Shivaji builds Pratāpgad : appoints Moropant Peshwa : other ministries created : south, Konkan and Rājāpur raided : Bālāji Āvji employed as Chitnis : seizes territories of the Sidi.

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1659 March 5 Shivaji concludes a treaty of friendship with the Sāwant of Wadi : Bhavāni sword obtained.

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1659 Aug. 16 Portuguese Viceroy reports Shivaji's complete possession of south Konkan.

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1659 Sept. Afzal Khan starts against Shivaji.

1659 Oct. Shivaji takes up his residence at Pratāpgad. 1659 Nov. 10 Afzal Khan meets with his death. 1659 Nov. 11 Battle of Wai ; Bijapur army routed 1659 Nov. 28 Shivaji captures Panhāla. 1659 Dec. 28 Bijapur forces routed below Panhāla : Raibag and other towns sacked. 1660 Jan. Shaista Khan arrives as Governor of the Deccan. 1660 Feb. Shaista Khan takes possession of Poona. 1660 May Panhāla besieged by Salabat Khan. 1660 June English factors aid the besiegers of Panhāla. 1660 July 13 Shivaji escapes from Panhāla. 1660 July 14 Bāji Prabhu slain at Vishālgad. 1660 August Shaista Khan captures Chākan. ,, Shivaji despatches Sonopant Dabir to Shaista Khan. 1660 Sept. 22 Shivaji gives Panhāla back to Bijapur. ,, Shivaji constructs Suvarnadurg. 1664 Shivaji constructs Sindhudurg. 1680 Shivaji constructs Kolaba.

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RAPID PROGRESS

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[1654—1660]

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1. Short work with Morays.
2. Political situation of 1657.
3. North and South Konkon seized.
4. Administrative Measures.
5. Afzal Khan's End.
6. Panhala invested, Shivaji escapes.

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1. Short work with the Morays.—How Shivaji's first achievement reacted upon the policy of Bijapur and upon that of the Mughal Emperor will be seen in the sequel. The next stages of his experiments in *swarajya* become sharper and brighter as years pass on. The second stage (1654-64) is made up of extraordinary incidents which converted him into a full-fledged hero of Mahārāshtra.

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Shivaji henceforth undertook rapid expansion all round, steadily building up on the original foundation, but carefully avoiding conflict with powerful neighbours and removing internal opponents who showed jealousy for his rise. Most of the Deshmukhs of the Mavals gradually joined him and willingly accepted his lead. But there were some who had a long hereditary greatness to boast of, and whose devotion to Bijapur was too strong to make them respond to the national call. The Morays of Jāvli surnamed Chandrarāo at the western foot of the Mahābleshvar hill, were an ancient Deshmukh family of respectability and high Kshatriya pretensions, as a branch descended from the great Chandragupta Maurya, a claim which was denied to the Bhosles. The Morays were allied by family ties to most of the other Maval Deshmukhs and refused to join Shivaji's standard. It thus became the first necessity for Shivaji to disarm the hostility of the Morays, as obviously one sheath cannot hold two sharp swords. Shivaji for years meditated upon the least harmful way of dealing with this prickly thorn. For long he waited patiently and left no stone unturned to find a friendly solution for an increasingly irritating situation, which soon became aggravated by the appointment of Afzal Khan to the Governorship of Wai in the year 1649. The Khan was explicitly commissioned to put down Shivaji's growing power, and he lost no opportunity of encouraging the Morays to oppose Shivaji's moves.

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The friction between Shivaji and the Morays started as early as 1648, when Daulatrao Moray, a man of prestige and standing died, leaving no accredited heir or capable successor to administer his estates. Daulatrao's widow adopted Yashvantrav, a younger member, and conducted affairs with the help of Hanumantrao Moray, a distant relation of the family. Determined to crush the defiance of the Morays Shivaji spent years in negotiation for a peaceful way to gain his object. There arose a sort of a triangular contest between the Morays, Shivaji, and Afzal Khan representing the power of Bijapur. About the year 1654 Afzal Khan came to be transferred from Wai to Kanakgiri, and the coveted opportunity arrived for Shivaji to reach a decision. He took into his confidence some of the Maval Deshmukhs, particularly Kānhoji Jedhe, Haibatrao Silimkar and other neighbours of the Morays, and sent a proposal to Jāvli demanding terms which the Morays refused to accept. Then with the contingents of these Deshmukhs he dispatched his commander Sambhājī Kāvaji with a small force threatening their residence. This first attempt proved ineffectual, when Shivaji sent another force under Raghunāth Ballāl Korde. A battle was fought near Javali in which Hanumantrao Moray was killed ; Yashvantrao fled for his life and took shelter in the fort of Rairi. Pratāp Rao Moray escaped to Bijapur for seeking the Adil Shah's help to oust Shivaji from Jāvli (26th January 1656). Shivaji himself at once proceeded to Jāvli, stayed there for two months, rehabilitating the house of the Morays and strengthening his hold upon the principality. In the meantime Yashvant Rao started serious trouble afresh from the hill-top of Rairi, a large and lofty plateau near Mahad, which belonged to the Morays. Shivaji sent troops and his agent Haibatrao Silimkar to Yashvant Rao demanding submission. After a long negotiation a meeting was arranged at the foot of Rairi in May. When the Morays came down to meet Shivaji, he killed the principal offender Yashvant Rao and carried his two sons Krishnaji and Baji as captives to Poona. Later on these two brothers also were detected conducting secret intrigues with Bijapur and were therefore put to death.

