can be conveniently divided into three main ranges. One of these, known as the Pīr Pantsāl Range, formed the southern and south-western boundary of Kashmir. It extends from the Bānªhāl Pass to the valley of the Vitastā. In Kalhaṇa's time it was inhabited by the Khaśas, the modern Khakkas, and was divided into a number of semi-independent hill states. In the south-east of this range was situated the principality of Kāṣṭhavāṭa (mod. Kishtwar), whose chiefs had practically independent power.¹ Between this state and Kangra, the ancient Trigarta, lay the hill state of Campā (mod. Chamba) whose chiefs frequently intermarried with the Lohara kings of Kashmir.² To the west of Campā was situated the small independent state of Vallāpura (mod.

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Ballāvar).³ The ‘whole tract of the lower and middle hills between the Candrabhāgā and the Vitastā' was known in ancient times as Dārvābhisāra.¹ Generally this region was split up into a number of smaller hill states, the most considerable of which was Rājapurī (mod. Rajauri).² On the north-west of Rājapurī was situated the principality of Lohara, which included the valley now known as Lohªrin. To the west, in the lower valley of the Tauṣī (mod. Tohī) and perhaps extending up to the left banks of the Vitastā, this state was adjoined by the principality of Parṇotsa (mod. Punch).³ For the facility of communication between the Punjab and these hill states and the Kashmir valley nature had provided a number of passes through the Pīr Pantsāl Range. Of these, we have already mentioned the easternmost one, the Bānªhāl Pass, the Bāṇaśālā of Kalhaṇa' which 'owing to its small elevation (9,000 ft.) must have always been a convenient route of communication towards the upper Chenab Valley and the eastern of the Punjab Hill States.' The castle of Bāṇaśālā, which guarded this route, was in the hands of a Khaśa chief in the 12th century. 'About 8 miles straight to the west of the lake Kōnsªr Nāg the range is again crossed by a pass over 14,000 ft. high,' which under the name Siddha-patha (mod. Sidau or Būdil) is mentioned by Kalhaṇa.⁵ 'It lies on a route which in an almost straight line connects Srinagar with Akhnur and Sialkot in the Punjab plain.

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About five miles due north of the (lake) Nandan Sar' we again reach a pass now known as Pīr Pantsāl (11,400 ft.), probably the Pañcāladhārā of Kṣemendra.⁶ 'The route which crosses it, has from early days to the present time been the most frequented line of communication from Kashmir to the central part of the Punjab.’ The next considerable depression, which was also an ancient line of communication, was the Tōṣᵉmaidān Pass, which connected Srinagar with the Western Punjab, *via* Lohara. During the reign of the Lohara kings (*c.* 1003-1154 A.D.) this route acquired special importance in the history of Kashmir. Beyond this, in the north-west, the Pīr Pantsāl Range gradually descends into the Vitastā valley which was one of the great gates of Kashmir, connecting it with Uraśā (mod. Hazara), Gandhāra (mod. Rawalpindi district), and the regions to the west. It was through this route that Yuan Chwang and Ou-K'ong came to Kashmir. As the route ended in Kashmir at Varāhamūla¹ (mod. Bārāmūla) it is convenient to designate it after the name of that town. The kings of Kashmir appear to have held Vitastā valley as far as Bolyāsaka² (mod. Buliasa) as an outlying frontier district. Beyond this, up to the borders of Uraśā, the valley was known as Dvārāvatī (mod. Dvārbiḍi).³ North of Dvārāvatī in the lower valley of the Kṛṣṇā (mod. Kishen Ganga), lay the semi-independent Khaśa principality of Karṇāha (mod.

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Karnāv).⁴ Between Dvārāvatī and Karṇāha, the Kājnāg Range accompanies the Vitastā for about eighty miles down to Muzaffarabad. ‘The mountains which enclose the Kashmir valley in the north-west and north, may be looked upon as one great range.’ It ‘joins on to the Kājnāg Peak north-west of Bārāmūla and then continues in the direction of south to north towards the Upper Kishen Ganga. The watershed of this portion forms the western boundary of Kashmir towards Karṇāha.’ One important route that crossed this range near modern Sardi started from ‘the ancient districts of Samāla (mod. Hamal) and Uttara (mod. Uttar) and was guarded by the castle of Śiraḥśila.⁵ From Sardi, this range continues in a slightly south-easterly direction for about a 100 miles. The upper course of the Kṛṣṇā in this region was inhabited by the Dards, and was known as the Daraddeśa.¹ A route starting from the north of Mahāpadma (Wular Lake) crossed this northern range at Gurais on the Kishen Ganga, which is probably to be identified with Daratpurī,² the chief town of the Dards. From Gurais it leads to Astor and the Balti territory on the Indus. This route was guarded by the ancient fort of Dugdhaghāta (mod. Dudᵃkhut) which was often a bone of contention between Kashmirians and Dards.³ To the east of Dugdhaghāta the summit of the range gradually culminates in the Haramukuṭa (mod. Haramuk) peaks, round which cluster some of the holiest of Kashmirian *tīrthas*.

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Eastward from Haramukuṭa, the range which we have been following so far, meets near the head of the Sind valley, 'the great chain of snowy mountains which stretches from Mount Nangā Parvat in a south-easterly direction to the Nunkum Peaks in Sūru. A few miles south of this junction we arrive at a gap in the mountains,' which is generally known by its Ladākhi name of Zōjī-La. This pass lay on a very important route connecting the Kashmir valley with China and Tibet *via* Ladākh. The Tibetan inhabitants beyond this pass were known as the Bhauṭṭas; and Kalhaṇa probably refers to this route by his *Bhuṭṭarāṣṭrādhvan*.⁴ Through this route came the invaders in the 14th century who put an end to the Hindu rule in the valley.⁵ The Laharakoṭṭa mentioned by Jonarāja 'probably represents the old watch station of this route.'⁶ From near this pass a range of mountains, forming the eastern boundary of Kashmir ‘runs almost due south until it reaches the head waters of the Vitastā. It then turns to the north-west and at the Bānªhāl pass joins on to the Pīr Pantsāl Range.’ Towards the Chenab this range is pierced by two passes, *viz.*, the Margan and the Parbal Pass, the latter of which ‘forms the usual route towards Kāṣṭhavāṭa.’¹

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¹ *Rājataranginī*, VIII, 590.

