Political History of Ancient India, from the Accession of Parikshit to the Extinction of the Gupta Dynasty c9.s4: Section II. The Age of the Great Janaka
Political History of Ancient India, from the Accession of Parikshit to the Extinction of the Gupta Dynasty c9.s4
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Section II. The Age of the Great Janaka
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*Sarve rājño Maithilasya Mainākasyeva parvatāḥ*
*nikṛishṭabhūtā rājāno . . . . . *
—*Mahābhārata*¹.
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¹ III. 134. 5. As all other mountains are inferior to Maināka so are kings inferior to the lord of Mithilā.
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We have seen that a series of calamities sadly crippled the Kurus. The kingdom fell to pieces and one of the princes had to leave the country. During the age which followed the Kuru people played a minor part in politics.
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The most notable figure of the succeeding age was **Janaka**, the great philosopher-king of Videha, mentioned in the Vedic texts as the contemporary of Uddālaka Āruṇi and Yājñavalkya. The waning power of the Kurus and the waxing strength of the Vaidehas are shown by the fact that while Kuru princes are styled *rājan* (king) in certain *Brāhmaṇas*,² Janaka of Videha is called *samrāṭ* (supreme king). In the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*³ the *samrāj* is asserted to be of higher dignity than a *rājan*.
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² Ait., VIII. 14. Pañchaviṁśa, XIV. 1. 12. etc.
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³ V, I, 1, 12-13.
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That the great Janaka was later than the Pārikshitas admits of no doubt. We shall show later on that he was a contemporary probably of Nichakshu (if Purāṇic tradition is to be accepted), and certainly of Ushasta or Ushasti Chākrāyaṇa during whose time disaster befell the Kurus. In Janaka's time we find the notable achievements, as well as the mysterious fate, of the Pārikshitas, still fresh in the memory of the people and discussed as a subject of general curiosity in the royal court of Mithilā. In the *Bṛihad-āraṇyaka Upanishad* Bhujyu Lāhyāyani tests Yājñavalkya, the ornament of the court of Janaka, with a question, the solution of which the former is said to have previously obtained from a being of superhuman power through the medium of a Madra girl :
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“*Kva Pārikshitā abhavan*¹—whither have the Pārikshitas gone ?”
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¹ *Brihad. Upanishad*, III. 3.1, E. Roer, *Brihad. Up.* P. 20 ;
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Yājñavalkya answers: “Thither where the performers of the horse sacrifice abide.” From this it is clear that the Pārikshitas (sons of Parikshit) must at that time have passed away. Yet their life and end must have been still fresh in the memory of the people, and a subject of absorbing interest to men and women in different parts of the country.²
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² Weber, *Ind. Lit.* 126 ff. In the *Journal of Indian History*, April, 1936, p. 20, edited by Dr. S. Krishnasvami Aiyangar and others, appears the amazing insinuation that “Mr. Roy Choudhury has......attempted to give Weber's thought and language (as rendered) out as his own, without any reference to Weber.” A perusal of the *Bibliographical Index* (pp. 319, 328) appended to the first ed. of the *Political History* and p. 27 of the text ; the foreword to the subsequent editions, etc., will throw interesting light on the veracity of the writer of the article in question in the *Journal of Indian History*.
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It is not possible to determine with precision the exact chronological relation between Janamejaya and Janaka. Epic and Purāṇic tradition seems to regard them as contemporaries. Thus the *Mahābhārata* says that Uddālaka, a prominent figure of Janaka's court, and his son Śvetaketu, attended the *sarpa-satra* (snake-sacrifice) of Janamejaya :—
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*Sadasya śchābhavad Vyāsaḥ putra-śishya-sahāyavān*
*Uddālakaḥ Pramatakaḥ Śvetaketuścha Piṅgalaḥ*³
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³ *Mbh.*, *Adi*., 53. 7.
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“Vyāsa, assisted by his son and disciple, Uddālaka, Pramataka, Śvetaketu, Piṅgala......officiated as *sadasya* (priest).”
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The *Vishṇu Purāṇa* says that Śatānīka, the son and successor of Janamejaya, learned the Vedas from Yājñavalkya.¹
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¹ *Vishṇu P.*, IV. 21.2.
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The unreliability of the Epic and the Purāṇic tradition in this respect is proved by the evidence of the Vedic texts. We learn from the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*² that Indrota Daivāpa or Daivāpi Śaunaka was a contemporary of Janamejaya. His pupil was Dṛiti Aindrota or Aindroti according to the *Jaiminīya Upanishad* and *Vaṁśa Brāhmaṇas*. Dṛiti's pupil was Pulusha Prāchīnayogya.³ The latter taught Paulushi Satyayajña. We learn from the *Chhāndogya Upanishad*⁴ that Paulushi Satyayajña was a contemporary of Buḍila Āśvatarāśvi and of Uddālaka Āruṇi, two prominent figures of Janaka's court.⁵ Satyayajña was, therefore, certainly a contemporary of Janaka of Videha. He was an elder contemporary because his pupil Somaśushma Sātyayajñi Prāchīnayogya is mentioned in the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*⁶ as having met Janaka. As Sātyayajñi certainly flourished long after Indrota Daivāpi Śaunaka, his contemporary Janaka must be considerably later than Janamejaya, the contemporary of Indrota.
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² XIII. 5. 4. 1.
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³ *Vedic Index*, II. p. 9.
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⁴ V. 11. 1. 2.
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⁵ Vide *Bṛihad-āraṇyaka Upanishad*, V. 14. 18: "*Janako Vaideho Buḍilam Āśvatarāśvim, uvācha;*" and III. 7. 1.
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⁶ XI. 6. 2. 1-3.
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We should also note that in the lists of teachers given at the end of the tenth book of the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*, and the sixth chapter of the *Bṛihad-āraṇyaka Upanishad* Tura Kāvasheya, the priest of Janamejaya, appears as a very ancient sage who was tenth in the ascending line from Sāñjīvīputra, whereas Yājñavalkya and Uddālaka Āruṇi, the contemporaries of Janaka, were only fourth and fifth in the ascending line from the same teacher. The lists are given below :—
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| Janamejaya. | Tura Kāvasheya | | |
| | Yajñavachas Rājastambāyana | | |
| | Kuśri | Kuśri Vājaśravasa¹ | |
| | Śāṇḍilya | Upaveśi | |
| | Vātsya | Aruṇa | |
| | Vāmakashāyaṇa | Uddālaka Āruṇi } | Janaka |
| | Māhitthi | Yājñavalkya } | the Great |
| | Kautsa | Āsuri | |
| | Māṇḍavya | Āsurāyaṇa | |
| | Māṇḍūkāyani | Prāśnīputra Āsurivāsin | |
| | Sāñjīvīputra | Sāñjīvīputra | |
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¹ *IC*, III.747.