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In this long and vexatious affair many have accused Shivaji of wanton treachery. The Morays could easily have saved themselves if they had had the wisdom to yield, as happened in the case of the Sarnaik of Purandar. The women and dependents of the Morays were most kindly looked after. The verdict pronounced in common parlance on the Moray affair says, “ A dozen advisers gathered, and the state of the Chandrarais suffered a fall.”¹ Out of a long tale of conflicting details only the main story is summarized above. Shivaji seized the domain with all its wealth and treasure accumulated through centuries of power. History will certainly pronounce an adverse judgment upon Shivaji’s dealings with the Morays. The result, however, proved highly beneficial to his purpose, as the world came to know what to expect from him if an open opposition were offered to his plans and desires. Fort Wasota which belonged to the Morays soon fell into his hands. So all the twelve Mavals from Junnar to Wai came into Shivaji’s possession.

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¹ मिळाले बारभाई, बुडाली चंद्रराई ॥ See Moray Bakhar, Shiva Bharat, Jedhe Shakhavali, etc. Shivaji acted on the plan suggested by his father, see p. 78 above.

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When Jāvli was taken Shivaji erected a new fort to command the valley of the famous Pārghat and gave it the significant name of Pratāpgad. The work was executed by Moropant Pingle, whose father had served Shahji in the Karnatak and who himself had then come over to Shivaji’s service. A new image of the goddess Bhavāni was installed in this fort, where Jija Bai often came to live. Moropant Pingle soon became Shivaji’s right hand man and was made the Peshwa or Prime Minister when Shyāmrājpant died about 1658.

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Jāvli marked the first grand link in a chain of achievements which cover the second decade of Shivaji’s exploits and which brought him to the inescapable notice of the two great Powers then ruling in the Deccan, Bijapur and Delhi. A new personality representing the Mughal Empire had now come on the stage of history, Aurangzeb, the astute son of the declining Shah Jahan, a bigot in religion, who soon became an inveterate enemy of Shivaji.

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2. Political situation of 1657.—Nine years senior in age to Shivaji, Aurangzeb was born at Dohad on 24th October 1618 and shared his father's hardships and wanderings during his boyhood. As he grew up, he developed austere ways and a hardened heart, which marked his career throughout life. He witnessed the war which his father had waged in the Deccan and in which Shivaji's father came to be expelled from his homeland. When after the conquest of the Nizam-Shahi territories, Shah Jahan returned to the north, he appointed Aurangzeb his representative or Subahdar in the Deccan with a commission to settle the conquered territories. In this office he continued first for 8 years (1636-44), and again for five years from January 1653 to February 1658. During the break of the nine years between the two charges (1644-52), Aurangzeb was occupied with imperial wars on the north-west frontier, which did not touch the Marathas. During his first Viceroyalty of eight years, Aurangzeb was occupied in consolidating the Mughal power and creating an orderly government. But there is nothing noteworthy about his work or movement during this period. Shivaji was then young and no disturbance was expected from the Marathas. Aurangzeb was fond of hunting and selected for his official residence, in preference to the northern far away Burhanpur, 'the newly erected town of Khadki in the vicinity of Daulatabad, which had been founded by Malik Ambar, and named it after himself. This new town of Aurangabad was a more suitable place from which to watch the Maratha activities centering on Poona.

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But the interval of eight years between 1644 and 1653 had seen great changes in the south, not less than six different individuals having governed the Deccan territories of the Mughal Empire, including such well known figures as Mirza Raja Jaysingh, Shahzada Murad Baksh, and Shaista Khan. None of these, however, left behind him any conspicuous mark of his rule. Shivaji was then mainly occupied in consolidating his paternal jagir without rousing Mughal opposition. It was about 1657 when Shivaji’s vision began to expand beyond his father’s jagir, that he attracted Aurangzeb’s notice for the first time. When freed from the affairs of the Morays of Jāvli, Shivaji made his first open raid upon the Mughal territory in the summer of 1657, and plundered Junnar and Ahmadnagar. He simultaneously carried on an offensive movement against the Adil-Shahi possessions of north Konkan, by capturing Kalyan and Bhivandi. The Court of Bijapur was then involved in the wanton Mughal invasion which followed the death of Muhammad Adil Shah on 4 November 1656. A high road from Junnar to Kalyan then carried the inland trade of the Deccan plateau to the ports of Kalyan and Bassein on the west coast, then centres of wealth and traffic, which commanded the fertile region below the Ghats crossed by numerous navigable creeks. Shivaji considered the possession of this rich territory a highly advantageous adjunct to his jagir and one which could be easily defended from his base of Poona.

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3. North and south Konkan seized.—Shivaji’s clever spies were long employed in the surrounding country and he himself toured the Kalyan district in order to gauge the strength of its defences. During 1655 as Shivaji was launching his attack on Jāvli he received news that the Adil Shah of Bijapur being in sore need of money had called upon the Governor of Kalyan named Mulla Ahmad,² to personally convey all his accumulated revenue to Bijapur under a strong escort. Relays were laid on the route and local officials instructed to render help. Shivaji employed one party to make a sudden dash and carry away the treasure as it would pass by the route of Purandar, and another simultaneously to fall upon Kalyan itself. The plan proved eminently successful and the entire treasure was carried away safely and deposited in the strong vaults of Rajgad. While this sudden dash was being perpetrated near Poona, Shivaji’s Peshwa Shyāmraj Nilakanth and his cousin Dādāji Bāpuji with a body of select troops surprized Kalyan itself, then denuded of all means of defence in the absence of the Governor. Another party of expert Mavalas led by Sakho Krishna Lohokare swooped down simultaneously upon the neighbouring post of Bhivandi. Shivaji planted strong garrisons both at Kalyan and Bhivandi and prepared to resist any reprisals by Bijapur. He then fortified the harbour of Kalyan and captured Māhuli and the other neighbouring forts to the south and north of Kalyan. Chaul, Tale, Ghosale, Rajmachi, Lohgad, Kangori, Tung-Tikonā, all these were quickly seized one after another and strongly fortified, so that within a year’s time Shivaji’s small estate came to be doubled in extent and more than doubled in point of value and resources. Thus towards the end of October 1657 the whole province of north Konkan came into Shivaji’s possession. He lost no time in establishing a strong and beneficent rule therein, so as to make the people feel the happy effects of the change in comparison with the previous misrule. Shivaji appointed Ābāji Sondev as the first Governor of this Kalyan province. The Portuguese of Chaul felt serious alarm for their security on account of this new Maratha neighbour.