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² *Ibid*, VII, 218, 588, 1512 ; and Stein's note on VII, 218, in his Eng. Trans., Vol. I ; VIII, 538, 1083, 1443, 1531.

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³ *Ibid*, VII, 220, 270, 588 ; VIII, 539, 542, 622, etc.

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¹ *Ibid*, I, 180; IV, 712; V, 141, 209; VII, 1282; VIII, 1531.

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² *Ibid*, VI, 286, 348-49, 351; VII, 105, 267, 533, 539, 541, 546, etc.

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³ *Ibid*, IV, 184, also Stein's footnote on this in his Eng. Trans., VI, 201, 209; VII, 1300; VIII, 633 914, 917, etc.

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⁴ *Ibid*, VIII, 1665-66.

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⁵ VIII, 557.

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⁶ *Samayamātṛkā*, II, 90ff.; Stein's Eng. Trans., *Rājataraṅgiṇī*, Vol. II, pp. 395-97.

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¹ *Rājataraṅgiṇī*, VII, 1309; VIII, 451-52, 1229.

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² *Ibid*, V, 225.

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³ *Ibid*, V, 214 and Stein's note in his Eng. Trans. on this verse and V. 225.

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⁴ *Ibid*, VIII, 2525; also known as Karṇādha, see VIII, 2485.

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⁵ *Ibid*, VIII, 2492; Stein's Eng. Trans., Vol. II, pp. 340-44.

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¹ *Ibid*, I, 312, and note on the verse in Stein's Eng. Trans.; *ibid*, Vol. II, p. 435; also, V, 152; VII, 119; VIII, 2538, etc.

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² *Ibid*, VII, 912, also known as Daratpura, VII, 915; VIII, 1153.

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³ *Ibid*, VII, 1171; VIII, 2468, 2715.

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⁴ *Ibid*, VIII, 2887; Stein's Eng. Trans., Vol. II, p. 408. Dr. Barnett suggests that Bhoṭa or Bhauṭṭa or the like are the usual forms into which is Sanskritised the Tib. *bod*, meaning 'Tibetan.'

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⁵ Jonarāja's *Rājataraṅgiṇī*, v. 142 ff.

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⁶ *Ibid*, V, 165 ff., Stein's note No. 21 on p. 408 of his Eng. Trans. of Kalhaṇa's *Rājataraṅgiṇī*, Vol. II. Jonarāja, V. 199.

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¹ For this account of the ancient geography and political topography of Kashmir I am indebted to Stein’s admirable *Memoir*, in the 2nd vol. of his Eng. Trans. of Kalhaṇa’s *Rājataraṅgiṇī*, Vol. II, pp. 347-490.

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The above is a brief outline of the boundaries and the political frontiers of ancient *Kāśmīra*. The valley thus surrounded by nature’s barriers was divided into two great divisions; *viz.*, *Kramarājya* and *Maḍavarājya*. The capital, Śrīnagara, which has not changed its position since the days of Yuan Chwang, stood just at the junction of these two divisions.² The valley was thickly populated, and according to tradition contained 66,063 villages.³

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² *Rājataraṅgiṇī*, Eng. Trans. by Stein, Vol. II, pp. 439 ff.

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³ *Rājataraṅgiṇī*, of Jonarāja (Bombay Ed.), V. 153; Stein’s Eng. Trans. of Kalhaṇa’s *Rājataraṅgiṇī*, Vol. II, pp. 438-39.

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For the history of this secluded valley we have practically no inscriptions either on metal or stone. But fortunately it possesses a number of chronicles which attempt to give a connected history of the land, from the earliest times down to its conquest by Akbar in 1586 A.D. The most important of these is, of course the *Rājataraṅgiṇī* of Kalhaṇa, who finished his work in *c.* 1150 A.D. Kalhaṇa’s work was continued by Jonarāja, who briefly traces the downfall of Hindu rule in the Valley in 1339 A.D. and gives an account of the early Muslim rulers till 1420 A.D.⁴ For the earliest portion of Kashmirian history Kalhaṇa has summarised a number of earlier chronicles, which are more or less of a mythical character. But we can guess from these somewhat confused accounts that the Valley must have passed in succession under the rule of the Mauryas, the great Kuṣāṇas, and the Hūṇas. Fortunately for us, Kalhaṇa's account gradually approaches a historical character from about the 7th century A.D., when, thanks to the visit of Yuan Chwang (631-33 A.D.) and a number of notices in the Chinese annals, we can check the statements of the Kashmiri historian. The accession of the Kārkoṭa Durlabhavardhana in the first quarter of the 7th century marks an era in the history of the country.¹ For the first time the Valley came under the administration of a strong line of rulers, whose ambitious and powerful arms soon brought it into conflict with the princes on the Oxus, the Indus and the Ganges. By *c.* 631 A.D. Kashmir had already absorbed the hill states of Parṇotsa and Rājapurī. In the west it had conquered Uraśā, and had come into conflict with the *Śāhis*, from whom it took Takṣaśīlā (mod. Rawalpindi district) and extended its power as far as Siṁhapura (Salt Range) in the Punjab. It was probably due to this pressure that the *Śāhis* were compelled to remove their capital from Udabhāṇḍa (Und) on the Indus.² In the first half of the 8th century Kashmir became one of the strongest powers in Asia. Though many of the details of Lalitāditya's *digvijaya* are shrouded in myth and mystery, the story of his conquest of Kanauj in the Gaṅgā-Yamunā Doab, Tukhāristān in the upper Oxus valley, and Daraddeśa in the upper Kishen Ganga appears to be based on historical data.³ He also maintained diplomatic relations with the Chinese emperor Hiuen-tsung (A.D. 713-755), and waged successful war against the Bhauṭṭas (Tibetans). It was also during this period that Kashmir first came into conflict with the Arabs. Balādhurī informs us that in the reign of the 'Abbasid Caliph al-Manṣūr his governor of Sind, Hishām ibn ‘Amr at-Taghlibi (*c.* 768-72 A.D.), ‘conquered Kashmīr, obtaining many prisoners and slaves.’¹ By ‘Kashmīr’ Balādhurī probably meant that portion of the Punjab, north of Multan, which came into the possession of the Kārkoṭas at this time. In the second half of the 8th century, Kashmir was ruled by another powerful prince of this line named Jayāpīḍa. The details of his unceasing campaign and marvellous escapes from adversaries, as given by Kalhaṇa, have more the appearance of romance and fancy than history;² but behind this fantastic colouring there appears to have been a historical figure who made desperate efforts to maintain for the Kārkoṭas the prominent position won for them by the victories of Durlabhavardhana and Lalitāditya. Whatever may have been the success attained by Jayāpīḍa, it is certain that during the inglorious reign of his successor the power of Kashmir gradually declined, till, as we shall see further on, it was again restricted to its original limits, the Vitastā basin, east of Bārāmūla.³

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⁴ The chronicles of Śrīvara and Prājyabhaṭṭa carry on the account till 1586.

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¹ Durlabhavardhana claimed descent from Nāga Karkoṭaka. According to the Epic and Pauranic tradition the Kārkoṭaka Nāgas were in the Deccan. The Haihaya king Arjuna, son of Kṛtavīrya is said to have captured Māhiṣmatī from these Nāgas. Does the claim of Durlabha indicate that he was a southerner? See Pargiter, *Ancient Indian Historical Tradition*, London, 1922, p. 266 and fn. 1; also *Mahābhārata*, VIII, 44, 2066; III, 66, 2671; VIII, 34, 1483; *Harivaṁśa*, 168, 9502; *Padmapurāṇa*, VI, 242, 2.

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² *BR*, Vol. I, pp. 136-47; *Life*, p. 192.

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³ Kalhaṇa's *Rājataraṅgiṇī*, IV, 131-264; Stein's Eng. Trans., Vol. I, 88-92.

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¹ *KFB*, Part II, pp. 230-31. I have already discussed the possible effect of these raids on the foreign policy of Kashmir, in my chapter on the Śāhis, see *supra*, pp. 71 and 72.

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² *Rājatarangiṇī*, IV, 402-591. Stein's Eng. Trans., Vol. I, pp. 93-95.

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³ *Ibid*, p. 97.

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After another century and a half (*c.* 700-855 A.D.) the Kārkoṭas were overthrown by the Utpalas. “With the accession of Avantivarman (A.D. 855-6 to 833),” the first king of the dynasty, “we reach that period of Kashmir history for which Kalhaṇa’s work presents us with a truly historical record. The use of contemporary accounts from the commencement of the Fifth Book onward becomes evident, not only from the generally sober and mattter-of-fact character of the narrative, but also from the details henceforth furnished regarding many petty events, the memory of which could not have maintained itself in popular tradition, and from the use of exact dates. The fact can scarcely be accidental that Avantivarman, the first king, the date of whose death is shown by Kalhaṇa with year, month, and day, stands at the head of a new dynastic list. It seems to indicate that records based on contemporary annals were contained among Kalhaṇa’s sources only from the commencement of the Utpala dynasty onwards.”¹ The reign of Avantivarman is remarkably free from any ambitious foreign policy or wars of aggression beyond its frontiers. But his reign is important as an era of internal peace and consolidation. Aided by his able *mantri* Śūra, he initiated a series of reforms which soon healed the wounds of misgovernment and internal troubles of the preceding reigns. One of these troubles was the growth of the power of the Dāmaras. The Dāmaras are first mentioned by Kalhaṇa in connection with the reign of Lalitāditya, who is said to have asked his successors not to leave to the villagers “more food supply than required for one year’s consumption, nor more oxen than wanted for (the tillage of) their fields. Because if they should keep more wealth, they would become in a single year very formidable Dāmaras and strong enough to neglect the commands of the king.”² Aided by the weak rule of the later Kārkoṭas, this powerful rural aristocracy was gradually growing up from the well-to-do land-holding class. Their rapacity and insubordination were permanent sources of trouble in later Kashmirian history. But even as early as this reign their land-grabbing instinct is well illustrated by the story of the Dāmara Dhanva of Lahara (mod. Lar district), who took away all the villages belonging to the shrine of Bhūteśvara. We are told by Kalhaṇa that Śūra treated him like a son, and he was so powerful that when summoned to the presence of the *mantri*, “he made the earth shake with the tramp of his foot soldiers, and did not bend his back.” The minister realised the danger to the state from the growth of this new factor in the polity, and meted out the extreme penalty of the law to the miscreant.¹ Amongst the building activities of Śūra must be mentioned the formation of a ‘fine town called Śūrapura’ (mod. Hūrᵃpōr) at the Kashmir end of the Pīr Pantsāl route, to which city he transferred the watch station (*ḍhakka*) from Kramavarta (mod. Kāmelankọth).² This minister, his wife Kāvyadevī, and his son Ratnavardhana were all devotees of Śiva, and built many temples and *maṭhas* in honour of that god.³ The king, we are told “conformed to the pleasures of his minister as (if it were that) of a deity, bore himself (outwardly) as a worshipper of Śiva, though he was (in reality) from childhood a worshipper of Viṣṇu.” He constructed the temple of Śiva Avantīśvara and made other benefactions to the shrines of Tripureśvara, Bhūteśa, and Vijayeśa.⁴ But foremost among the foundations of this reign was the town of Avantipura (mod. Vāntⁱpōr) whose ruins “rank among the most imposing monuments of ancient Kashmir architecture, and sufficiently attest the resources of their builder.”⁵

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¹ *Ibid.*

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² *Rājataraṅgiṇī*, IV, 347-88; see Stein's Note G in Volume II of his Eng. Trans., pp. 304 ff.

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¹ *Rājātaraṅgiṇī*, V, 48-62.

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² *Ibid*, V, 39, see also III, 227 and Note D in Stein's Eng. Trans., Vol. II, p. 291 ff.,

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³ *Ibid*, V, 37-38, 40-41.

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⁴ *Ibid*, V, 45-46.

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⁵ *Ibid*, Stein's Eng. Trans., Vol. I, p. 97.

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Avantivarman and his minister also appear to have been liberal patrons of letters. Amongst the poets who obtained fame during his reign Kalhaṇa mentions four, *viz.*, Ānandavardhana, Ratnākara, Śivasvāmin, and Muktākaṇa.⁶ Of these the first was the author of two works, yet extant, the *Dhvanyāloka*, a rhetorical treatise, and the poem *Devīśataka*, both of which ‘were commented upon towards the close of the 10th century.’ Ratnākara has been rightly identified with the author of *Haravijaya*, who composed this work under Cippaṭa Jayāpīḍa (826-38 A.D.). Muktākaṇa ‘appears to be known otherwise only from quotations in two treatises of Kṣemendra (11th century),’ while Śivasvāmin is ‘perhaps identical with the poet, verses of whom are given in Kṣemendra's *Kavikaṇṭhābharaṇa* and some later anthologies.'¹

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⁶ *Rājātaraṅgiṇī*, V, 32-36

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¹ *Rājataraṅgiṇī*, Eng. Trans. by Stein, Vol. I, p. 189, note on V. 84; *Detailed Report of a Tour in Search of Sanskrit MSS.* by G. Bühler; extra number of the *JBRAS*, 1897, pp. 42, 65 and 66; Aufrecht, *Catalogus Catalogorum*, 1891, Part I, pp. 491, 654; *Subhāṣitāvali* of Vallabhadeva, Ed. by Peterson, 1886, p. 129.

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But the foremost achievements of this reign were the regulation of the waters of the Vitastā and vast undertakings of drainage and irrigation in the Valley. Kalhaṇa tells us that this work was first begun by king Lalitāditya, but it soon fell through under the feeble kings who succeeded Jayāpīḍa, with the result that the land was overtaken by disastrous floods and the price of a *khāri* of rice rose to 150 *Dinnāras*.² The person who thought and carried out the necessary steps was a man of extraordinary engineering skill. A foundling picked up by a *Caṇḍāla* woman and brought up by a Śūdra nurse, Suyya, became a 'teacher of small boys' and having attracted attention by his 'brilliant intellect,'³ was entrusted by Avantivarman with the necessary funds to carry out his projects. Thanks to the minute topographical description of Kalhaṇa and the researches of Stein we can still after the lapse of more than 1,000 years trace the steps taken by Suyya. Among his measures the most important was the changing of the confluence of the Sindhu and Vitastā, which formerly flowed to the left and right of the Trigrāmī (mod. Tregaon), to their present position near Shādipūr. He diverted the combined waters into a new bed leading "into that part of the Wular which by its depth and well defined boundaries is naturally designed as a great reservoir to receive the surplus water of dangerous floods." He then constructed stone embankments along this course for 7 *yojanas*, (about 42 miles). By this means he reclaimed the marshes south of the Mahāpadma, and founded there flourishing villages protected by circular dykes, which came to be known as *Kuṇḍala* from their appearance of round bowls (*Kuṇḍa*).¹ "He (then) arranged (accordingly) on a permanent basis for the size and distribution of the watercourse for each village, and (by using for irrigation) the *Anūlā* and other streams embellished all regions with an abundance of irrigated fields which were distinguished for excellent produce." Previous to these operations he had removed the rocks which had rolled down from the mountains at Yakṣadara (mod. Dyārᵃgul, some 3 miles below the eastern end of the Bārāmūla gorge) into the Vitastā and constructed stone walls to protect it against any future fall of rocks. The result of these operations are described as follows by Kalhaṇa:

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² *Rājataraṅgiṇī*, V, 68-71. For *Dinnāra* and *Khārī*, see Stein's Note H in Vol. II of his translation, pp. 308-28.

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³ Ibid, V, 74-80.

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¹ Dr. Barnett suggests that *Kuṇḍala* may mean rings or bracelets.

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"There where previously from the beginning of things the purchase price of a *khārī* of rice was 200 *Dinnāras* in times of great abundance, in that very land of Kaśmīra henceforth—O wonder!—the *khārī* of rice came to be bought for 36 *Dinnāras*."

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Suyya's memory is preserved to this day by the town of Suyyapura (mod. Sōpur), which he founded on the bank of the Vitastā, where she leaves the waters of the Mahāpadma.²

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² *Rājātaraṅgiṇī*, V, 81-111; Stein's Eng. Trans., Vol. I, p. 98; Vol. II, Note 1, pp. 329-36; and *Memoir*, sections 68-71, pp. 418-22.

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Avantivarman died as a devout Vaiṣṇava in the *Laukika era* 3959 (A.D. 883) at the *Tripureśa* hill (mod. Triphar).³ Soon after his death a civil war began amongst the proud and numerous descendants of Utpala, who all "aspired each and all to the throne." The *Pratīhāra* Ratnavardhana secured by his exertions the kingdom for Śaṅkaravarman, the son of Avantivarman. But the *amātya* Karṇapa raised his cousin Sukhavarman to the status of *yuvarāja*.⁴ The result was a civil war, "during which the kingdom was at every moment as if placed in a swing." Śaṅkaravarman defeated his rival with difficulty, and after fighting many battles with Samaravarman and other rivals, at last secured his position.¹ After consolidating his power at home, he is reported to have undertaken a series of expeditions to recover the foreign possessions which were lost during the weak rule of the later Kārkoṭas. In spite of the beneficial measures during the reign of Avantivarman, Kalhaṇa admits that Kashmir during the period 'had become reduced in population and wealth.' The expeditions of the king which Kalhaṇa describes with so much poetic flourish, and in one of which the king met his death, leaves us in no doubt that the boundaries of the kingdom were again restricted to the Vitastā basin, east of Varāhamūla.

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With a large army whose advance guard alone, according to the exaggerated estimate of Kalhaṇa, consisted of "9 lakhs of foot-soldiers, 300 elephants, and 1 lakh of horsemen" the king marched forth from the *dvāra* and following the Pīr Pantsāl route,² invaded Dārbābhisāra. At the approach of the Kashmirian army, its king Naravāhana took refuge in the mountain gorges.³ Śaṅkaravarman then captured and imprisoned a prince named Harigaṇa, and gradually reached the outskirts of the Punjab plain, "wholly bent on the conquest of Gūrjara." Pṛthvīcandra, the king of Trigarta (Kangra), who had previously given his son Bhavanacandra as a hostage, is reported at this stage to have come towards Śaṅkaravarman to do homage, but fearing capture, "fled far away, failing in resolve." Kalhaṇa's description does not show that Trigarta was actually conquered, and Stein is probably right in assuming that no "material success was achieved by him in the hills east of the Ravi." But he appears to have met with better success in his struggle with the *Gūrjarādhipa*, Alakhāna. I have already described elsewhere the possibility of some sort of an alliance between the *Adhirāja* Bhoja, Alakhāna, and the *Śāhi* Lalliya.¹ Though Śaṅkaravarman claims to have curbed the sovereign power of Bhoja and " uprooted in battle the fortune of Alakhāna, he seems to have gained no substantial success.

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His only conquest probably was the *Ṭakka-deśa*, the region between the upper waters of the Chenab and the Ravi.² This land Alakhāna is said to have humbly given up, " preserving his own country, as (if he had saved) his own body (at the sacrifice) of a finger." The Gūrjara lord was no doubt saved from a more serious defeat by the support of Lalliya *Śāhi*, against whom however Śaṅkaravarman does not appear to have gained any success. The only other expedition of this king was towards the Indus through the Bārāmūla defile, and was undertaken to avenge the death of his *dvārādhipa*³ at Vīrānaka, in the Vitastā valley, below the gate of Bārāmūla. Kalhaṇa informs us that after destroying Vīrānaka the king conquered numerous territories on the banks of the Sindhu (Indus) and received the homage of their terror-stricken kings. As he was marching back through Uraśā from this expedition he was fatally wounded in the neck, by a " swift-flying arrow " discharged by a *Śvapāka*, in the course of a conflict with the inhabitants. While the arrow was being pulled out he died, in the Laukika era 3977 (A.D. 902).⁴ In describing the subsequent march of the army towards Kashmir, Kalhaṇa tells us that it reached " Bolyāsaka in their own territory " after 6 days' march.⁵ This shows that in spite of the energetic efforts of Śaṅkaravarman he could not extend the boundaries of his state beyond the limits of the sub-montane regions adjoining Kashmir on the west and south.

v1.c13.53.4

From Kalhaṇa's silence about the king's operations in the north and east, it must be assumed that he made no efforts to recover the possessions of the Kārkoṭas in these directions.

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³ See Stein's note on V, 46, Eng. Trans., Vol. I, pp. 192-93. Cunningham refers to this king the coins with the legend *Adi...njita* (*Ādityavarma* ?) ; *CMI*, p. 45.

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⁴ *Rājātaraṅgiṇī*, V, 128-29; his father Sūravarman, a step-brother of Avanti, enjoyed 'wide powers of *yuvarāja*' in the previous reign; see V, 22.

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¹ *Ibid*, V, 130-35.

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² On this point see Stein's note on I, 122, 302; IV, 404; V, 137, 143-44, in his Eng. Trans., Vol. I.

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³ Naravāhana, though innocent, was later slain by the king, who was afraid of treachery. See V, 209.

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¹ *See supra*, chapter on the *Śāhis*, pp. 74-75.

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² *Rājātaraṅgiṇī*, V, 137-56 ; 209; *Ṭakka-desa* has been identified with the *Tseh-kia* of Yuan Chwang, the capital of which was close to the old city of She-kie-lo (Sākala = Sialkot).

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³ Eng. Trans. by Stein, Vol. I, Note on V, 214.

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⁴ *Rājataraṅgiṇī*, V, 214-22. In V, 389-90 he identifies the *Ḍombas* with the *Śvapākas*.

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⁵ *Ibid*, V, 225.

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Though this king's military expeditions did not result in any considerable success, yet their expenses appear to have been a severe drain on the resources of Kashmir. To meet this, the king was driven to take exceptional measures for raising revenue, which caused severe hardships to the people. Kalhaṇa describes in detail this elaborate system of taxation.¹ The king established two new revenue offices called *Aṭṭapatibhāga* ('the share of the lord of the market') and *Gṛhakṛtya* ('domestic affairs'). The former officer was probably placed in charge of a new "variety of direct taxes on market shops, artificers, etc." while the receipts of the other officer possibly included fees levied at certain domestic events, such as marriages, *yajñopavītas*, etc. We are told that "by deducting or adding to the (due) weights, by fines on the villages and similar imposts, he amassed revenue for the *Gṛhakṛtya* (office)," and "he appointed in this special office five secretaries (*divira*) and the sixth the treasurer (*gañjavara*)..... Lavaṭa."² Under the pretext "that they were the (king's legal) share of the selling price" the king next proceeded to take "from the temples the profits arising from the sale of incense, sandal wood, and other (articles of worship)." He also resumed the villages which were granted to the temples as *Agrahāras*, on the understanding that a fixed amount should be returned as compensation (*pratikara*) from the income of these villages. These lands were then cultivated directly by the State, but the amount of the *pratikara* due to the temples was reduced by diminishing the weight in the scales by one-third. He then "plundered straightway 64 temples, through special officers (placed over them) under the pretence of exercising supervision.”¹ But the most serious taxation was certainly the systematic organization of the *corvée* (*rūḍhabhārodhi*), which broke the backbone of the poor. “Villagers, who did not turn up to carry their allotted loads, were fined by the value of the latter at enhanced rates, and the same fine was levied the following year a second time from the village as a whole.” Kalhaṇa mentions 13 kinds of *corvées* which were introduced by the king. Furthermore, “by levying (contributions) for the monthly pay of the *Skandakas* (?), village clerks (*grāmakāyasthas*) and the like, and by various other exactions, he drove the villagers into poverty.” Against this oppressive system of grinding taxation the king's son Gopālavarman, is said to have protested but his remonstrances were scornfully rejected by the king.²

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¹ *Ibid*, V, 165-81.

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² *Rājataraṅgiṇī*, V, 167, 176-77, 301; *Gṛhakṛtyādhikāra* occurs in VII, 42; see also VIII, 1428; Stein's note in his Eng. Trans. on V, 167 and 177; Lawrence, *Valley*, pp. 899 ff.

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¹ *Rājātaraṅgiṇī*, V, 168-71.

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² *Ibid*, V, 172-75 and Stein's note on the verses in his Eng. Trans.

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Kalhaṇa records with bitterness that under this rule the learned men lost all respect while power fell more and more into the hands of the plundering *Kāyasthas*. The king “from fear of having to be liberal was averse to the society of distinguished men,” and “poets like Bhallaṭa, and others had to lead the meanest existence.” This Bhallaṭa has been identified with the author of the extant *Bhallaṭaśataka* and the dictionary called *Padamañjarī*, who is often quoted by Kṣemendra.³ The king, according to Kalhaṇa, did not speak “the language of the gods (among men, *i.e.*, Sanskrit), but used vulgar speech (*apabhraṁśa*) fit for drunkards,” and under him cultured habits became the object of ridicule.⁴ But that he was not entirely heterodox is shown by his building of two temples of Śiva, *Śaṅkaragaurīśa* and *Sugandheśa*, which were raised in a city built by him and named Śaṁkarapura (Mod. Paṭan, a village, 74° 37′ long. 34° 10′ lat.), after himself. Kalhaṇa with evident pleasure remarks that this city was only known “for the weaving of (woollen) cloths, purchase and sale of cattle, etc.,” and never became famous like Parihāsapura, which the king plundered to build his city.¹

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³ *Ibid*, V, 181, 204; Stein's note on V, 204 in his Eng. Trans.; Aufrecht's *Catalogus Catalogorum*, 1891, Part I, p. 397.

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⁴ *Ibid*, V, 206-08.

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¹ *Ibid*, V, 156-62.

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The copper coins of this king of the usual seated-goddess-and-standing-*rājā* type, are common enough. From him onwards we find Kalhaṇa's list of kings illustrated by the evidence of an unbroken series of coins.²

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² *Ibid*, Eng. Trans. by Stein, Vol. I, p. 101; *CMI*, Plate IV, and p. 45; see also *CCIM*, 1906, pp. 269-70.

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I have already described the violent death of this king in the land of Uraśā. For sometime the Kashmiri army was in great risk of being overwhelmed by its enemies; but thanks to the prudence of Sukharāja and other ministers it was led home in safety. The king's death was concealed, and “by means of cords which made his head bend down and rise like that of a puppet, they caused him to return the greeting of the feudatories who had come to do homage.” When the army reached Bolyāsaka within Kashmir, the funeral rites of the king was performed. Three of his queens, including Surendravatī and a clever and grateful Velāvitta (?) named Jayasiṁha, followed the king to death. Kalhaṇa tells us that, “struck by the curse of the people,” the king had lost during his lifetime 20 or 30 children without (previous) illness. But before his death he entrusted his surviving minor son Gopālavarman to the care of his mother, queen Sugandhā, the daughter of the illustrious Siṁharāja, “the ruler of the northern region.”³ The ministers respected the wish of the dying king, and placed Gopālavarman on the throne under the guardianship of his mother. The widowed queen soon “became very dissolute through sensual enjoyments” and fell in love with the *mantri* Prabhākaradeva. The only important incident of this reign is a successful expedition undertaken by this minister against the *Śāhis* of Udabhāṇḍapura. The war resulted in the defeat and dethronement of the reigning *Śāhi*, possibly Sāmand (Sāmanta). After placing on the throne Lalliya's son Toramāṇa-Kamaluka (Kamalū), the minister returned to Śrīnagara in triumph.¹ Flushed with victory, he grew arrogant and began to cause "the humiliation of brave men." For sometime he plundered the wealth of the State in his post of *Koṣādhyakṣa*, and when the young king, "by degrees realising the state of things, insisted on an examination of the treasury-chests," the minister ascribed all that was missing to the treasury to expenses in the *Sāhi* war. Finding the king unconvinced, and realising the danger of his position, he, with the assistance of his relative Rāmadeva took adequate steps, so that the young prince "fell into a hot fever and died after a rule of two years" (904 A.D.).² Then Gopālavarman's supposititious brother Saṁkaṭa, "who had been picked up from the highway," obtained the throne. But he too died after a reign of ten days. Thereupon, Sugandhā herself assumed the royal power "at the bidding of the subjects." She built the town of Gopālapura (mod. Gaurīpur, 75°3′ long 33°57′ lat.?), the Gopālamaṭha, the temple of Gopālakeśava, and also a town after her name "for the increase of religion." During this reign we hear for the first time of the *Ekāṅgas* and the *Tantrins*. The former appear to have been a body organised in military fashion but employed chiefly for police duties and can probably be compared with the '*pattan Niẓāmat*,' which was maintained in Kashmir until a few years ago, or the *gendarmes* of Continental Europe.³ The *Tantrins* were a body of foot-soldiers who probably derived their designation from their tribal name, and owed their close organisation to ethnic affinities.⁴

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³ V, 157. Stein suggests that Siṁharāja may have been a ruler of the Dard or some neighbouring territory.

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¹ See *supra*, pp. 76-77.

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² V, 239-41. Kalhaṇa ascribes his death to witchcraft, but it looks more like poisoning. For his copper coins see Cunningham's *CMI*, Plate IV, and p. 45; *CCIM*, p. 270.

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³ V, 249; Stein's note on it in his Eng. Trans.

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⁴ V, 248; and Stein's note on the verse in his Eng. Trans.

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Aided by the weak rule of Śaṅkaravarman's successors, these organisations assumed the character of close corporations, and began to play the part of "true Praetorians." Kalhaṇa tells us that in the reign of Sugandhā the *Tantrins* "had formed a confederacy, and were strong enough to punish or to favour the rulers of this land." She carried on her administration for two years, relying on the *Ekāṅgas* and through the good will of the *Tantrins*.¹ But the moment she tried to take an independent line, she came into conflict with them and was hurled from power. As Avantivarman's family had died out, she assembled the *mantris*, *sāmantas*, *Tantrins*, and the *Ekāṅgas* in council and proposed to invest Nirjitavarman, a grandson of Śūravarman, and a son of Sukhavarman, with regal power. This prince was notorious under the nickname *Paṅgu*, and was in the habit of spending the night in dissipation and all day in sleep. Her proposal therefore did not meet with ready acceptance. The *Tantrins* in the meantime united in a separate faction and placed Pārtha, the ten-year old son of Nirjitavarman, on the throne (906 A. D.). The unfortunate queen was compelled to leave the royal palace, "making her rolling tears take the place of a necklet of pearls." In 914 A. D. she came out from her retirement at Huṣkapura (mod. Uskur), and tried to recover her power with the assistance of the *Ekāṅgas*. In the struggle that followed the *Tantrins* were victorious. The union of the *Ekāṅgas* was broken while the unfortunate queen herself was taken prisoner and put to death (914 A. D.).²

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¹ V, 248-49.

v1.c13.83

² V, 251-62. For her copper coins see *CMI*, Plate IV, and p. 45; V. Smith, *CCIM*, p. 270.

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In the meantime Paṅgu was acting as the guardian of the child-king. But, as Kalhaṇa puts it, he together with the ministers was bent only on the amassing of bribes. The kings, says the chronicler, "were in the service of the *Tantrins*, and ousted each other like *grāmakāyasthas*, by offering greater and greater bribes. In this land, the rulers of which had conquered Kanyakubja and other countries, the kings now maintained themselves by giving bills of exchange (*huṇḍikā*) to the *Tantrins*.” The ministers ‘intrigued in deep-laid plots,’ for the throne, and a famine caused by a flood “appeared like a caustic thrown in a wound” (917-18 A.D.). Crops failed and the price of a *khārī* of rice rose to a 1,000 *Dinnāras*. The waters of the Vitastā became entirely filled with corpses, and the land covered with bones like one great burial ground. But in this great calamity the ministers and the *Tantrins* became wealthy ‘by selling stores of rice at high prices.’ The king would only take that person as minister who raised the sums due on the *Tantrins’* bills. His callous attitude to the sufferings of his people is thus vividly described by Kalhaṇa: “As one might look from inside his hot bathroom upon all the people outside distressed by the wind and rain of a downpour in the forest, thus for a long time the wretched Paṅgu, keeping in his palace, praised his own comfort, while he saw the people in misery.”¹

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¹ V, 264-77.

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The next 18 years of Kashmir history (918-36 A. D.) are entirely dominated by the *Tantrins*, who made and unmade kings. In A.D. 921 Pārtha was overthrown by his father Paṅgu, whom the *Tantrins* supported and installed as king. But he died in 923, after having placed on the throne his young son Cakravarman. Pārtha with the assistance of the *Tantrins* tried to recover his throne, and fought a battle with the *Ekāṅgas*, without decisive results. In the meantime the child-king was protected under the guardianship of his mother Bappaṭadevī, and then for 10 years under that of his grand-mother Kṣillikā. In 933 A.D., however, the *Tantrins* overthrew him and appointed as king Śūravarman (I), the son of Paṅgu by Mṛgāvatī. The uncles and ministers of this king, who was of good character, caused his overthrow "by not paying what was due to the *Tantrins*." He was deposed in 934 A. D., and the guards made the 'liberal Pārtha once more king.' But in 935 Cakravarman, who offered them 'great riches' was again crowned. But he soon fled being unable to meet the bills of the *Tantrins*. His 'deceitful minister Saṁbhuvardhana, whom he had placed in charge of the *Gṛhakṛtya* office then got himself installed in the same year, by "promises of yet greater bribes."' But in 936 A. D. Cakravarman with the assistance of the Ḍāmara Saṁgrāma raised a large army, and inflicted a terrible defeat upon the *Tantrins* outside Padmapura (mod. Pāmpar, 74°59′ long. 34°1′ lat.). This victory, in which Cakravarman appears to have displayed considerable personal bravery and which caused the death of five to six thousand *Tantrins*, broke the backbone of this military corporation.¹ But as the battle was won 'with the assistance of numberless Ḍāmaras,' it introduced, as we shall see further on, another element of danger in the body politic from this landed aristocracy.² Cakravarman after he had killed Saṁbhuvardhana and cleared the kingdom of his enemies, soon fell under 'the power of parasites and committed acts which were cruel and devoid of judgment.' One of these cost him his life and throne. The king, enamoured by the singing and dancing of two beautiful *Ḍomba* girls named Haṁsī and Nāgalatā, took them to his seraglio. Haṁsī was raised by the love-blinded king to the rank of chief queen, and enjoyed the royal privilege of being fanned with chowries. This alliance appears to have raised the status of the *Ḍombas* in the State. But the flagrant violation of caste-rules, the shock caused by their free entrance into places of worship, the galling subservience of the proud Ḍāmaras to the pleasure of this low-caste people, and the king's treacherous conduct towards the Ḍāmaras, at last produced an inevitable reaction. A body of these barons, suddenly surprised him at night in the Ḍomba-queen’s quarters, and “killed him in the embrace of the crying *Svapākī*, while his body rested on her swelling breasts.”¹ This event occurred in 937 A.D. The ‘foolish ministers’ then installed ‘the wicked son of Pārtha’ called Unmattāvanti, who is described by Kalhaṇa as “worse than wicked.” “His chief ministers were those who could make music with their noses, shoulders, etc., and who would bang their skulls with knocks and blows.” We can form an adequate estimate of these ministers by the conduct of Parvagupta, “who danced in the royal assembly with his loin cloth taken off.” The following are some of the instances of this king’s revolting sports. Kalhaṇa tells us that:

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¹ V, 327-47.

v1.c13.88

² V, 439, 445-48; these verses show the growing power oft he Ḍāmaras.

v1.c13.89

¹ V, 354-413; for his copper coins see *CMI*, Plate IV, and p. 45.

v1.c13.90

“Instigated by wretched companions, he exercised himself in the use of arms by hitting naked women in the hollow, between their breasts with thrown daggers.

v1.c13.91

“He had the womb of pregnant women cut open in order to see the child, and also cut off limbs of labourers to test their power of endurance.”

v1.c13.92

Encouraged by the wicked Parvagupta, who was plotting to secure the throne himself, he imprisoned and starved to death all his half-brothers, and at last killed his father Pārtha in his retirement at the Jayendravihāra at Śrīnagara with revolting cruelty.² But before the “long-continued laugh” of amusement of his cruel deed was over, he became afflicted with a consumptive disease, and after suffering immeasurable pains died in 939 A.D. Kalhaṇa tells us that, not to speak of his subjects, even the 14 queens of his seraglio were delighted at his death.³

v1.c13.93

² For the copper coins of Pārtha see *CMI*, Plate IV, and p. 45. *CCIM*, p. 270.

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³ V, 418-44. For his copper coins see *CMI*, Plate IV, and p. 45.

v1.c13.95

“The parricide miscreant king, when his descent to hell was near, placed on the throne a young child called Śūravarman (II), whom the servant-girls of his seraglio had procured from somewhere and falsely declared to be the king's son." Before the child-king's position could be consolidated, the commander-in-chief (*Kampanādhipati*),¹ Kamalavardhana, advanced on the capital from Maḍavarājya, and easily defeated the royal troops. He, however, very foolishly did not ascend the throne at once, but 'collected all the Brahmans and canvassed them, in his desire for the royal power.' The Brahmans, who are described by Kalhaṇa as 'resembling bulls without horns,' dressed in coarse woollen cloaks, met in an assembly and debated the question for 5 or 6 days. At last their choice fell upon Yaśaskara, the ambitious and eloquent son of Prabhākaradeva, 'the secret paramour of Sugandhā,' who had just returned from abroad.

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¹ V, 447. Se Stein's note on this verse in his Eng. Trans. He has explained that *kampana* here means army and not a country.

v1.c13.97

With the accession of Yaśaskara in A.D. 939 the Utpala dynasty came to an end. Kalhaṇa gives a favourable description of the reign of the new king. "The land became so free from robbery that at night the doors were left open in the bazars, and the roads were secure for travellers. As he exercised careful supervision, the functionaries, who had plundered everything, found no other occupation but to look after the cultivation."² The chronicler illustrates the judicial sagacity of the king by two stories which appear to be based on fact, and mentions the building of a *maṭha* for students from *Āryadeśa*.³ Yet he was not entirely free from defects. His excessive joy at the death of his eldest brother, his connivance at the love-intrigues of the *Maṇḍaleśa* Velāvitta with his queens, his infatuation for the courtesan Lallā, who "yet had meetings with a Caṇḍāla watchman" and association with those "who had eaten the food remnants of the *Ḍombas*," are mentioned among his faults.⁴ To this last fault Kalhaṇa ascribes his abominable' and lingering disease which overtook him towards the end of his reign. Rejecting the claims of his young son Saṁgrāmadeva, "as he knew that he was not begotten by himself," he then had Varṇaṭa, the son of his paternal grand-uncle Rāmadeva, consecrated "by the ministers, *Ekāṅgas* and feudal chiefs." But Varṇaṭa gave offence to the king by not visiting or even enquiring after his condition, and the scheming Parvagupta at the last moment persuaded the dying prince to grant the throne to Saṁgrāmadeva. Feeling his end to be near, he then proceeded to his *maṭha*, where his death was hastened by a dose of poison (948 A.D.).¹

v1.c13.98

² VI, 7-8.

v1.c13.99

³ VI, 14-67, 87-88, one of the stories is also found in *AAK*, Vol. II, p. 386.

v1.c13.100

⁴ VI, 68-84.

v1.c13.101

¹ VI, 69, 84, 90-107. For another version of his death VI, 108-112. For his copper coins, *CMI*, see Plate IV, and p. 45.

v1.c13.102

The child-king Saṁgrāmadeva, who was nicknamed *Vakrāṅghri* (crooked-footed), was installed as king under the guardianship of his grandmother. But the real power was wielded by the six *mantris*, Parvagupta and his five colleagues. Parvagupta had been intriguing to seize the crown since the days of Unmattāvanti. He now put out of the way the others, together with the king's grandmother, and began to display conduct which "created the mingled impression of *rājan* and *rājānaka*." Disarming suspicion by serving the child-king by bringing him food, etc., he eluded the 'hostile *Ekāṅgas*' under the cover of a heavy snowfall, and, surrounding the palace, killed the boy-king in A.D. 949. Then, throwing the dead body, 'with a stone bound to his neck,' into the Vitastā, he seated himself on the vacant throne.²

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² VI, 114-25.

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Parvagupta rose from humble circumstances, his grand-father being a mere clerk (*divira*). He appears to have been a strong ruler, and Kalhaṇa tells us that the "malevolent princes, *Ekāṅgas*, chiefs, ministers, officials and *Tantrins* (*pārthiv-aikāṅga-sāmanta-mantri-kāyastha-tantri*) were all afraid of him." But his reign was characterised by fiscal oppression.

v1.c13.105

He is said to have "accumulated treasures, and thus again raised to power the functionaries, those plagues of the people." With his ill-gotten riches he founded the shrine of Śiva Parvateśvara, near the site of Skandabhavana-vihāra in Śrīnagara.¹ Then, worn out by cares and agitations he was seized by dropsy and died in the precincts of the Sūreśvarī Tīrtha (mod. Iṣabar on the shore of the Dal lake) in A.D. 950.²

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¹ See Stein's Eng. Trans., Vol. II, Note K, pp. 389-40.

v1.c13.107

² *Ibid*, Vol. I, note on VI, 137; VI, 147-48. For his coins, see *CMI*, Plate IV, and p. 45.

v1.c13.108

He was succeeded by his son Kṣemagupta, a worthless young man addicted to licentious habits and drinking, and fond of evil company. In the hands of "Vāmana and other roguish sons of Jiṣṇu" he danced "just as if he were a doll pulled by strolling players with strings." Of the disgusting revels and corruptions of his court it will be sufficient to quote only the following verse of Kalhaṇa: "Among his minions the two beggars Hari and Dhūrjaṭi were simpletons in the art of procuring, as they protected the virtue of their mothers."³ In order to kill the Dāmara Saṁgrāma, who had taken asylum in the famous Jayendravihāra, the king burnt it down and founded the temple of Kṣemagaurīśvara with its ruins. The only important incident of his reign is his marriage with Diddā, daughter of Siṁharāja, the lord of Lohara, and grand-daughter of the *Sāhi* ruler Bhīma.⁴ From this time onward the influence of the *Sāhis* and the House of Lohara gradually increased in the Kashmirian court and had important consequences on its future history. We are told that Diddā so much engrossed the mind of the king that he "became known by the humiliating appellation *Diddā-Kṣema*." The truth of this statement of Kalhaṇa is verified by the copper coins of this king with the legend *Di-Kṣema* which is no doubt a contraction of the above name. It is certainly an indication of the prominent position held by the young queen during her husband's reign. This conclusion is further strengthened by the fact that while the coins of Kṣemagupta bearing the naine of the queen "are extremely common,... the single name coin is unique."¹ In the course of a jackal hunt, the young king was shaken with fright by seeing "a flame issuing from the mouth of a howling jackal." As a consequence of this, the king contracted *lūtā* disease,² and died in A.D. 958.³

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³ VI, 166.

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⁴ See *supra*, chapter on the *Sāhis*, pp. 77-78; see also VI, 178.

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¹ *CMI*, Plate IV, and p. 45; *CCIM*, p. 270.

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² In VI, 185 and 187 Kalhaṇa describes it as a variety of eruptions, "resembling split lentils," which covered the body, and was accompanied with fever.

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