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It is clear from what has been stated above that Janaka was separated by five or six generations from Janamejaya's time.² Jacobi and Rhys Davids³ agree in estimating the average length of a patriarchate or generation (in lists relating to spiritual succession) at 30 years. To the five or six teachers from Indrota to Somaśushma, and from Tura to Uddālaka Āruṇi and Janaka, we may, therefore, assign a period of 150 or 180 years.¹ It is, therefore, reasonable to think that Janaka flourished about 150 or 180 years after Janamejaya, and two centuries after Parikshit. If, following a Purāṇic tradition, we place Parikshit in the fourteenth century B.C., we must place Janaka in the twelfth century B.C. If, on the other hand, we accept a date for Guṇākhya Sāṅkhāyana, the pupil's pupil of Uddālaka according to the *Śāṅkhāyana Āraṇyaka*, in the sixth century B.C., we must place Parikshit in the ninth century B.C., and Janaka in the seventh century B.C.
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² It has been stated by certain writers that Janamejaya should be placed "only a step above Janaka." They point to the use of *laṅ* in the verb *bhū* in the interrogation *Kva Pārikshitā abhavan* quoted above. They further identify Dantābala Dhaumra, a contemporary of Janamejaya according to a legend narrated in the *Gopatha Brāhmaṇa*, with Dantāla Dhaumya of the *Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa*, who may be assigned to the period of Janaka. It is also suggested that Bhāllaveya of a certain Brāhmaṇa passage is no other than Indradyumna, *JIH.*, April 1936, 15 ff, etc. Apart from the fact that in the Vedic texts *laṅ* and *liṭ* are at times used alternatively to convey the same meaning (Cf. 37 *ante*,) it should be noted that the question '*Kva Pārikshitā abhavan*' with its answer was not *framed for the first time* at the court of Janaka. It is a *mūrdhābhishikta* (traditional)—*udāharaṇa* attributed to superhuman agency—and, therefore, it cannot be regarded as establishing the synchronism of Janamejaya Pārikshita and Janaka Vaideha. As to Dantābala it has already been pointed out (p. 39 above), that the *Baudhāyana Śrauta Sūtra* mentions Dhumras and Dhaumyas as distinct members of the Kaśyapa group. Janamejaya must have passed away in the days of Dṛiti and the Abhipratāriṇas. See *ante* p. 46. See also *IHQ*, Vol. VIII, 1932. 600 ff. As to Bhāllaveya, serious students should remember that it is a patronymic like Ātreya, Bhāradvāja etc. In the absence of the personal name, it is uncritical to identify every Bhāllaveya with Indradyumna himself as it is unreasonable to equate every Ātreya with Udamaya or every Bhāradvāja with Droṇa or Piṇḍola.
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³ *Pariśishṭa parvam*, 2nd ed. xviii and *Buddhist Suttas*. Introduction, p. xlvii
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¹ It has been urged by some critics that pupils are not necessarily younger in age than their preceptors. It may freely be admitted that in particular cases pupils may be of the same age with, or even older than, the *guru*. But it is idle to suggest that in a long list of successive *āchāryas* and *śishyas* the presence of elderly pupils must be assumed except where the *guru* is known to be the father of the pupil. Individual cases of succession of elderly *śishyas* do not invalidate the conclusion that the average duration of a generation is as is suggested by Jacobi and Rhys Davids.
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The kingdom of **Videha**, over which Janaka ruled seems to be mentioned for the first time in the *Saṁhitās* of the *Yajur Veda*.² It corresponds roughly to the modern Tirhut in North Bihār.³ It was separated from Kosala by the river Sadānīrā, usually identified with the modern Gaṇḍak which, rising in Nepāl, flows into the Ganges opposite Patna.⁴ Oldenberg, however, points out⁵ that the *Mahābhārata* distinguishes the Gaṇḍakī from the Sadānīrā: "*Gaṇḍakīñcha Mahāśoṇaṁ Sadānīrāṁ tathaiva cha.*" Pargiter, therefore, indentifies the Sadānīrā with the Rāpti.¹ We learn from the *Suruchi Jātaka*² that the measure of the whole kingdom of Videha was three hundred leagues. It consisted of 16,000 villages.³
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² *Vedic Index*, II. 298.
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³ According to Pargiter, *JASB*, 1897, 89—"Videha comprised the country from Gorakhpur on the Rāptī to Darabhanga, with Kosala on the west and Aṅga on the east. On the north it approached the hills, and to the south it was bounded by the small kingdom of Vaiśālī."
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⁴ *Vedic Index* II. 299.
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⁵ *Buddha*, p. 398 n. Cf. Pargiter, *JASB*, 1897, 87. Mbh. II. 20. 27.
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¹ If the epic enumeration of the rivers quoted above follows a geographical order as is suggested by the use of the expression *krameṇa* in the Mbh. II. 20. 27, Sadānīrā may be the Burhi Gaṇḍak which is distinguished from the Gaṇḍak proper. Cf. map in JASB, 1895.
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² J. 489.
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³ J. 406. These are apparently conventional figures.
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Mithilā, the capital of Videha, is not referred to in the Vedic texts, but is constantly mentioned in the *Jātakas* and the Epics. It has been identified with the small town of Janakpur just within the Nepāl border north of the place where the Muzaffarpur and Darbhanga districts meet. It is stated in the *Suruchi* and *Gandhāra*⁴ *Jātakas* that the city covered seven leagues. At its four gates were four market towns.⁵ We have the following description of the city in the *Mahājanaka Jātaka*⁶:—
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⁴ J. 489 and 406.
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⁵ J. 546.
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⁶ No. 539; Cowell's *Jātaka*, Vol. VI, p. 30.
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By architects with rule and line laid out in order fair to see,
With walls and gates and battlements, traversed by streets on every side,
With horses, cows and chariots thronged with tanks and gardens beautified,
Videha's far-famed capital, gay with its knights and warrior swarms,
Clad in their robes of tiger-skins, with banners spread and flashing arms,
Its Brahmins dressed in Kāśi cloth, perfumed with sandal, decked with gems,
Its palaces and all their queens with robes of state and diadems.⁷
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⁷ For another description of Mithilā, see Mbh. III. 206.6-9.
