New History of the Marathas v2.c27: Chapter XVIII. Maratha Misconduct, Abdali's Grip Tightens [1754-1757]

New History of the Marathas v2.c27

Language: English

Chapter XVIII. Maratha Misconduct, Abdali's Grip Tightens [1754-1757]

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1 Raghunathrao before Kumbher. 2 The Emperor murdered. 3 Raghunathrao's mismanagement. 4 The Rathor War, murder of Jayappa. 5 Abdali invited. 6 Atrocities in Delhi. 7 Abdali's triumphant return.

1. Raghunathrao before Kumbher.—At Poona the course of events was not all running smooth. The Peshwa's plan of installing a friendly Ghazi-ud-din on the seat of the Nizam, fell through on account of that grandee's sudden murder. Sindia and Holkar had both been estranged in that transaction, as they had gained nothing for all the troubles and labours they had so long undergone. Jayappa Sindia and Malharrao Holkar, were openly hostile to each other. The Peshwa had fixed his attention long since on the conquest of the Karnatak : as he was no soldier himself, he always needed to have by his side some reliable person who could discharge efficiently the duties of a general. Such a person was his cousin Sadashivrao Bhau, who possessed both a stern and valiant character, but whose independent and unyielding temperament the Peshwa always feared. So when during the monsoon of 1753 urgent calls came to the Peshwa from Delhi, he made a choice which in the end proved fatal. He knew his brother Raghunath then 18 years old, was not capable of controlling difficult situations and divergent elements. But the recent conquest of Ahmadabad was to his credit, and the Peshwa deputed him to proceed to the north with Sindia and Holkar ; and himself marched into the Karnatak with Sadashivrao Bhau. The author of the latter's bakhar thus criticizes this move :—

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"While Balajirao's reputation as a ruler was rising like the second moon in the Maratha State, his evil stars committed him to a wrong step in that he deputed Raghunathrao to gain his first experience in the north.” This proved a fatal step.¹

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¹ “ बाळाजीपंत प्रधान बीजेच्या चंद्राप्रमाणें चढते केलें तें राज्य करीत असतां. पुढें विनाशकाले येणार भविष्य आलें, तेव्हां कलह लागण्यास कारण झालें कीं रघुनाथराव प्रथम स्वारीस हिंदुस्थानांत पाठविले.” भा० ब० पृ० ४

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At this time Raghunathrao had with him most of the rising stars of the next generation, Sakharam Bapu, