Social and Political Life in the Vijayanagara Empire (A.D. 1346 – A.D. 1646) v1.c15.s2: Section 2. The Component Parts of the Vijayanagara Army

Social and Political Life in the Vijayanagara Empire (A.D. 1346 – A.D. 1646) v1.c15.s2

Language: English

Section 2. The Component Parts of the Vijayanagara Army

v1.c15.s2.1

From the above description of the number of forces which the Hindu Government could summon in times of need, it is obvious that the nature of the parts which composed their army was different from that of ancient times. It is a matter of common knowledge that, according to the Hindu conception, the army was made up of four parts or divisions—infantry, cavalry, elephants and chariots. In the *Arthaśāstra* of Kauṭilya, the fourfold divisions are thus enumerated: "The infantry should be arrayed such that the space between any two men is a sama (14 aṅgulas); cavalry, with three samas; chariots with four samas; and elephants with twice or thrice as much space (as between any two chariots)".¹

v1.c15.s2.2

¹ *Arthaśāstra*, Bk. V., Ch., V. 372, p. 430.

v1.c15.s2.3

A definite advance on the ancient conception was made by Śukrācārya in the following statement: "The king should have his infantry four times the cavalry, bulls one-fifth of his horse, camels one-eighth, elephants one-fourth of the camels, chariots half of the elephants, and cannon twice the chariots".² Śukra seems to have intrdouced three new elements—bulls, camels and cannon. These raise the figure to seven, and, according to Śukra, we have, therefore, infantry, cavalry, elephants, chariots, camels, cannon and bulls. But in reality, Śukra merely gave legal sanction to two of the parts already mentioned as auxiliaries by Kauṭilya—bulls and camels—and introduced one new feature—artillery—which was unknown to the age of the *Arthaśāstra*. Kauṭilya makes provision for the bulls and camels, but only as a means to an end. "The king who has a small number of horses may combine bulls with horses; likewise when he is deficient in elephants, he may fill up the centre of his army with mules, camels and carts."³

v1.c15.s2.4

² *Sukraniti*, IV., vii., l. 41, p. 128. Śukra further enjoins that the ruler whose income is a lac *karsha* (or one lakh of rupees) should have every year one hundred reserve force of same age, well accoutred and decently equipped with weapons and missiles, three hundred foot soldiers armed with lesser fire-arms or guns, eighty horses, one chariot, two larger fire-arms or cannon, ten camels, two elephants, two chariots, sixteen bulls, six clerks, and three councillors. *Ibid.*, ll. 47-52, p. 219. See also I., II. 365-74, p. 24 for different kinds of kings.

v1.c15.s2.5

³ *Arthaśāstra*, Bk. X., Ch. IV. 371, p. 430.

v1.c15.s2.6

In the twelfth century the classical idea still prevailed in the Karṇāṭaka, although the actual use of one of the essential parts—chariots—had long become out of date. The four-fold divisions of the army (*hasty-aśva-ratha-padāti-balam*) are mentioned in A.D. 1143.⁴ Even so late A.D. 1302 the people remembered the *caturanga-balam*.⁵

v1.c15.s2.7

⁴ E.C. VIII, Sa. 58, p. 103.

v1.c15.s2.8

⁵ *Ibid.*, Nr. 27, p. 131.

v1.c15.s2.9

The Vijayanagara monarchs apparently transgressed the injunctions of Kauṭilya and the precedent of the early rulers of Karṇāṭaka as regards the four-fold divisions of their army. Sewell speaks of the troops of Vijayanagara marching against the Sultan of Gulbarga in A.D. 1419 with horse, foot, and elephants.¹ This was only partially true. For the Hindu army was made up of six parts. An inscription dated A.D. 1390-1 informs us that the Prince Dēva Raya "for a long time carried out a fierce military expedition by order of his father Harihara (II) accompanied by the six component parts of the army . . ."² The six parts of the Vijayanagara army were the following—infantry, cavalry, elephants, artillery which included "chariots" or carts, camels and bulls. The Bakhair of Rāma Rāja is the only account which gives us an idea of these six parts of the army.³ The Vijayanagara rulers, therefore, unintentionally followed the mediaeval precept of Sukra rather than the classical injunctions which restricted the forces to the four well known names. We shall now enumerate in some detail these six divisions of the Vijayanagara army.

v1.c15.s2.10

¹ Sewell, *For. Emp.* p. 65.

v1.c15.s2.11

² Butterworth-Chetty, *Nellore Ins.*, I, p. 4.

v1.c15.s2.12

³ For the popular conception of the army, read Lakshmīśa, *Jaiminī Bhārata*, Sandhi, VIII, v. 37, p. 165. (Sanderson).

1. Infantry

v1.c15.s2.t1.1

Recruitment into the army was not restricted to any particular class of the people. The opinion of foreign travellers confirms the information supplied by early inscriptions on this matter. A record dated A.D. 1356 relates that the different contingents which made up the Vijayanagara army were composed of the Turks, Seunas, Telugus, Pāṇḍyas and Hoysalas.⁴ From the very commencement of their political career, the sons of Saṅgama sought the support of all classes for the maintenance of their Empire. And they were able to secure it by throwing open military service to the different sections of people. Barbosa in A.D. 1514 confirms the evidence of the epigraph we have cited, about the cosmopolitan nature of the Hindu forces. He writes thus: "Among these men-at-arms there are many knights, who arrive there from many parts to take service, and these do not cease to live in their creeds".⁵ As already narrated in connection with the Foreign Relations of Vijayanagara, the Hindu monarchs also enlisted Muham-madans in their service. In A.D. 1442 there were two thousand Muhammadan soldiers well skilled in archery in Vijayanagara.¹ Paes, as we shall presently describe, speaks of the Moors in the grand review held at the capital. "Then the Moors—one must not forget them—for they were there also in the review with their shields, javelins and Turkish bows, with many bombs and spears and fire-missiles; and I was much astonished to find amongst them men who knew so well how to work these weapons".² We have already recorded the testimony of Nuniz about the Moors who led the van during the decisive Raichur campaign.³

v1.c15.s2.t1.2

⁴ Rice, *My. Ins.*, pp. 2, 5, op. cit.

v1.c15.s2.t1.3

⁵ Barbosa, Stanley, p. 91; Dames, I, p. 212.

v1.c15.s2.t1.4

¹ Firishtah, Briggs, *The Rise*, II, p. 432; Sewell, *For. Emp.*, p. 72. See supra, p. 410.

v1.c15.s2.t1.5

² Sewell, *ibid.*, pp. 277-8.

v1.c15.s2.t1.6

³ *Ibid.*, p. 329, op. cit. Rangachari speaks of the Badagas under Vijayanagara. *I.A.*, XLIII., p. 113, n. (49).

v1.c15.s2.t1.7

As regards the actual system of recruitment we have unfortunately not many details. In describing the origin of the Zemindari of the Doṭṭiya fort, the local chronicles give the following information: "At the time when the Padsha came against the Rayer (i.e. the king of Vijayanagara) before the capital was taken, the Rayer sent out red garments, with a message that so many as were willing to leave their families should put on those garments and prepare for war. My ancestor Macala nayaker of the Panjai valla tribe, with his people assembled; and after defeating the invaders came to the Rayer's presence".⁴

v1.c15.s2.t1.8

⁴ Taylor, *Cat. Rais*, III, p. 356. See also p. 361.

v1.c15.s2.t1.9

Barbosa gives more trustworthy details: "And whenever the king's officers take and enrol any man, they strip him and look what marks he has got on his body, and measure what his stature is, and set it all down in writing, and from whence he comes, and the names of his father and mother: and so he remains enrolled with all these particulars in the pay books. And after being enrolled, it is with difficulty that he can again obtain permission to go to his country; and if he flies and is taken, he runs great danger, and is very ill treated."⁵

v1.c15.s2.t1.10

⁵ Barbosa, Stanley, pp. 90-1; Dames, I., p. 212.

v1.c15.s2.t1.11

The Rāmarājīyamu gives us some particulars about the numbers that make up a unit. Each unit was composed of one elephant, twenty horses, sixty arches, sixty swordmen, and sixty spearmen. It seems that there were 3,500

v1.c15.s2.t1.13

Sculptures representing Soldiers marching (Bottom). [Vol. I, p. 423.]