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According to the *Rāmāyaṇa*¹ the royal family of Mithilā was founded by a king named Nimi. His son was Mithi, and Mithi's son was Janaka I. The epic then continues the genealogy to Janaka II (father of Sītā) and his brother Kuśadhvaja, king of Sāṅkāśya. The *Vāyu*² and the *Vishṇu*³ *Purāṇas* represent Nimi or Nemi as a son of Ikshvāku, and give him the epithet Videha.⁴ His son was Mithi whom both the *Purāṇas* identify with Janaka I. The genealogy is then continued to Sīradhvaja who is called the father of Sītā, and is, therefore, identical with Janaka II of the *Rāmāyaṇa*. Then starting from Sīradhvaja the *Purāṇas* carry on the dynasty to its close. The last king is named Kṛiti, and the family is called *Janaka-vaṁśa*.
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¹ I. 71.3
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² 88. 7-8; 89. 3-4.
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³ IV. 5, 1.
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⁴ *Sa śāpena Vasishṭhasya Videhaḥ samapadyata—Vāyu P.* The story of Vaśishṭha's curse on a Videhan king is known to the *Bṛihaddevatā* (vii. 59).
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*Dhṛitestu Bahulāśvo' bhūd Bahulāśva-sutaḥ Kṛitiḥ*
*tasmin santishṭhate vaṁśo Janakānāṁ mahātmanām*⁵
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⁵ *Vāyu Purāṇa* 89, 23. For Janaka as a dynastic designation see also Mbh. III. 133, 17; *Rām.* I. 67. 8. The use of the expressions Janakānām, Janakaiḥ etc, does not necessarily indicate that every member of the line bore the personal name Janaka. Cf. *Ikshvākūnām* (*Rām.* I. 5.3), which refers to those who were *Ikshvāku-vaṁśa-prabhavāḥ* (I. 1. 8); *Raghūṇāṁ anvayam*, etc.
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The Vedic texts know a king of Videha named Namī Sāpya.⁶ But he is nowhere represented as the founder of the dynasty of Mithilā. On the contrary, a story of the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa* seems to indicate that the Videhan kingdom owes its origin to Videgha Māthava who came from banks of the Sarasvatī.⁷ We are told that the fire-god went burning along this earth from the Sarasvatī towards the east, followed by Māthava and his priest, Gotama Rāhūgaṇa till he came to the river Sadānīrā which flows from the northern (Himālaya) mountain, and which he did not burn over. No Brāhmaṇas went across the stream in former times, thinking "it has not been burnt over by Agni Vaiśvānara (the fire that burns for all men)." At that time the land to the eastward was very uncultivated, and marshy,¹ but after Māthava's arrival many Brāhmaṇas went there, and it was cultivated, for the Brāhmaṇas had caused Agni, the Fire-god, to taste it through sacrifices. Māthava the Videgha then said to Agni, "where am I to abide?" "To the east of this river be thy abode," he replied. Even now, the writer of the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa* adds, this stream forms the boundary between the Kosalas and the Videhas. The name of Mithi Vaideha, the second king in the Epic and the Purāṇic lists, is reminiscent of Māthava Videgha.
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⁶ *Vedic Index*, I, 436.
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⁷ Macdonell *Sans. Lit.*, pp. 214-15; *Ved., Ind.*, II. 298; *Sat. Br.*, I, 4, 1, etc; Oldenberg's *Buddha*, pp. 398-99; Pargiter, J.A.S.B., 1897, p. 86 et seq.
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¹ This is the territory which the *Mahābhārata* refers to as "*Jalodbhava*" *i.e.*, reclaimed from swamp (Mbh., II. 30. 4. Pargiter, *ibid*, 88n).
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If Māthava Videgha was the founder of the royal line of Mithilā, Namī Sāpya cannot claim that distinction. The Majjhima Nikāya² and the *Nimi Jātaka* mention Makhādeva as the progenitor of the kings of Mithilā, and a Nimi is said to have been born to "round off the royal house, the family of hermits." The evidence of Buddhist texts thus shows that the name Nimi was borne not by the first, but probably by some later king or kings.³
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² II. 74-83.
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³ The evidence of the *Bṛihad-devatā* (vii. 59) suggests that connection was maintained by Videhan monarchs with their old home on the banks of the Sarasvatī, cf. *Pañchaviṁśa Brāhmaṇa*, XXV. 10. 16-18 (story of Namī Sāpya).
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As the entire dynasty of Maithila monarchs was called *Janaka-vaṁśa*, *Vaṁśo Janakānāṁ mahātmanām*, the family of the high-souled Janakas, in post-Vedic literature, and there were several kings bearing the name of Janaka, it is very difficult to identify any of these with the great Janaka of the Vedic texts, the contemporary of Āruṇi and Yājñavalkya. But there is one fact which seems to favour his identification with Sīradhvaja of the Purāṇic list, *i. e.*, the father of Sītā. The father of the heroine of the *Rāmāyaṇa* is a younger contemporary of Aśvapati, king of the Kekayas (maternal grandfather of Bharata¹), Janaka of the Vedic texts is also a contemporary of Aśvapati, prince of the Kekayas, as Uddālaka Āruṇi and Buḍila Āśvatarāśvi frequented the courts of both these princes.² But as the name Aśvapati is also apparently given to Bharata’s maternal uncle,³ it seems that it was possibly not a personal name but a secondary epithet or a family designation like 'Janaka.'⁴ In that case it is impossible to say how far the identification of the Vedic Janaka with the father of Sītā is correct. The identification seems, however, to have been accepted by Bhavabhūti. Referring to the father of the heroine, the poet says in the *Mahāvīra-charita*⁵ :—
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¹ *Rāmāyaṇa*, II. 9. 22.
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² Ved. Ind., II, 69; Chh. Up, V. 11. 1-4; Bṛih. Up., III. 7.
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³ *Rāmāyaṇa*, VII. 113. 4.
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⁴ Against the view that Aśvapati was a family designation common to all members of the line it may, however, be urged that in the Mbh. vii. 104. 7; 123. 5 Bṛihatkshatra, chief of the Kekayas, does not bear that epithet.
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⁵ Act I, Verse 14.