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² Sarkar’s House of Shivaji, p. 65 and The Leading Nobles of Bijapur, p. 55.

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A widely current anecdote concerning this raid on Kalyan certainly created universal admiration for Shivaji’s character and high morals. Mulla Ahmad the Bijapuri Governor of Kalyan had left his family behind, including his young and extremely handsome daughter-in-law who fell into Ābāji Sondev’s hands. Ābāji considering that she would be an acceptable present for his young master, sent her properly escorted to Poona. But Shivaji who respected every woman’s honour as his own mother’s, remarked to the lady on arrival, “Oh how nice would it have been if my mother were as fair as you are,” and at once sent her to her home with due apologies for her capture. At the same time he conveyed to Ābāji his stern sense of displeasure and circulated a severe warning to his officials against this wicked universal practice.

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With the capture of Kalyan Shivaji’s sway came to be exercised over a triangular tract the base of which was formed by the line of the sea-coast from Bassein to Rājāpur and the two sides running from these points and meeting at Indāpur. He reduced several forts in this region, among which was fort Prabalgad near Panvel, which was held by a Bijapuri captain named Kesari Sinh, who lost his life in the encounter. Thereupon Shivaji personally went up the fort and discovered at a certain spot a hidden treasure in large vessels full of *mohars*, *hons* and gold bars. Kesari Sinh’s mother and two children were at the same time taken, hiding from fear of Shivaji. He, however, went to the lady, prostrated himself before her as if she were his own mother, gave her a Palki to ride in and sent her to her native residence at Deulgaon under his own escort. The dead bodies of Kesari Sinh and others who had fallen in defending the fort, were cremated with due rites and honours. Such treatment given to the vanquished foe spread to distant places Shivaji’s fame as a benevolent ruler.

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From the north Konkan district, Shivaji at once turned towards the south *via* Chiplun right on to Rājāpur and still further on as far as Sondhā, personally inspecting the country he traversed, and acquainting himself with its defensive and financial capacities. After finishing his tour he returned to his headquarters at Rajgad. He seems to have decided after this inspection that the west coast should form the most convenient base for his future operations. His eyesight was as keen as that of a hawk. He quickly discerned the value of situations, characters and objects and formed his plans as best suited for his purpose.

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4. Administrative measures.—In his plan of conquest and expansion, Shivaji was particularly careful to make his rule agreeable and beneficial to the people who came under it, by means of equal and speedy justice, by fresh avenues of honourable work in life, and by relieving the miseries of the poor. Wanton plunder and exploitation were rigidly put down. He fully pressed into his service the available capacities of his people, which he had an almost inborn genius to detect. Writes his courtier Sabhāsad, “People are happy when they get wealth, the country can be held through a line of forts, and in this way is a kingdom built up. The best line for the defence of the Deccan lands is the Sahyadri range, the inhabitants of which are expert in climbing hills through torrents of rain, through dense forests and difficult passes. From amongst these Shivaji picked up his helpmates, Mavlas from the Deshmukhs and the Deshpandes, and raised them to positions of honour.

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Through their local connections, Shivaji negotiated the capture of forts, sometimes by offering bribes or other inducements, at other times by taking advantage of existing dissensions among the defenders. More often, clever tactics were resorted to, as for instance, introducing into the forts his own men with heavy bundles of hay on their heads carried for sale, in which arms were secretly concealed. In this way many forts were easily secured and placed in charge of trusted keepers. The Maharaj was extremely kind to his men and solicitous of their welfare. People flocked to him in thousands. Honest workers were amply rewarded. Those that proved dishonest and treacherous were carefully weeded out and punished. Thus a strong contrast between the methods of his government and those of the Muslims, became quickly apparent. Under the latter rich men were openly plundered; while Shivaji protected them from harm.”

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As the administrative work increased, new appointments were made. Nilo Sondev, brother of Ābāji the Governor of Kalyan, was made Muzmudar. Ānāji Datto was made Surnis or Sachiv. Gangu Mangāji was appointed Waqenavis; Mānkoji Dahātonde the Surnobat of cavalry died and in his place was appointed Netāji Pālkar. But more than all, the services of a most faithful and capable Secretary Bālāji Āvji were obtained for the office of his Chitnis. Bālāji was indeed an acquisition. For now Shivaji had to depend for the prompt and proper transmission of his orders upon a trustworthy and devoted secretary. Such a one was found in Bālāji. His father Avji Chitre and his brothers held high positions under the Siddis of Janjira on the west coast. The family came to be disgraced and severely punished by the Siddis on account of some supposed derelictions of duty. Āvji's brother was put to death and his wife Gul Bai and children ordered to be exiled to Maskat. Gul Bai proved a clever woman; as she and her children sailed in a ship from Janjira proceeding to Maskat, she managed by bribing the Captain to be disembarked at the port of Rājāpur, where her brother Visāji Shankar, a respectable trader, purchased her and the children as slaves by paying to the Captain the amount he demanded for them. Gul Bai had three sons, Bālāji, a fairly grown up lad, and two younger ones Chimāji and Shyāmji. Bālāji wrote a nice hand and was brought up by his uncle and initiated into his business. The three brothers and their mother changed their names and lived in hiding at Rājāpur for fear of being discovered and ill-used by the Siddis. When Shivaji happened to visit Rājāpur about the year 1658 Bālāji contrived to meet him, related his troubles and begged to be saved from the Siddis’ wrath. Shivaji readily agreed, being delighted to have an opportunity of serving the Hindu cause, and took the whole family under his protection. They amply repaid these favours by faithful service through generations.

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Once the main principles of Shivaji’s policy are fully grasped, no fair-minded critic can accuse him of wanton aggression against the Mussalmans as a class. To him both the Adil Shah and the Emperor of Delhi were exactly alike. To protect the Hindus in their own land and to secure them full liberty to practise their religion in the way they liked, were Shivaji’s aims, and when these were opposed he exacted full retribution. But even in doing this, he exhausted all peaceful methods before coming to an open conflict. In the beginning he was absolutely friendly towards Aurangzeb. In fact during the early career of Shivaji Aurangzeb was an unknown quantity. Nobody could then foresee that he would become an Emperor and that he would be such a fanatic as to hunt down the Hindus and their religion in the way he did. He unnecessarily started aggression against Bijapur in 1656 and against Golkonda in 1657 and for the first time attracted notoriety for wanton interference in the affairs of the Deccan Sultanates. His character came to be thoroughly exposed next year (1658), when he imprisoned his father, deceived his brothers, snatched the throne for himself and perpetrated atrocities against his eldest brother Dara Shukoh. These events created a stir throughout the land, so that Shivaji later on considered it his duty to resist Aurangzeb’s wicked policy with all the means he could collect, including the plunder of Surat. But up to 1656 at any rate, Shivaji’s relations with Aurangzeb were by no means hostile. We must read and follow history chronologically without allowing later events to warp our judgment in dealing with earlier ones.

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As soon as Aurangzeb led an expedition against Bijapur after Muhammad Adil Shah’s death, Shivaji sent his foreign minister Sonopant to Aurangzeb offering to join the Mughals in their war against Bijapur, provided that he was allowed to acquire the territories of the Konkan with all the forts situated therein for his *swarajya*. Sonopant returned with a confirmation of his request and Shivaji at once invaded those lands. He gauged rightly that in the dissolution of Bijapur, the Marathas had a better claim to their homelands than the distant Mughals. Shivaji did not spare even the Mughal possessions of Junnar and Ahmadnagar so contiguous to Poona and so essentially Maratha in character. In 1657 he suddenly fell upon Junnar, his own birth-place, and carried away gold, jewellery and horses. His armies proceeded further on towards Ahmadnagar plundering the intervening country right up to the gate of that old capital. The strong garrison of Ahmadnagar happily saved the town itself. Aurangzeb took prompt measures to prevent fresh molestation on the part of Shivaji. Fearing further chastisement Shivaji sent his ambassador Krishnāji Bhāskar to Aurangzeb in order to explain away the past deeds and urge his claim to the Bijapur districts of north Konkan.

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Fortunately for Shivaji Aurangzeb at this moment became extremely uneasy on account of the news he had received of his father having fallen dangerously ill. He hastily prepared to go to the north with all the troops he could collect and contest the throne. He kept the news of his father’s illness a close secret and administered especially grave warning to the Bijapur authorities to restrain Shivaji with all their might, telling them if at all his services were considered needful, he should be employed in the distant field of the Karnatak like his father Shahji.

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Aurangzeb left Aurangabad on 25 January 1658 and crowned himself Emperor at Delhi in the following July. Shah Jahan remained in confinement at the fort of Agra, which Aurangzeb did not visit during his father’s life-time. When Shah Jahan died on 22 January 1666, Aurangzeb entered Agra and took his seat on the peacock-throne for the first time in the following May, when Shivaji paid him his famous visit.

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As soon as Aurangzeb grasped the imperial power, he appointed his maternal uncle Shaista Khan, a trustworthy and valiant general, to the government of the Deccan, with special instructions to prevent Shivaji from doing mischief. Shaista Khan arrived at Aurangabad in January 1660. These events in the north and their dates in particular must be borne in mind if we are to follow Shivaji’s doings in the south, after 1658.

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We have already seen that during the latter part of 1657 and the whole of 1658, Shivaji was busy consolidating his position in north and south Konkan, exactly adjoining his paternal jagir above the Ghats which he had formed into an independent State. The Sahyadri range has many tortuous passes and valleys through which Shivaji kept up easy and safe communication from the upcountry to the coast. As these passes were not then very well-known nor used by large armies, Shivaji conducted his affairs without molestation from his enemies. The territory of north Konkan was then divided from that of south Konkan by the creek known as the Vashisthi river, which runs from Chiplun to Dabhol. The country north of this river right up to Bassein, formed part of the old kingdom of Ahmadnagar and was handed over to the Adil Shah by the treaty of 1636. The lands south of the Vashisthi river already belonged to Bijapur and formed part of a jagir assigned to Rustam-i-Zaman. Shivaji’s growing prestige along the whole coast from Kalyan to Vingorla with Dabhol and Vijayadurg as fortified bases, excited the jealousy of this Rustam-i-Zaman and of the other powers such as the Siddis of Janjira and the European traders, with their factories on the coast.

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The Siddis purchased Shivaji’s friendship by handing over to him their posts of Tala, Ghosala and Rairi, of which Shivaji personally took possession during his southern tour early in 1658. Thereupon Shivaji visited the shrine of Hareshvar and proceeded to Rājāpur with a view to helping the Sāvant of Kudal whom Rustam-i-Zaman had attacked during the summer of 1658. This Sāvant was also a scion of the Bhosle family and in his extremity had appealed to Shivaji for help. Shivaji then personally toured the whole region of south Konkan and established his post at Rājāpur. Friendly negotiations took place between Shivaji and the Sāvant, whose envoy Pitāmbar Shenvi visited Shivaji and concluded with him a formal treaty of mutual friendship and help on 5th March 1659. The Sāvant from now onward practically remained a faithful ally of the Chhatrapatis, although their relations were occasionally disturbed by extraneous circumstances. During these negotiations Shivaji visited Kudal, where he purchased a fine sword of European make for 300 hons and named it the ‘*Bhavani*’. He successfully used it in many an encounter. It was with this sword that he killed Afzal Khan a few months later.³

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³ It is still in the possession of his descendants at Satara.

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This many-sided activity of Shivaji discloses his singular capacity. His vigilant eye roamed everywhere far and near. Early in his career he visualized the necessity of a strong navy with suitable bases for its location to protect his newly-formed kingdom. The first naval fort he built was Vijayadurg which was commenced in 1653, the next was Suvarnadurg constructed in 1660, Sindhudurg or Malvan came into being in 1664, and the last great naval post was Kolaba which he finished just before his death in 1680. It is obvious from this that Shivaji’s naval effort was both earnest and continuous, and in his opinion the most valuable means of protecting and expanding his kingdom. Says Dr. Sen⁴:--

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⁴ *Military History of the Marathas*, p. 173 and on.

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“The coast lines of the Konkan broken by many creeks offered excellent shelter for ships and the rocky islands near the coast presented invulnerable sites for naval strongholds. Once in secure possession of the Konkan, Shivaji early realized the necessity of a strong fighting fleet. The peace and prosperity of his *raj* demanded it. It was not his aim to secure the freedom of the seas against the world. He was quite content to share the sovereignty with his neighbours. On 16 August 1659 the Governor of Goa wrote to the King of Portugal, ‘Shivaji has made himself master of the lands near Bassein and Chaul and built some ships of war at Bhivandi, Kalyan, and Panvel.” The Mughal Emperors had criminally neglected this vital subject.

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From the Konkan we must now turn our attention to the uplands.

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5. Afzal Khan’s end.—How far Shivaji expected smooth-sailing in his efforts to build up an independent kingdom for the essentially Maratha lands it is difficult to say, but he certainly kept himself prepared for any eventuality. It was too much to expect the Court of Bijapur, however decadent, to relinquish possession of the Maratha territories which had been earned by centuries of heroic endeavour, without making an attempt to save them from this upstart. The Bijapur Government was now indeed in a sad plight, what with Mughal aggression and what with the sudden rise of Shivaji in his homeland. Muhammad Shah’s queen Badi-sahiba was then managing the State affairs in the name of her young son Ali. Sometime ago Shahji was asked to restrain his son from encroaching upon the Adil-Shahi lands. He replied that he was not responsible for his son’s conduct and that the Bijapur Government might take any steps it liked against him. The power of Bijapur was now practically collapsing, and even its Muslim nobles had turned disloyal. Shahji alone stood by his master during these critical times. This is clearly proved by a recently discovered *farman* addressed to Shahji on 27 May 1658, which states, “We are satisfied with your explanation that you cannot restrain your son and that you are not responsible for his acts. We have therefore restored to you all your jagir at Bangalore together with all the honours and titles which you formerly held.”¹ This document also proves how powerless the Bijapur Government was against Shivaji’s aggressions, which went on steadily increasing after Aurangzeb’s departure from the Deccan; and none of the various other nobles of Bijapur would undertake the chastisement of Shivaji. Afzal Khan alone volunteered for that hazard.

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¹ 5. House of Shivaji, p. 87.

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Afzal Khan’s name has often been mentioned before in connection with Shahji’s affairs. He was reported to be an illegitimate son of the late Muhammad Shah, his mother having been a cook in the royal kitchen. He had distinguished himself in the Karnatak wars, but the Bijapur State had by now come to be dismembered, the Maratha lands being seized by Shivaji and the Karnatak lands by his father. It, therefore, became a matter of life and death for Bijapur to put down Shivaji. Afzal Khan entertained a long-standing inveterate antipathy towards Shahji and his sons. The resources of Bijapur were, however, scanty and it was rightly felt that Shivaji could not be easily overcome in the difficult regions which he had occupied. The Bijapur Queen, therefore, secretly advised Afzal Khan to lull Shivaji’s suspicions by pretending friendship or by any other method that could be employed in order to have him captured alive or dead. Afzal Khan hardly needed this reminder. His treacherous conduct towards Kasturirang Naik of Shira was notorious throughout the land. He, therefore, in his vanity readily accepted the task of humbling Shivaji by fair means or foul, reckless of the consequences.

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After the conquest of Jāvli Shivaji was occupied in strengthening his position in the vicinity of Wāi. He had built Pratāpgad where he was supposed to have his main residence, treasure and stores. Afzal Khan too was intimately acquainted with the Wai district of which he had long been the governor. He started from Bijapur in September 1659 with a select army of twelve thousand and travelling via Pandharpur, the Mahadev Hills and Maladi, arrived at Rahimatpur and purposely behaved as a ruthless fanatic by desecrating Hindu temples and idols to give his expedition a stern and vengeful appearance. He particularly demolished the famous temples of Tulzāpur and Pandharpur out of spite for Shivaji. At Malavdi he wreaked his wrath against Bajāji Nimbālkar who had recently been reconverted to Hinduism at the instance of Shivaji and his mother.

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Afzal Khan’s movements were being closely watched by Shivaji from Rajgad. He soon decided to give him battle in the surroundings of Wāi and Jāvli, which were full of lofty hills and impenetrable valleys, and took up his residence along with his mother at Pratāpgad above the mountain pass of Parghat west of Mahabaleshvar. When the Khan learned that Shivaji was at Pratāpgad, he came straight against him to Wāi and there formed his camp in October, this place being about 16 miles due east of Pratāpgad, with the high plateau of Mahabaleshvar between. The Khan’s vandalism and wanton atrocities had roused such strong feelings of hatred and wrath against him in the minds of the common people, that he lost all local sympathy and help. By the middle of October the two opponents stood facing each other, the one to the east at Wāi, the other to the west at Pratāpgad, each meditating upon the best means of overcoming the other.

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The fort of Pratāpgad perched on an inaccessible narrow hill-top, was not at all suited for an open fight such as the Khan could offer, nor was it possible for him to move his large army in mass to the vicinity of that fort. Shivaji remained entirely on the defensive securely seated on the hill-top like an eagle watching for an opportunity to fall upon its prey. The Khan, on the other hand, was devising methods to draw out Shivaji from his perch for a personal meeting, with the object of getting his enemy under his clutches without recourse to an open fight. Thus a personal meeting became an inevitable objective for both of them. As Shivaji could not avoid it, how to make such a personal meeting successful became the serious thought both to Shivaji and the Khan each day that passed. In vain might the Khan keep his large army under harness for any length of time and produce no result, nor could Shivaji endure an interminable strain. Shivaji’s ingenious brain alone could dissolve the situation; no outside means was available.

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As Shivaji remained entirely on the defensive and bided his time, it was Afzal Khan who became impatient to start talks for alluring Shivaji into a personal visit under the pretext of arranging an amicable settlement. For this he had to select a convenient agent, one who knew Shivaji and who would loyally help the Khan in bringing about a personal meeting. Krishnāji Bhāskar, the Kulkarni of Wāi, whose descendants are still living there, and who owed everything to the Bijapuri Government, was induced by Afzal Khan to take up the mission. He was asked to assure Shivaji of the Khan’s high regard and great friendship for him and his family and bring him over to Wāi for a personal exchange of views. It was suggested that if Shivaji willingly offered to submit to the Shah’s authority, he would be cordially received and highly promoted in the Adilshahi service like his father, that it was quite possible that his own ambitions and the interests of the Bijapur Government could be mutually adjusted to the satisfaction of both.

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The Khan’s game clearly was to inveigle Shivaji into the Muslim Camp, so that means could be easily found to detain him and carry him in chains to Bijapur, or encompass his ruin in some other way. The plan was quite transparent to a man of Shivaji’s keenness, particularly as the Khan’s views, his present professions and past conduct were matters of common knowledge.

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So Krishnāji Pant came on a mission to meet Shivaji at Pratāpgad on behalf of the Khan and performed his part quite loyally and dexterously. Shivaji saw through the trap that was being laid for him. He, however, betrayed no impatience or acerbity on his part and professed cordial submission, expressing withal a filial reverence towards the Khan, whom he requested to extricate him (Shivaji) out of the awkward situation into which his reckless conduct had launched him. Shivaji, however, was in no hurry to push up the business, and thought it prudent to lengthen out the negotiations and professed his utter helplessness to cope with the Khan’s preparations and his extreme fear of venturing into the Khan’s camp.

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Shivaji lavished the utmost attention and comfort on the Khan’s ambassador Krishnāji Bhāskar and had long talks with him. He appealed to the Brahman’s religious instinct to further the great work he had undertaken of Hindu revival, and asked for his help in defeating the plot of the Khan. Krishnāji, although convinced of Shivaji’s noble intentions, stood firmly honest in his master’s service. He had not fathomed the Khan’s inner motives. He was well entertained at Pratāpgad and was persuaded to explain to the Khan that Shivaji confessed his inability to fight with such a large force, that he now repented of the follies he had committed, and that if the Khan would pardon him and spare his life, he would readily hand back all the territory he had seized. With these professions Krishnāji Bhāskar returned to Wāi accompanied by Shivaji’s agent Pantāji Gopināth to explain matters fully and arrange details for a personal meeting of the two principals. Through this Pantāji Pant Shivaji cleverly turned the Khan’s game against him. Pantāji urged, if the Khan’s professions of amity and cordiality were honest, why should he not trust Shivaji as well and come fearlessly to meet him at Pratāpgad, where no troop movements were practicable for either party. Pantāji Gopināth was a devoted adherent of Shivaji, adept in discovering secrets by means of covert tactics and clever insinuations. With him was an expert spy of Shivaji named Vishvās Rao Nānāji, who, disguised as a fakir, roamed about the Khan’s camp begging and praying and collected valuable information of the Bijapuri plans and arrangements. In this way frequent messages and messengers passed between Wāi and Pratāpgad, enabling Shivaji to gather full details of the situation and form suitable plans for overcoming his opponent.

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The Khan was entirely lulled into the belief that he could easily gain his object without recourse to open fight. Most of the Deshmukhs in those parts were being led by Kānhoji Jedhe and turned hostile to Afzal Khan. The Khopde Deshmukh alone was unfriendly to Kānhoji, having openly sided with Afzal Khan and promised to him that he would manage to capture Shivaji alive.⁵ Under these circumstances the Khan directed his efforts to inducing Shivaji somehow to come out. He spread out his troops through all the open spaces of the district with instructions to capture Shivaji if he ventured out. Shivaji was fully alive to these plans, being well posted with timely news of every move of his enemy. He stationed his own select bands in various secret recesses unobserved by the enemy and ready for any emergency. Pantāji Gopināth with his sweet tongue and animated asseverations managed to induce the Khan to come to the foot of the Pratāpgad fort for a meeting with Shivaji. The Khan was quite confident of his superior personal strength. Pantāji Pant assured the Khan that once they met, Shivaji would follow him wherever he was wanted. In this way a meeting was finally agreed upon in a situation and under conditions in which Shivaji became the master and the Khan the dupe.

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⁵ Raj. 15.302.

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Minutely observant as Shivaji was, he foresaw every possible contingency and prepared for it in advance. He selected the spot for the meeting, at the base of the rampart where now stands a splendid tomb built recently by the Nizam of Hyderabad. A highly ornamented and attractive bower of woodwork was erected where the two were to meet and greet each other. Shivaji made lavish arrangements for the food and comfort of his guests. Only one path was cleared through the dense forest from the foot of the Parghat to go up to the place of the meeting. All other byepaths were made impassable by putting in obstacles of felled trees. The Khan’s people freely came, inspected the spot and convinced themselves that all was perfect. There was nothing to rouse suspicion. The Khan was to come fully armed and in his own palanquin with a personal following of 1500 bodyguards; but even these could not all be accommodated at the hill-top. They remained scattered guarding the spot. Lest Shivaji might take fright and not come at all to the meeting, the Khan’s party was reduced to the minimum with only two armed servants alongside of him. Even then the whole plan was obviously more dangerous to Shivaji than to the Khan, then about 20 years older than the former. Shivaji was to have no servant with him inside the tent and certainly no visible arms. The two Brahman ambassadors, Krishnāji Pant for the Khan and Pantāji Pant for Shivaji, were to be present for helping the initial introduction and the expected discussion.

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That Shivaji was prepared for the worst is evident from the fact that he had made arrangements for his work being continued in a systematic manner, in case he was killed or taken away as a captive. Jaja Bai, Anāji Datto, and Bālāji Āvji remained in the fort above when Shivaji left it, walking down to meet his guest.⁶

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⁶ The following message was delivered before parting : "We have taken up the challenge, (होऊ); God wills it. If it proves adverse for me, you should destroy the enemy without fear and protect the rai."

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Thursday 10th November 1659 (Margashirsha Shukla 7 of Shak 1581) was fixed for this eventful meeting. The time probably was the afternoon between three and four o'clock. During the morning Shivaji finished his daily worship of the Bhavāni, had his breakfast, put on his dress with an iron cuirass of chains under his coat, and a metal cap over his skull inside the turban, and a long white flowing robe over all with broad long sleeves which probably covered a short sword in one hand and tiger-claws⁷ on the fingers of the other. When all was ready he received the blessings of his mother and started.

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⁷ A scorpion-like weapon, बिच्छू says Sambhāji in his dānapatra.

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The Khan had already arrived and was in his seat, when Shivaji came in and was announced by Krishnāji Bhāskar. As Shivaji walked in, the Khan rose up and embraced him, tightly gripping him with his left arm and stabbing him with a dagger. Shivaji with perfect presence of mind thrust his short sword and the tiger-claws into the Khan’s huge body, ripping open the bowels and bringing him instantly down to the ground. The whole affair was finished in a moment. The Khan’s servants rushed forth to save their master, but were cut down by Shivaji’s bodyguard. The two Brahman diplomats were dumb-founded. The body of the Khan was placed in the palanquin by the bearers, but as they started to carry it away, they were attacked and disabled. Shivaji’s men severed the Khan’s head, carried it up to the fort and exhibited it on a high mast from the topmost bastion. The preconcerted signal was at once given and the concealed Maratha soldiers rushed out from their holes, cutting every Bijapuri trooper that came in their way.

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This in the main is the outline of what took place on this memorable occasion. There are ever so many details added in ballads and tradition as the result of the free play of popular fancy all over the country, that it is difficult to separate the grain from the chaff. The event has stirred Maratha hearts to their depths now for two hundred and fifty years.⁸

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⁸ Afzal Khan’s ballad composed and sung by Ajnāndas has been printed, in which the author says he was sent for from Poona by Jija Bai to Pratāpgad and was ordered to sing the glorious achievement of her son. In those days this was the only means of publishing such events. Ajnāndas says he composed the ballad and so impressed Jija Bai and Shivaji with its recitation that they rewarded him with two lbs. of gold ingot and a horse. The piece stirs our heart even to-day and contains many details which may be taken as accurate. Any way this is the only extant record of that memorable incident. The writer has used the words "Chhatrapati" and "Maharaj" for Shivaji. He describes him as one out of whose tank all animals have their drink in peace. Religious fanaticism is attributed to Afzal Khan. A very readable English translation in verse is published by Acworth.

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Those who have visited the locality with its dark winding paths up the hill can well realize the woe that befell the huge Bijapurian army scattered through the pathless valleys on that short November evening with the bright half-moon just glimmering and exposing the bewildered Muslims to the swords of the nimble Maratha soldiery rushing out of the woods to prevent their escape. The battle if it could be so called is known as the battle of Pratāpgad. Netāji Pālkar, Moropant Pingle, Kānhoji Jedhe and several others had their appointed places and assigned tasks, pre-arranged according to plan, which were accurately executed. Shivaji had given strict injunctions to all to spare those of the enemy who would willingly surrender, and avoid bloodshed as much as possible. On the next day Shivaji attacked the Khan's main camp at Wāi where his son Fazl Khan was in charge with probably more than half the original army. Fazl Khan was routed and saved his life by flight. Two other sons of Afzal Khan, Rustam-i-Zaman and several distinguished nobles were captured along with an amount of plunder in animals and valuables worth about 10 lacs in all.

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This Afzal Khan episode once again proves the decline of the state of Bijapur. In the long run murder does not pay. Muhammad Gawān, Chānd Bibi, Lukhji Jādhav, Murār Jagdev and many others were murdered in cold blood under Muslim Governments. What good these murders availed, history has not been able to pronounce. Very recently in Bijapur itself the Vazir Khan-i-Muhammad and after him Bahlolkhan met the same fate at the hands of the Queen Dowagar Badi Sahiba. Shivaji abhorred wanton murders, and would not have killed Afzal Khan if he could have helped it. While it is perfectly true that he was prepared for any eventuality, he was forced to extreme measures in self-defence and would have gladly spared Afzal Khan if possible. It would have been the height of folly if he had gone to the meeting unprepared.

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6. Panhala invested, Shivaji escapes.—Shivaji was perfectly aware that the death of Afzal Khan was only the beginning of a long-drawn struggle and that it was necessary for him to follow up his victory till the Bijapur ghost should be fully laid. He despatched Anaji Datto with a large force and captured Panhālā, the capital of the western Adilshahi district, through negotiation on 28th November, that is, within 18 days of Afzal Khan’s death. Panhālā and the surrounding district of Kolhāpur, Vasantgad, Khelnā, Rangnā and other minor forts quickly surrendered. At this time Shivaji named Khelnā Vishālgad. The district of Kolhāpur and the forts of Panhālā and Vishālgad had been long assigned to Rustam-i-Zaman as his charge. He was now joined by Fazl Khan who had escaped from Wāi after his father’s death, and the two nobles came to oppose Shivaji at Panhālā. They were defeated on 28th December 1659 by Shivaji and were pursued almost to the gates of Bijapur. Netāji Pālkar and other generals of Shivaji plundered the towns of Raibag, Gadag and Laksmes-hvar with the intervening country. By the end of January 1660 Shivaji was back at Rājgad with a huge amount of booty.

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In his extremity the Adilshah called to his side Siddi Jauhar, his viceroy in charge of the province of Karnool and induced him to undertake the task of subjugating Shivaji and bringing him to submission. Siddi Jauhar was at this time given the title of Salabat Khan. Bāji Ghorpade, Rustam-i-Zaman, Fazl Khan and several others joined the Siddi and a large number of troops came against Panhālgad. The Siddi of Janjirā and the Sāvant of Wādi were induced to work against Shivaji simultaneously. Shivaji too prepared to face the enemy and took up his residence at Panhālgad with the object of personally directing the defence. The Bijapurians besieged the fort, giving rise to determined warfare on both sides for some time since May 1660. Kadtoji Gujar conducted the defence of Panhālā under Shivaji’s direction, and the Sar-naubat, Netāji Pālkar, remained outside to harass the enemy and devastate his outlying territories so as to stop supplies and reinforcements reaching the besiegers.

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Salabat Khan was a resourceful commander. He pressed the siege with vigour and contrived soon to make Shivaji’s position perilous. Jija Bai at Rajgad learned that the siege of Panhālā was being hard-pressed against Shivaji and feeling extremely anxious about his safety, called Netāji Pālkar to her side and chided him for his indifference in the matter of relieving the siege of Panhālā. Parmānand has eloquently described Jija Bai’s interview with Netāji, who assured her that all would be well.

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Salabat Khan in the meantime approached the English factors of Rājāpur for ammunition and some English gunners, who could create havoc among the defenders of Panhāla. Revington, the Chief of the factory with his assistants Mingham and Gifford came with an efficient heavy gun and ammunition to the help of Salabat Khan. This European gunnery proved highly effective and made Shivāji's position altogether untenable. This wanton interference of the English merchants of Rājāpur rightly gave offence to Shivaji and made him take to reprisals with serious consequences for the English as will be noticed later.

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At this very moment when Shivaji was hard-pressed at Pānhālā, another serious danger appeared against him in the north. Shaista Khan, the renowned Mughal Commander, who had been appointed Governor of the Deccan, arrived at Ahmadnagar. At the end of February 1660 he left Ahmadnagar and established his hold on Poona and Bārāmati and pushed right up to Shirval towards south in April, when Shivaji was surrounded at Pānhālā. Shaista Khan concluding that this was the best opportunity for him to reduce Shivaji's northern possessions and thereby to bring about his complete ruin, retraced his steps, occupied Poona in May taking up his residence in Shivaji's palace of Lāl Mahāl. In August he wrested Chākan from its valiant Commander Phirangoji Narsālā. Shivaji thus found himself almost crushed between two huge grinders. But it is only at such critical moments that Shivaji's genius shone at its brightest and proved his mettle. At this time he sent his capable minister Sonopant Dabir to Shaista Khan begging for terms of settlement and at any rate to soften the Khan's bitterness towards him. The Khan was almost inclined to abate his rigour towards Shivaji knowing very well how difficult it was for his troops to conduct a war in the difficult tract of the western hills. In the meantime the situation was reported to Aurangzeb, who urged Shaista Khan not to accept Shivaji's word but to prosecute the war relentlessly and destroy his power finally. For this purpose the Emperor ordered Jashwant Sinh from Gujarat to proceed against Shivaji's possessions and reinforce Shaista Khan. Shivaji well understood what he could have to expect from the Mughals in future, and for the moment concentrated his attention on the best way of removing the pressure against Panhālā.

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New History of the Marathas v1.c9: Chapter V

Chapter V

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