v1.c15.s2.t1.14

such units in the Vijayanagara army during the siege of Kandanavōlu (Kurnool).¹

v1.c15.s2.t1.15

¹ Rāmarājīyamu, The Sources, p. 102.

v1.c15.s2.t1.16

Rice in a short note deals with the weapons used by the Vijayanagara soldiers. Basing his remarks on one or two weapons secured from Pura, Māṇḍya taluka, and on those preserved in the extensive armoury of the royal palace at Mysore, he speaks of certain types of weapons, amongst which a light sword with a fish tail and another like a flexible band that could be worn as a belt, deserve special notice.²

v1.c15.s2.t1.17

² E.C. III, Intr. p. 34.

v1.c15.s2.t1.18

There are some references to the weapons used by the soldiers under Vijayanagara both in literature and the account of foreign travellers. These may be supplemented by the sculptures as seen on the walls of the capital. Gaṅgādēvī gives us a few names of the weapons carried by the Hindu soldiers. These were the kṛpaṇa, the kārpaṇa, the prāsa, the kuṇṭa and the kōdaṇḍa.³ Gaṅgādēvī confirms the evidence of Barbosa about the cosmopolitan nature of the army of Vijayanagara in the above description.

v1.c15.s2.t1.19

³ Gaṅgādēvī, Madhurāvijayam, Canto, IV, v. 10, p. 29.

v1.c15.s2.t1.20

Firishtah, while describing the campaign of A.D. 1433, tells us that the soldiers were "armed in the usual manner with pikes and lances".⁴ But the Portuguese travellers have more details to give about the dress and weapons of the Hindu soldiers. Paes writes thus: "Then, turning to the troops on foot, there are so many that they surround all the valleys and hills in a way which nothing in the world can compare. You will see amongst them dresses of such rich cloths that I do not know where they come from, nor could any one tell how many colours they have; shield-men with their shields, with many flowers of gold and silver on them, others with figures of tigers and other great beasts, others all covered with silver leaf-work beautiful wrought, others with painted colours, others black and (so polished that) you can see into them as into a mirror, and their swords so richly ornamented that they could not possibly be more so. Of the archers, I must tell you that they have bows plated with gold and silver, and others have been polished, and their arrows very neat, and so feathered that they could not be better;

v1.c15.s2.t1.21

⁴ Firishtah, Briggs, The Rise, II, p. 432.

v1.c15.s2.t1.22

daggers at their waist and battle axes, with the shafts and ends of gold and silver; then you see musqueteers with their musquets and blunderbusses and their thick tunics, all in their order, with their (Lioes?) in all their bravery; it was indeed a thing to see".¹ His remarks about the Moors with their shields, javelins and Turkish bows, given above, are to be recounted here. Nuniz also has a few observations to make on the dress and the accoutrement of the soldiers of Vijayanagara. "All were equally well armed, each after his own fashion, the archers and musqueteers with their quilted tunics,² and the shieldmen with their swords and poignards in their girdles; the shields are so large that there is no need for armour to protect the body, which is completely covered . . ."³

v1.c15.s2.t1.23

¹ Sewell, For. Emp., p. 277. For Sewell's conjectures, see ibid., pp. 201, n. (2).

v1.c15.s2.t1.24

² On the quilted tunics, see Sewell, ibid. pp. 276, n. (2).

v1.c15.s2.t1.25

³ Sewell, ibid., pp. 327-8.

v1.c15.s2.t1.26

As regards some of the tactics practised by the Hindus, Firishtah has a few remarks to make. While describing an incident in the siege of Baṅkāpur, he says: "The infantry of the Carnatic, who value their lives but little, were quite naked, and had their bodies anointed with oil, to prevent them being easily seized . . ."⁴

v1.c15.s2.t1.27

⁴ Firishtah, Briggs, The Rise, III, p. 137.

v1.c15.s2.t1.28

The Portuguese writers mention some details about the battle cry of the Hindus: "When the news of this event (i.e., on the defection of Tirumala, as recorded by Caesar Frederick) reached Rāma Rāya's ears, the valiant chief . . was incensed with fury; and in order to encourage his troops he remounted his horse, and shouting several times 'Gorida; Gorida! (Garuda! Garuda!)' with his men charged the allied army".⁵

v1.c15.s2.t1.29

⁵ Heras, Aravidu, p. 208.

v1.c15.s2.t1.30

This refers we believe, to Gōvinda rather than to Garuḍa, as the Rev. Heras suggests.

II. Cavalry

v1.c15.s2.t2.1

It may be doubted whether any other part of the Vijayanagara was so important as the cavalry. The foreign policy of the rulers was to a large extent governed by the necessity of securing for themselves a continuous supply of horses from Ormuz, and they were thus brought into close contact with the Portuguese in Goa. This was, as remarked elsewhere, due to a dearth of good horses in the Empire.¹ The Hindu rulers were so obsessed with the idea of controlling a monopoly of horses for their State that they were blind to the fact that their endeavours in this direction only aided a foreign power to settle down permanently on the west coast of their Empire.² This had an abiding effect on the history of the land. But, for the moment, the Vijayanagara monarchs allowed principles of profit to over-ride the greater question of the stability of their Empire.

v1.c15.s2.t2.2

¹ Sewell, *For. Emp.*, p. 72.

v1.c15.s2.t2.3

² Ibid., pp. 176-7.

v1.c15.s2.t2.4

They spent enormous sums on horses imported from Ormuz. Nuniz tells us that the Emperor bought every year 13,000 horses from Ormuz. "The King every year buys thirteen thousand horses of Ormuz, and country-breds, of which he chooses the best for his own stables, and he gives the rest to his captains, and gains much money by them; because after taking out the good Persian horses, he sells those which are country-bred, and gives five for a thousand *pardaos*, and they are obliged to pay him the money for them within the month of September; and with the money so obtained he pays for the Arabs that he buys of the Portuguese, in such a way that his captains pay the cost of the whole without anything going out of the Treasury".³ Whatever may be the principle underlying such a policy of economizing the revenues of the State, it is clear that the Vijayanagara monarchs were in dire need of horses. Nuniz writes thus about Sāḷuva Nṛsiṁha: "He caused horses to be brought from Oromuz and Adeem (Aden) into his kingdom and thereby gave great profit to the merchants, paying them for the horses just as they asked. He took them dead or alive at three for a thousand *pardaos*, and of those that died at sea they brought him the tail only, and he paid for it just as if it had been alive".⁴ The idea which lay behind the system of paying for a dead horse is also inexplicable.

v1.c15.s2.t2.5

³ Ibid., pp. 381-2.

v1.c15.s2.t2.6

⁴ Ibid., p. 307.

v1.c15.s2.t2.7

The actual price of a horse, which the reader must have noted from the observations we made while describing the country in general, varied, as can be seen by comparing the account given above with that relating to Kṛṣṇa Dēva Rāya the Great. On his way to meet 'Ali Ādil Shāh, the monarch "bought six hundred horses from the Portuguese at the rate of 4½ for 1,000 *paradaos*".¹ Nuniz, who gives us these details, was himself a trader in horses in Vijayanagara. He tells us that the king bought twelve or fifteen country-bred horses for a thousand *paradaos*.² Under ordinary circumstances, therefore, the Vijayanagara monarchs were not constrained to resort to measures which Tirumala adopted when he attempted to recover from the effects of the great battle of Rākshasa-Taṅgaḍi. We may here note that one of the centres which contained a number of superior saddlers was Baṅkāpur.³

v1.c15.s2.t2.8

¹ Sewell, For. Emp., p. 361, n. (2).

v1.c15.s2.t2.9

² Ibid., p. 381.

v1.c15.s2.t2.10

³ Commentaries of Albuquerque, III, pp. 246-7.

v1.c15.s2.t2.11

Nuniz further tells us the following about the manner in which the king maintained the horses: ". . . he has sixteen hundred grooms who attend to the horses, and has also three hundred horse trainers. . . To the six thousand horsemen the King gives horses free and gives provision for them every month, and all these horses are marked with the King's mark; when they die they are obliged to take the piece of skin containing the mark to Madanarque, the chief master of the horse, so that he may give them another, and these horses which he gives are mostly country-breds. . ."⁴

v1.c15.s2.t2.12

⁴ Sewell, ibid., p. 381.

v1.c15.s2.t2.13

From the inscriptions we can gather a few facts about the system by which the Government secured fodder for their horses. A copper-plate grant dated A.D. 1447 contains a *nirūpa* or written order of a *sēvaka mānya* or service *mānya*. "The following *nirūpa* of a service *mānya* was granted by the *Mahāmaṇḍalēśvara* Pratāpa Rāya to Pedda Cheppappa Reḍḍi, the *dēśāyi* of Māyikollāpura. For their service of supplying grass to our horses, we have ordered that the lands now in the enjoyment of your people of the Samudra-kulāchāra, wherever they may reside, should be free from imposts (specified) and. . . (*kirti varṇādulu naḍapukōṇi*). You are at liberty to cultivate the lands in your places well and to enjoy in succession whatever crops you may grow, with all rights (specified) and without any molestation".⁵ Another inscription dated Saka 1451, Virōdhi, Māgha (A.D. 1530, January) narrates that a certain Timmarasa built a choultry and made provision for feeding twelve Brahmans at Yalape (Bellary district) which was a mukāsa village given to him by Kṛṣṇa Dēva Rāya to maintain horses.¹

v1.c15.s2.t2.14

⁵ E.C., XII, Tm. 52. The meaning of the expression *kirti-varṇādulu* is not clear. Ibid., p. 14, n. (2), text, p. 49.

v1.c15.s2.t2.15

¹ 216 of 1913. The date Saka 1451 (Virōdhi, Māgha) is evidently meant for expired Saka 1451. Swamikannu, Ind. Eph., V. p. 262. "Mukhasa—a village or land assigned to an individual either rent free or at a low quit rent condition of service." Wilson, Glossary, p. 352.

v1.c15.s2.t2.16

Some powerful viceroys, however, resorted to force in procuring the necessary supplies. Tirumala Nāyaka, on hearing of the invasion of Diṇḍigul by the Mysoreans, called together the Pāleyagāras and addressed himself to Raṅgaṇa Nāyaka the Pāleyagāra of Diṇḍigul, thus: "As we are going to fight against the capital of the Mysore country, and as for many years past you have acquired a great extent of territory, having had the full proceeds of all revenues from the privilege of being an adopted child of Madura, (heretofore accorded to your ancestors) it is now fit that you contribute sixteen thousand (gold) chakra-pons towards the expense of the army." But when he pleaded that he was unable to pay such a huge amount, it was reduced to 7,000 pons.²

v1.c15.s2.t2.17

² Taylor, O.H. MSS. II, p. 171.

v1.c15.s2.t2.18

The remarks of Nuniz that the king gave the horsemen provisions every month may be set side by side with those of Barbosa, who, as we saw while dealing with the royal kitchens, speaks of the monthly allowance of four or five paradaos given to the knights, with a groom and a slave girl for personal service, and daily provisions supplied from the great royal kitchens.³

v1.c15.s2.t2.19

³ Barbosa, Dames, I, p. 210, op. cit.

v1.c15.s2.t2.20

Paes gives us the following particulars about the dress of the Hindu cavalry: "Now I should like to describe to you how they were armed and their decorations. The cavalry were mounted on horses fully caparisoned, and on their foreheads plates, some of silver but most of them gilded, with fringes of twisted silk of all colours, and reins of the same; others had trappings of Mecca velvet, which is velvet of many colours with fringes and ornaments; others had them of other silks, such as satins and damask, and others of brocade from China and Persia. Some of the men with the gilded plates had them set with many large precious stones, and on the borders lace-work of small stones. Some of these horses had on their foreheads heads of serpents and of other large animals of various kinds, made in such a strange manner that they were a sight to see for the perfection of their make. The horsemen were dressed in quilted tunics, also of brocade and velvet and every kind of silk. These tunics are made of layers of very strong raw leather, and furnished with other iron (plates) that make them strong; some have these plates gilded both inside and out, and some are made of silver. Their headpieces are in the manner of helmets with borders covering the neck, and each has its piece to protect the face; they are of the same fashion as the tunics. They wore on the neck gorgets (cofos) all gilded, others made of silk with plates of gold and silver, others of steel as bright as a mirror. At the waists they have swords and small battle-axes, and in their hands javelins with the shafts covered with gold and silver. All have their umbrellas of state made of embroidered velvet and damask, with many coloured silks on the horses. They wave many (standards with) white and coloured tails, and hold them in much esteem—which tails are horses' tails".¹

v1.c15.s2.t2.21

¹ Sewell, *For. Emp.*, pp. 275, 276, n. (2), 277. Sewell on p. 276, n. (2) refers to the description of the dress of the Hindu cavalry by Barros. For a description of the horse during festival times, see ibid., p. 377. Infra Volume II, Chap. IX. Festivals, Games and Amusements.

III. Elephants

v1.c15.s2.t3.1

The third main division of the Hindu army was made up of elephants. 'Abdur Razzāq, as we have already seen, was astonished at their size; and he tells us of the houses in which they were lodged.²

v1.c15.s2.t3.2

² Elliot, *Hist. of India*, IV, pp. 105, op. cit.; Major, *India*, p. 27.

v1.c15.s2.t3.3

As regards the method in which they were armed, we have the following from Paes. "The elephants in the same way are covered with caparison of velvet and gold with fringes, and rich cloths of many colours, and with bells so that the earth resounds; and on their heads are painted faces of giants and other kinds of great beasts. On the back of each one of them are three or four men, dressed in their quilted tunics, and armed with shields and javelins, and they are arrayed as if for a foray".³

v1.c15.s2.t3.4

³ Sewell, ibid., p. 277.

v1.c15.s2.t3.5

This number of men carried by an elephant which Paes gives agrees with that given by Faria y Sousa, who, as remarked in a previous page, says that each elephant carried four men in its "castle". Nuniz says: "The war-elephants go with their nowdalis (castellos) from which four men fight on each side of them, and the elephants are completely clothed, and on their tusks they have knives fastened, much ground and sharpened, with which they do great harm".¹ Varthema tells us, however, that in the very large and strong wooden box carried each on side of the elephant, there were in all seven persons, among whom was included the elephant driver. The description of a war-elephant given by Varthema has already been cited.²

v1.c15.s2.t3.6

¹ Sewell, For. Emp., p. 328.

v1.c15.s2.t3.7

² Varthema, Jones, p. 126; Temple, p. 51. Cf. The description of the war elephants given by Nikitin, Major, India, p. 12; Sewell, ibid., p. 104.

IV Camels

v1.c15.s2.t4.1

These formed a regular division of the Vijayanagara army. But we have very meagre notices of the camels either in literature or in the accounts of foreign travellers. Vijayanagara, according to tradition, as we have narrated, commanded a force of 10,000 camels, which was in charge of Nāgama Nāyaka.³ Varthema's remarks about the dromedaries which run with great swiftness, have already been noticed. The Rāma Rāja Charitre, we may add, gives the number of camels on the battlefield of Rākshasa-Taṅgaḍi as 1,874,429.⁴

v1.c15.s2.t4.2

³ Taylor, O.H. MSS., II, p. 1, op. cit.

v1.c15.s2.t4.3

⁴ Mack. Coll.

V Bulls

v1.c15.s2.t5.1

About the contingent of bulls too very little can be gathered from reliable sources. The Bakhair of Rāma Rāja gives an incredible number of bulls in the army: 9,876, 543,210,000! We do not know whether this formidable figure is in any way trustworthy. While describing the conquests of Kaṇṭhirava Narasa Oḍeyar, who "conquered Denaikancotta (Daṇāyakanakoṭṭa) Sattimungal (Satyamangalam) and other places," Wilks in his Sketches says that "Nagana Naid, described to be the head of the bullock department of Acheta Deva Rayeel of Vijayanuggur, founded the dynasty of the Naieks of Madura about the year 1532, with the aid of a colony of Telingas, which seems to have been planted in that country sometime before by the government of Vijeyanuggur".¹ Nuniz, as we shall see, speaks of sumpter-mules and asses, and of great numbers of oxen which carried all the supplies of the camp.²

v1.c15.s2.t5.2

¹ Wilks, Sketches, I., p. 54, n. (1810); I., p. 34, n. (1869).

v1.c15.s2.t5.3

² Infra, A Picture of the Hindu Camp.

VI Artillery

v1.c15.s2.t6.1

Unlike the two foregoing parts of the Vijayanagara army, the last division which was made up of artillery has figured in the writings of foreign travellers as well as in indigenous records. Firishtah, while describing the campaign of A.D. 1368 and the complete failure of the Hindus against the Muhammadans, writes thus: "According to the Tohfut oos-Sulateen, two thousand elephants, three hundred gun-carriages, and battering rams, seven hundred Arabian horses and a sing'hasun set with jewels, were included in the booty of the King—all other articles were left to the officers and soldiers".³

v1.c15.s2.t6.2

³ Firishtah, Briggs, The Rise, II, p. 312.

v1.c15.s2.t6.3

Briggs, who accepts the veracity of the above narrative,⁴ comments thus on the passage: "If any reliance is to be placed on Molla Dawood Bidury, the author of Tohfut-oos-Sulateen, guns were used at this time by the Hindoos; and in a subsequent passage, it is remarked that the Mahomedans used them for the first time during the next campaign. But I am disposed to doubt the validity of both these statements. From the latter passage it seems possible, indeed, that the Mahomedans might have procured guns from the West in 1368, because they are said to have been used eighteen years previously by Edward III at the battle of Cressy, though it is very improbable; and Ferishta, in stating it to be the first time the Mahomedans employed them, also observes, that Toorks and Europeans, skilled in gunnery, worked the artillery. That guns were in common use before the arrival of the Portuguese in India, in 1498, seems certain from the mentioned made of them by Faria-y-Sousa, who represents the Moorish vessels in India, in 1502, bearing down upon the vessel of Peter de Ataide, called the 'St. Peter, into whom she passed her shot, and then made away, and was pursued and taken off the bay of Cananor.' . . .¹ Faria-y-Sousa, who accompanied the early Portuguese in India, writes in chap. ix., p. 99. ibid.: 'The Moors of Sumatra, Malacca, and the Moluccoes (by which last appellation he means those princes bearing the title of Moolk, that is, the several princes of the Deccan) were well disciplined, and much better stored with artillery than we that attacked them, A.D. 1506'. All these circumstances, however, do not lead to the conclusion that the Hindoos had guns before they were introduced from the West by the Mahomedans, who adopted their use from Europe".²

v1.c15.s2.t6.4

⁴ Sewell also relies on Firishtah. For. Emp., pp. 34-5, 35, n. (2).

v1.c15.s2.t6.5

¹ Faria y Sousa, *Asia Port.*, I, p. 58.

v1.c15.s2.t6.6

² Briggs, *The Rise*, II, p. 312, n.

v1.c15.s2.t6.7

There are reasons to doubt the soundness of the conclusion arrived at by Briggs. According to Firishtah, who continues the description of the campaign of A.D. 1368, "Mahomed Shah, by the advice of Khan Mahomed, did not lay siege to Adony, but collecting a train of artillery which had never till then been employed by the faithful in the Deccan, he gave the command to Mookurrib Khan, son of Sufdur Khan Seestany, attaching to him a number of Toorks and Europeans acquainted with the art of gunnery".³ The Muhammadans, therefore, made use of artillery in A.D. 1368. The statement of Faria y Sousa refers to the year A.D. 1502. One may question whether the assertion of the Portuguese historian can be made to disprove the statement of Firishtah. Without entering minutely into the question, we may note in passing that mention is made in the *Sukraniti* of gunpowder and gunners.⁴

v1.c15.s2.t6.8

³ Firishtah, Briggs, ibid., II, p. 312, n.

v1.c15.s2.t6.9

⁴ *Sukraniti*, II, ll. 393-6, p. 83; IV, ii. ll. 60-3, p. 140. VII, ll. 386-418, pp. 235-237, 237, n. (1).

v1.c15.s2.t6.10

But this does not certainly prove that the Vijayanagara monarchs used guns in or about A.D. 1368. It is the inscriptions which enlighten us on this point. That the author of the *Tohful-us-Sulatin* was not far wrong in stating that in or about A.D. 1368 the Hindus had guns can be gathered from a record dated A.D. 1388 which contains the earliest reference to firearms in Vijayanagara history. The inscription narrates that on the death of the match-lock man (*kōvikāra*) Dēvayya Nāyaka, son of Chikkagoṇḍa of Muṭṭuguppe, by snake-bite, his wife Muddana kēṭi performed *sahagamana*.¹ There is another inscription, probably of the times of Dēva Rāya II which mentions gunpowder in unmistakable terms. It relates that on "Eṇiva-Maḷaga driving along an elephant for the city elephant of the Male-rāyya—the *Mahā-prabhu* Bayicha Gauḍa, who was supplying gunpowder to the Naḍaṅgiri-nāḍ Rāja (*naḍaṅgiriṇāḍ rājaaa [rājana] maddin sēvayım*), . . . slew some powerful enemies and went to *svarga*".² It is quite likely, therefore, that somewhere between the years A.D. 1360 and 1420, the Hindus might have borrowed the idea of using guns from the Muhammadans, whose acquaintance with cannon in about A.D. 1420 is confirmed by Nicolo dei Conti. This traveller says: "The natives of central India make use of balistae, and those machines which we call bombardas, also other warlike implements adapted for besieging cities".³ There is nothing improbable in the Hindus of southern India having imitated the Muhammadans in this respect prior to A.D. 1420, especially when we remember that these people were brought together more often on the battlefield than on platforms of peace and mutual goodwill.

v1.c15.s2.t6.11

¹ E.C., VIII, Sb. 433, p. 81; P. II, p. 218. The date of the record is Saka 1310, Vibhava Samvatsara = A.D. 1388. Swamikannu, *Ind. Eph.*, IV, p. 378. There is no other means of verifying the date.

v1.c15.s2.t6.12

² E.C., VIII, Sa. 68, p. 104. P. II, p. 282. The date is given as *śaka-varushada sāvirada munnūṛ elpatta mūṛ samvat vistārada-abda-Durmatiyō Ashāḍa-māsa Sudha Pādya*. In the Romanized version we have *Samvatsarad abdada*, p. 197. This epigraph contains some chronological difficulties. The name of the king is given as Immaḍi Dēva Rāya Mahārāya (A.D. 1446-67), the son of Dēva Rāya II. The record may have been assigned to the times of Immaḍi Dēva Rāya II, but the cyclic year Durmati agrees with Saka 1363 and not with Saka 1373, the cyclic year of which was Prajotpatti. Saka 1363 Durmati, Ashāḍa-māsa Su. Pādya = A.D. 1441, June, Monday the 19th (?). Swamikannu, ibid., V., p. 84. In the absence of more reliable data, the suggestion of Rice is followed here. B.A.S.

v1.c15.s2.t6.13

³ Major, *India*, p. 31; Sewell, *For. Emp.*, p. 86. These machines mentioned by Conti were evidently the *sutarnals* and the *hattarnals* mentioned in the *Rama Rāja Charitre*.

v1.c15.s2.t6.14

We have already mentioned the number of cannon used in the great battle of Rākshasa-Taṅgaḍi. The total, according to the *Bakhair*, was 2,667. Nuniz merely says that "Several cannon were also taken" during the Raichur campaign.⁴ The chariots mentioned in the *Bakhair* were evidently carriages on which the cannon were transported. If they had used chariots as an independent unit of the army, foreign travellers could not have failed to notice them.

Linked texts (5)

Tārīkh-i Firishta — Muḥammad Qāsim Hindū Shāh Firishta 1606, Persian
Kauṭilīya Arthaśāstra — Kauṭilya, Sanskrit
Jaimini Bhārata (Kannada) — Lakṣmīśa 1500, Kannada
Epigraphia Carnatica
Madhurāvijaya — Gaṅgādevī, Sanskrit