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*Teshāmidānīṃ dāyādo*
*vṛiddhaḥ Sīradhvajo nṛipaḥ*
*Yājñavalkyo muniryasmai*
*Brahmapārāyaṇaṁ jagau.*⁶
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⁶ *Cf.* Act II, verse 43; Uttara-Charita, Act IV, verse 9. In the Mbh. III. 133.4 the contemporary of Uddālaka and Kahoḍa seems to be called Aindradyumni. (Cf. *AIHT*. 96.) In Mbh. XII. 310. 4; 3.8. 95, the contemporary of Yājñavalkya is styled Daivarāti. *The Satapatha Brāhmaṇa* is attributed to this Yājñavalkya (*ibid*, XII. 318. 11f). Both Aindradyumni and Daivarāti are patronymics and hardly afford a clue to the personal name of the king in question.
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It is equally difficult to identify our Janaka with any of the kings of that name mentioned in the Buddhist *Jātakas*. Professor Rhys Davids¹ seems to identifiy him with Mahā-Janaka of the *Jātaka* NO. 539. The utterance of Mahā-Janaka II of that Jānaka
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¹ Bud. Ind., P. 26.
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‘Mithilā’s palaces may burn
But naught of mine is burned thereby
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indeed reminds us of the great philosopher-king.
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In the *Mahābhārata*² we find the saying attributed to Janaka ‘Janadeva’ of Mithilā. In the Jaina *Uttar-ādhyayana*, however, the saying is attributed to Namī.³ This fact coupled with the mention of Nemi in juxtaposition with Arishṭa in the *Vishṇu-Purāṇa*⁴ may point to the identification of Namī or Nemi with Mahā-Janaka II whom the *Jātaka* represents as the son of Ariṭṭha. If Mahā-Janaka II be identical with Namī, he cannot be identified with Janaka who is clearly distinguished from Namī in the Vedic texts. One may be tempted to identify the Vedic Janaka with Mahā-Janaka I of the *Jātaka*. But proof is lacking.
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² XII. 17. 18-19; 219. 50.
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³ S. B. E., XLV. 37.
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⁴ IV. 5. 13.
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In the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*, the *Brihad-āraṇyaka Upanishad* and the *Mahābhārata*⁵ Janaka is called *Samrāṭ*. This shows that he was a greater personage than a mere *Rājan*. Although there is no clear evidence in the Vedic literature of the use of the word *Samrāj* as emperor in the sense of a king of kings,
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⁵ III. 133. 17.
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“*Mithilāyāṁ pradīptāyāṁ*
*na me dahyati kiñchana* ”
“*Api cha bhavati Maithilena gītaṁ*
*nagaram upāhitam agninābhivīkshya*
*na khalu mama hi dahyate’ tra kiñchit*
*svayam idam āha kila sma bhūmipālaḥ*”
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“Seeing his city burning in a fire, the king of Mithilā himself sang of old, ‘in this (conflagration) nothing of mine is burning’.”
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still the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa* distinctly says that the *Samrāj* was a higher authority than a *Rājan*; "by offering the *Rājasūya* he becomes king, and by the *Vājapeya* he becomes *Samrāj*; and the office of king is the lower, and that of *Samrāj* the higher"¹ In the *Āśvalāyana Śrauta-Sūtra*² Janaka is mentioned as a great sacrificer.
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¹ *Śat. Br.*, V, 1. 1. 12-13: XII, 8. 3. 4; XIV, 1. 3, 8.
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² X. 3. 14.
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But Janaka's fame rests not so much on his achievements as a king and a sacrificer, as on his patronage of culture and philosophy. The court of this monarch was thronged with Brāhmaṇas from Kosala, the Kuru-Pañchāla countries and perhaps Madra, *e.g.*, Aśvala, Jāratkārava Ārtabhāga, Bhujyu Lāhyāyani, Ushasta(-i) Chākrāyaṇa, Kahoḍa Kaushītakeya. Gārgī Vāchaknavī, Uddālaka Āruṇi and Vidagdha Śākalya. The tournaments of argument which were held form a prominent feature in the third book of the *Bṛihad-āraṇyaka Upanishad*. The hero of these was Yājñavalkya Vājasaneya, who was a pupil of Uddālaka Āruṇi.³ Referring to Janaka's relations with the Kuru-Pañchāla Brāhmaṇas, Oldenberg observes :⁴ "The king of the east, who has a leaning to the culture of the west, collects the celebrities of the west at his court—much as the intellects of Athens gathered at the court of Macedonian princes."
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³ *Bṛih. Up.* VI. 5. 3.
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⁴ *Buddha*, P. 398.
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The *Brāhmaṇas* and the *Upanishads* throw some light on the political condition of Northern India during the age of the great Janaka. From those works we learn that besides Videha, there were nine states of considerable importance, *viz.*:
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| 1. | Gandhāra | 4. | Uśīnara | 7. | Pañchāla |
| 2. | Kekaya | 5. | Matsya | 8. | Kāśi |
| 3. | Madra | 6. | Kuru | 9. | Kosala |
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The Vedic texts seldom furnish any definite clue as to the exact geographical position of these states. For the location of most of these territories we must, therefore, turn to the evidence of later literature.
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The inhabitants of Gandhāra are included by epic poets among the peoples of Uttarāpatha or the northernmost region of India:—
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*Uttarāpatha-janmānaḥ kīrtayishyāmi tān api*
*Yauna-Kāmboja-Gāndhārāḥ Kirātā Barbaraiḥ saha.*¹
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¹ *Mbh.*, XII. 207. 43.
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The country lay on both sides of the Indus,² and contained two great cities, *viz.*, Takshaśilā and Pushkarāvatī, alleged to have been founded by two heroes of epic fame:
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² *Rāmāyaṇa*, VII. 113. 11; 114. 11; *Sindhor-ubhayataḥ pārśve*. According to *Jātaka* no. 406 the kingdom of Gandhāra included Kaśmīra. Hekataios of Miletus (B.C. 549-186) refers to a Gandaric city called Kaspapyros. Stein (*JASB*, 1899, extra no. 2, 11) equates Kaspapyros with Kaspatyros of Herodotus and says that it must have been situated in that territory where the Indus first becomes navigable, *i.e.*, in the ancient Gandhāra. Kaspatyros was the place at which the expedition under Skylax, sent by Darius to explore the course of the Indus, embarked. Stein (pp. 12-13) rejects the view according to which Kaspapyros represents the Sanskrit Kaśyāpapura from which the name Kaśmīr is said to have been derived. Kāśyapapura as a place-name is known to Alberuni (I 298), but he mentions it as an original designation of Multan. Kaśyapa's traditional connection with Kaśmīr is, however, clear from *Rājataraṅgiṇī*, I, 27.
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*Gandhāra-vishaye siddhe, tayoḥ puryau mahātmanoḥ*
*Takshasya dikshu vikhyātā ramyā Takshaśilā purī*
*Pushkarasyāpi vīrasya vikhyātā Pushkarāvatī.*³
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³ *Vāyu Purāṇa*, 88. 189-90; *cf.* *Rāmāyaṇa*, VII. 114. 11.
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The *vishaya* (territory) described in these lines must have embraced the Rāwalpindi district of the Western Pañjāb and the Peshāwar district of the North-West Frontier Province. A few miles to the north-west of Rāwalpindi and 2,000 leagues away from Banaras,⁴ stood the famous city of Takshaśilā or Taxila. The remains of the great city “are situated immediately to the east and north-east of Sarai-kala, a junction on the railway, twenty miles north-west of Rāwalpindī. The valley in which they lie is watered by the Haro river. Within this valley and within three and a half miles of each other are the remains of three distinct cities. The southernmost (and oldest) of these occupies an elevated plateau, known locally as Bhir-mound.”¹
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⁴ *Telapatta* and *Susīma Jātakas*, Nos. 96, 163.
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¹ Marshall, *A Guide to Taxila*. pp. 1-4; *AGI*, 1924,120,128 f.
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Pushkarāvatī or Pushkalāvatī, the Lotus City, (Prākrit *Pukkalāoti*, whence the ‘Peukelaotis’ of Arrian) is represented by the modern Prang and Chārsadda, 17 miles north-east of Peshāwar, on the Swāt river.²
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² Schoff. *The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea*, pp. 183-84 : Foucher, *Notes on the Ancient Geography of Gandhāra*, p. 11; *cf*. V. A Smith, JASB, 1889. 111; Cunningham, *AGI*, 1924, 57 f. Strabo (XV. 26) extends Gandaritis westwards to the Choaspes (Kunar ?).
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Gandhāra is a later form of the name of the people called Gandhāri in the *Ṛig-Veda* and *Atharva-Veda*. In the *Ṛig-Veda*³ the good wool of the sheep of these tribesmen is referred to. In the *Atharva-Veda*⁴ the Gandhāris are mentioned with the Mūjavats, apparently as a despised people. The *Brāhmaṇa* texts refer to Nagnajit, king of Gandhāra, and his son Svarjit. The former receives Brāhmaṇic consecration, but observations of the family on ritual are treated with contempt.⁵ In later times the ‘angle of vision’ of the men of the *Madhya-deśa* (Mid-India) changed, and Gandhāra became a resort of scholars of all classes who flocked to its capital for instruction in the three Vedas and the eighteen⁶ branches of knowledge.
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³ I. 126. 7.
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⁴ V. 22. 14. *cf.* *Mbh*. VIII, 44, 46; 45, 6 etc.
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⁵ *Aitareya*, vii. 34. *Śatapatha*, viii. 1, 4. 10. *Vedic Index*, i. 432
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⁶ *Cf.* Rhys Davids and Stede, *Pali-English Dictionary*, 76 (*Vijja-ṭṭhānāni*) ; *Vāyu*, 61, 79. *Brahmāṇḍa* 67, 82; *Milinda* I, 9. mentions 19 Sippas ; *cf.* IV, 3. 26.
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In a significant passage of the *Chhāndogya Upanishad*¹ Uddālaka Āruṇi, the contemporary of the Vedic Janaka, mentions Gandhāra to illustrate the desirability of having a duly qualified teacher from whom a pupil "learns (his way) and thus remains liberated (from all worldly ties) till he attains (the Truth or Beatitude, *Moksha*)." A man who attains Moksha is compared to a blindfold person who reaches at last the country of Gandhāra. The passage runs as follows:
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¹ VI, 14.
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"*Yathā somya purushaṁ Gandhārebhyo' bhinaddhāksham ānīya taṁ tato' tijane visṛijet, sa yathā tatra prāṅ vā udaṅ vādharāṅ vā pratyaṅ vā pradhᵯāyīta—abhinaddhāksha ānīto' bhinaddhāksho visṛishtaḥ. Tasya yathābhinahanaṁ pramuchya prabrūyād etāṁ diśaṁ Gandhārā etāṁ diśaṁ vrajeti. Sa grāmād grāmaṁ pṛichchhan paṇḍito medhāvī Gandhārān evopasampadyeta, evam evehāchāryavān purusho veda.*"
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"O my child, in the world when a man with blindfold eyes is carried away from Gandhāra and left in a lonely place, he makes the east and the north and the south and the west resound by crying 'I have been brought here blindfold, I am here left blindfold.' Thereupon (some kind-hearted man) unties the fold on his eyes and says 'This is the way to Gandhāra; proceed thou by this way.' The sensible man proceeds from village to village enquiring the way and reaches at last the (province) of Gandhāra. Even thus a man who has a duly qualified teacher learns (his way)."²
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² *Cf.* Dr. R. L. Mitra's translation of the *Chhāndogya Upanishad*, p. 111
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The full import of the illustration becomes apparent when we remember that the *Uddālaka Jātaka*³ represents Uddālaka as having journeyed to Takshaśilā (Takkaśilā) and learnt there of a world-renowned teacher. The Setaketu Jātaka¹ says that Śvetaketu, son of Uddālaka, went to Takshaśilā and learned all the arts. The *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa* mentions the fact that Uddālaka Āruṇi used to drive about amongst the people of the northern country.² It is stated in the *Kaushītaki Brāhmaṇa*³ that Brāhmaṇas used to go to the north for purposes of study. The Jātaka tales are full of references to the fame of Takshaśilā as a university town. Pāṇini, himself a native of Gandhāra, refers to the city in one of his *Sūtras*.⁴ An early celebrity of Takshaśilā was perhaps Kauṭilya.⁵
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³ No. 487.
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¹ No. 377.
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² *Śat. Br.* XI. 4. 1. 1, *et seq*. *Udīchyānvrito dhāvayāṁ chakāra*.
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³ VII. 6. *Vedic Index* II. 279,
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⁴ *Sūtra* iv. 3, 93; AGI (1924), 67.
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⁵ Turnour, *Mahawanso*, vol. I (1837), p. xxxix.
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The **Kekayas** were settled in the Western Pañjab between Gandhāra and the Beas. From the *Rāmāyaṇa*⁶ we learn that the Kekaya territory lay beyond the Vipāśā or Beas and abutted on the Gandharva or Gandhāra *Vishaya*. The Mahābhārata⁷ associates them with the Madras (*Madrāścha saha Kekayaiḥ*). Arrian⁸ places the “Kekians” on the river Saranges, apparently a tributary of the Hydraotes or the Rāvi.
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⁶ II. 68. 19-22; VII. 113-14.
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⁷ VI. 61. 12; VII. 19. 7. *Madra-Kekayāḥ*.
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⁸ *Indika*, iv; *Ind. Ant.* V. 332; Mc Crindle, *Megasthenes and Arrian*, 1926, pp. 163, 196.
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The Vedic texts do not mention the name of its capital city, but the *Rāmāyaṇa* informs us that the metropolis was Rājagṛiha or Girivraja :
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“*Ubhau Bharata-Śatrughnau Kekayeshu parantapau*
*pure Rājagṛihe ramye mātāmaha-niveśane*.”⁹
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⁹ Rām., II. 67. 7.
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“Both Bharata and Satrughna, repressers of enemies, are staying in Kekaya in the charming city of Rājagṛiha, the abode of (the) maternal grandfather (of the former).”
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"*Girivrajaṁ puravaraṁ śīghram āsedur añjasā*¹"
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¹ Rām., II. 68. 22.
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"(The messengers bound for Kekaya) quickly arrived at Girivraja, the best of cities."
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The journey from Ayodhyā to the Kekaya capital, a distance of about 650 miles, took seven days. Videha could be reached from Ayodhyā on the fourth day. The distance is about 200 miles. The slower rate is explained by Pargiter by absence of good roads. Cunningham identifies the capital of the Kekayas with Girjak or Jalalpur on the river Jhelam.²
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² Rām., I. 69, 7; II. 71. 18. *AGI*, 1924, 188; *JASB*, 1895, 250 ff.
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There was another Rājagṛiha-Girivraja in Magadha, while Hiuen Tsang mentions a third Rājagṛiha in Po-ho or Balkh.³ In order to distinguish between the Kekaya city and the Magadhan capital, the latter city was called "Girivraja of the Magadhas."∗4
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³ Beal, *Si-yu ki*, Vol. 1, p. 44.
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∗4 S. B. E., XIII, p. 150.
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The *Purāṇas*⁵ tell us that the Kekayas along with the Madrakas and the Uśīnaras, were branches of the family of Anu, son of Yayāti. The Anu tribe is frequently mentioned in the *Ṛig-Veda*.⁶ It appears from a hymn of the eighth *Maṇḍala*⁷ that they dwelt in the Central Pañjab, not far from the Parushṇī, the same territory which we find afterwards in possession of the Kekayas and the Madrakas.
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⁵ *Matsya*, 48. 10-20; *Vāyu*, 99. 12-23.
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⁶ I. 108. 8, VII. 18. 14; VIII. 10. 5.
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⁷ 74.
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The king of Kekaya in the time of the Vedic Janaka was Aśvapati, a name borne also by the maternal grandfather and maternal uncle of Bharata.⁸ The *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*⁹ and the *Chhāndogya Upanishad*¹⁰ suggest that the Kekaya monarch was a man of learning and that he instructed a number of Brāhmaṇas, *viz.* Aruṇa Aupaveśi Gautama, Satyayajña Paulushi, Mahāśāla Jābāla, Buḍila, Āśvatarāśvi, Indradyumna Bhāllaveya, Jana Śārkarākshya, Prāchīnaśāla Aupamanyava, and Uddālaka Āruṇi. The reference to Aruṇa Aupaveśi who belongs to an older generation than Uddālaka, shows that Aśvapati was an elder contemporary of the great philosopher-king of Videha.
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⁸ Rām. II. 9, 22; VII. 113. 4.
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⁹ X. 6. 1. 2.
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¹⁰ V. 11. 4 *et seq.*
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The Jaina writers tell us that one-half of the kingdom of Kekaya was Aryan, and refer to the Kekaya city called "Seyaviyā."¹ A branch of Kekayas seems to have migrated to Southern India in later times and established its authority in the Mysore country.²
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¹ *Ind. Ant.*, 1891, p. 375.
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² *A.H.D.*, 88, 101.
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The Madra people were divided into several sections *viz.*, the northern Madras, the eastern Madras, the southern Madras or Madras proper etc. The northern Madras known as Uttara-Madras, are referred to in the *Aitareya Brāhmaṇa*, as living beyond the Himavat range in the neighbourhood of the Uttara-Kurus, possibly, as Zimmer and Macdonell conjecture, in the land of Kaśmīr. The eastern Madras probably occupied some district to the east of Siālkoṭ, not far from Trigartta or Kangra.³
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³ Pāṇini, IV. 2. 107-8; *Cf.* Association of Madras and Trigarttas, Mbh. VI. 61 12. In I. 121. 36 the number of 'Madras' is given as *four*.
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The southern Madras were settled in the Central Pañjab in the territory lying to the west of the river Irāvatī or Rāvi⁴ In later times the eastern limits extended to the Amritsar district which was included within the Madra-deśa in the days of Guru Govind Singh.⁵ The ancient capital (properly *puṭa-bhedana*) was Śākala or Sāgala-nagara (modern Siālkot). This city is mentioned in the *Mahābhārata*⁶ and several *Jātakas*¹ and is probably hinted at in the name ‘Sākalya,’ given to a Vedic teacher who graced the court of Janaka. It stood on the banks of the Āpagā² in a tongue of land between two rivers styled the Sākala-dvīpa,³ apparently corresponding to a part of the Rechna Doāb.
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⁴ *Cf.* Mbh., VIII. 44. 17.
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⁵ Malcolm, *Sketch of the Sikhs*, p. 55.
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⁶ II. 32. 14. *Tataḥ Śākalamabhyetya Madrāṇāṁ puṭabhedanam.*
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¹ *E. g. Kāliṅgabodhi Jātaka*, No. 479; *and Kusa Jātaka*, No. 531.
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² Mbh. VIII. 44. 10; Cunn. *AGI*, 1924, 211f. Cunningham identifies this Āpagā with the Ayak rivulet which rises in the Jammu hills and joins the Chenāb.
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³ *Mbh.* II. 26. 5.
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The Madras proper are represented in early post-Vedic works as living under a monarchical constitution. The name of the ruler of the territory in the time of Janaka is not known. It was politically not of much importance. But, like the northern realms described above, it was the home of many famous scholars and teachers of the *Brāhmaṇa* period such as Madragāra Śauṅgāyani and Kāpya Patañchala,⁴ one of the teachers of the celebrated Uddālaka Āruṇi.⁵ The early epic knows the Madra royal house⁶ as a virtuous family. But in later times Madra earned notoriety as the seat of outlandish peoples with wicked customs.⁷
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⁴ Weber. *Ind. Lit.*, 126
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⁵ *Bṛihad. Up.*, III. 7. 1.
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⁶ *Cf.* Aśvapati and his daughter Sāvitrī.
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⁷ For detailed accounts of the Madras see Dr. H. C. Ray in *JASB*, 1922, 257; and Law, *Some Kṣatriya Tribes of Ancient India*, p. 214. Mr. S. N. Mitra points out that the *Paramattha-dīpanī* on the *Therīgāthā* (p. 127) (wrongly) places Sāgala-nagara in Magadha-raṭṭha. But the *Apadāna* quotations on p. 131 leave no room for doubt that Madra is the correct name of the kingdom of which Sāgala (Sākala) was the capital.
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The country of the **Uśīnaras** was situated in the *Madhya-deśa* or Mid-India. The *Aitareya Brāhmaṇa*⁸ says “*asyāṁ dhruvāyāṁ madhyamāyāṁ pratishṭhāyāṁ diśi,*” “in this firmly established middle region,” lie the realms of the Kuru-Pañchālas together with Vaśas and Uśīnaras. In the *Kaushītaki Upanishad* also the Uśīnaras are associated with the Matsyas, the Kuru-Pañchālas and the Vaśas. They probably lived in the northernmost part of the *Madhya-deśa*, for in the *Gopatha Brāhmaṇa* the Uśīnaras and the Vaśas are mentioned just before the *Udīchyas* or northerners:¹ *Kuru-Pañchāleshu Aṅga-Magadheshu Kāsi-Kausolyeshu Sālva-Matsyeshu sa Vaśa-Uśīnaresh-Udīchyeshu.*
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⁸ VIII. 14.
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¹ *Gop. Br.* II. 9.
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The *Mahābhārata* speaks of ‘Uśīnara’ as sacrificing on two small streams near the Jumna.² In the *Kathā-sarit-sāgara* Uśīnara giri is placed near Kanakhala, the “sanctifying place of pilgrimage at the point where the Ganges issues from the hills.”³ It is, doubtless, identical with Usira-giri of the *Divyāvadāna*⁴ and Usira-dhvaja of the *Vinaya Texts*.⁵ Pāṇini refers to the Uśīnara country in several *sūtras*.⁶ Its capital was Bhoja-nagara.⁷
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² *Mbh.* III. 130. 21.
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³ Edited by Pandit Durgāprasād and Kāśīnāth Pāndurang Parab, third edition, p. 5. Kanakhala stands near Hardwar in the Saharanpur district of the Uttara Pradesh. *Cf.* also *Mbh.* V. 111. 16-23.
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⁴ P. 22.
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⁵ Part II, p. 39. See Hultzsch, *Ind. Ant.*, 1905, p. 179.
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⁶ II. 4. 20; IV. 2. 118.
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⁷ *Mbh.*, V. 118. 2. For Ahvara, a fortress of the Uśīnaras, see *Ind. Ant.*, 1895, 322.
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The *Ṛig-Veda*⁸ mentions a queen named Uśīnarāṇī. The *Mahābhārata*, the *Anukramaṇī* and several *Jātakas* mention a king named Uśīnara and his son Śibi.⁹ We do not know the name of Janaka’s Uśīnara contemporary. The *Kaushītaki Upanishad* tells us that Gārgya Bālāki, a contemporary of Ajātaśatru of Kāsi, and of Janaka of Videha, lived for some time in the Uśīnara country.
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⁸ X. 59. 10.
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⁹ *Mbh.*, XII. 29. 39; *Vedic Index*. Vol. I, p. 103; *Mahā-Kanha Jātaka*, No. 469; *Nimi Jātaka*, No. 541; *Mahā Nārada Kassapa Jātaka*, No. 544, *etc.*
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**Matsya** is usually taken to “include parts of Alwar, Jaipur and Bharatpur,” being “the kingdom of the king Virāṭa of the *Mahābhārata*, in whose court the five Pāṇḍava brothers resided *incognito* during the last year of their banishment.”¹ But Alwar seems to have been the territory of a neighbouring people—the Sālvas.² The Matsya country lay to the south of the Kurus of the Delhi region and to the west of the Sūrasenas of Mathurā. Southward it may have approached the river Chambal, westward it reached the Sarasvatī. The Mahābhārata mentions a people called the Apara-Matsyas whom Pargiter places on the hill tracts on the north bank of the Chambal. The Rāmāyaṇa has a reference to the Vīra-Matsyas in connection with the Sarasvatī aud the Ganges.³ The Matsya capital has been identified by Cunningham⁴ with Bairaṭ in the Jaipur State. Pargiter thinks⁵ that the capital was Upaplavya. But according to Nīlakaṇṭha, the commentator, Upaplavya was “*Virāṭa-nagara-samīpastha-nagarāntaram*,” a city close to the metropolis, but not identical with it.⁶
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¹ Bhandarkar, *Carmichael Lectures*, p. 53.
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² *Cf.* Ind. Ant., 1919. N. L. Dey's *Geographical Dictionary*, p. ii.
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³ Mbh. 11. 31.2-7; III.21-25; IV.5.4; Rām. II.71.5 Pargiter points out (JASB, 1895, 250ff) that the Matsya Country lay southward from Khāṇḍava-prastha (Delhi region). Its position to the west of Sūrasena (Mathurā district) is brought out clearly by the description of the journey of the Pāṇḍu princes to the court of Virāṭa. Crossing the Jamna the heroes passed through the territory, north of the Daśārṇas and south of the Pañchālas and then proceeded through the countries of the Yakṛillomas and the Sūrasenas to the Matsya realm. From Upaplavya, a suburb of the Matsya capital, to Hāstinapura, the metropolis of the Kurus in the epic age, was less than two days' journey by chariot. Vṛikasthala on the way could be reached by a traveller in the evening on the first day.
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⁴ AGI, 1924, 387; I. A. V. 179. For a Virāṭa-nagara in South India, see Bomb. Gaz. I. ii, 558.
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⁵ JASB, 1895, 252.
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⁶ Mbh. IV.72. 14. *Cf. Ind. Ant.*, 1882, 327.
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Thd Matsyas first appear in a passage of the *Ṛig-Veda*⁷ where they are ranged with the other antagonists of Sudās, the great Ṛigvedic conqueror. The *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*⁸ mentions a Matsya king named Dhvasan Dvaitavana who celebrated a horse-sacrifice near the Sarasvatī. The *Brāhmaṇa* quotes the following *gāthā* (song) :—
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⁷ VII. 18.6.
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⁸ XIII.5.4-9.
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*Chaturdaśa Dvaitavano rājā saṁgrāmajidd-hayān*
*Indrāya Vṛitraghne' badhnāttasmād Dvaitavanaṁ sara(iti).*
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‘Fourteen steeds did king Dvaitavana, victorious in battle, bind for Indra Vṛitrahan, whence the lake Dvaitavana (took its name)’. The *Mahābhārata* mentions the lake as well as a forest called Dvaitavana which spread over the banks of the river Sarasvatī.¹
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¹ Mbh. III. 24-25.
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In the *Gopatha Brāhmaṇa*² the Matsyas appear in connexion with the Sālvas, in the *Kaushītaki Upanishad*³ in connexion with the Kuru-Pañchālas, and in the *Mahābhārata* in connexion with the Trigarttas⁴ of the Jālandar Doāb, and the Chedis of Central India.⁵ In the *Manu-Saṁhitā*⁶ the Matsyas together with Kuru-kshetra, the Pañchālas, and the Sūrasenakas comprise the holy enclave of the Brāhmaṇa sages (*Brahmarshi-deśa*).
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² I. 2. 9.
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³ IV. 1
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⁴ Mbh., Bk. IV. 30-1-2; 32-1-2
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⁵ V. 74. 16
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⁶ II. 19.
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The name of Janaka's contemporary ruler is not known. That the country was important in the time of the great philosopher-king of Videha, is known from the *Kaushītaki Upanishad*.
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The Kuru country tried to maintain its reputation as a home of Brāhmaṇical culture in the age of Janaka. But scholars hailing from that region appear now in the role of students thirsting for philosophical knowledge rather than authorities on sacrificial ritual. This probably points to a new development in the social life of the people, a development that synchronises with the end of the period of prosperity under Parikshit and his immediate successors and the beginning of economic distress hinted at in the *Chhāndogya Upanishad*.⁷ The time was soon to come when they would listen even to the heterodox teaching of new faiths that grew up in Eastern India. For the present Kuru Brāhmaṇas (*e.g.*, Ushasti Chākrāyaṇa) took an active part in discussions about *Brahman* and *ātman* at the court of Videha. The intellectual life of the eastern kingdom must have been greatly stirred by the exodus of Kurus and perhaps also of the Pañchālas that took place about this time. An exodus from Constantinople in a like manner enriched the life of the people of western Europe in the fifteenth century A.D.
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⁷ I. 10. 1-7,
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If the Purāṇic list of Janamejaya's successors be accepted as historical, then it would appear that Nichakshu was probably the Kuru king of Hāstinapura in the time of Janaka.
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| 1. | Janamejaya | ... | 1. | Indrota Daivāpa Śaunaka | |
| 2. | Śatānīka | ... | 2. | Dṛiti Aindrota (son and pupil) | |
| 3. | Aśva-medha-datta | | 3. | Pulusha Prāchīnayogya (pupil) | |
| 4. | Adhisīma-kṛishṇa | | 4. | Pulushi Satyayajña (pupil) | |
| 5. | Nichakshu | ... | 5. | Somaśushma Sātyayajñi (pupil); Janaka's contemporary. | |
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Curiously enough, it is Nichakshu who is represented in the *Purāṇas* as the remover of the seat of government from Hāstinapura to Kauśāmbī. We have some indication that the city of Kauśāmbī really existed about this time.¹ The *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa* makes Proti Kauśāmbeya a contemporary of Uddālaka Āruṇi who figured in the court of Janaka. It is thus clear that Kauśāmbeya was a contemporary of Janaka. Now, Harisvāmin in his commentary on the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa* understood Kauśāmbeya to mean a 'native of the town of Kauśāmbi.'¹ It is, therefore, permissible to think that Kauśāmbī existed in the time of Janaka, and hence of Nichakshu. There is thus no difficulty in the way of accepting the Purāṇic statement. According to the Purāṇas the change of capital was due to the inroad of the river Ganges. Another, and a more potent, cause was perhaps the devastation of the Kuru country by *Maṭachī*. It is also possible that the attitude of the Ābhipratāriṇa branch of the royal family towards sacrificial ritual had something to do with the exodus. From this time the Kurus in the homeland appear to have gradually lost their political importance. They sank to the level of a second-rate power. But the memory of the majesty and power of the Bharata dynasty survived till the time of the *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa*.²
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¹ *Cf.* Weber, *Ind. Lit.*, p, 123; *Vedic Index*, I. 193.
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¹ Kauśāmbeya may no doubt also mean "a descendant of Kuśāmba." Even then the city can hardly be dissociated from the eponymous hero of the family. *Cf.* Kramadīśvara, p. 791—*Kuśāmbena nirvvittā Kauśāmbī-nagarī.*
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² XIII. 5. 4. 11-14; 21-23.
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Pañchāla comprised the Bareilly, Budaun, Furrukhabad and the adjoining districts of Rohilkhand and the Central Doab in the modern Uttar Pradesh. It appears to have been bounded on the east by the Gumti and on the south by the Chambal. On the west lay the Yakṛillomas and the Sūrasenas of Mathurā. Belts of dense forests separated it from the Ganges and the realm of the Kurus on the north-west. Northward it approached the jungles that cover the region near the source of the Ganges.³ There is no clear trace in the Vedic literature of the Epic and *Jātaka* division of the Pañchālas into northern (*Uttara*) and southern (*Dakshiṇa*). But it knew an eastern
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³ *Ṛig-Veda*, V. 61. 17-19; Mbh. I. 138. 74; 150f; 166; IV. 5. 4; IX. 41.
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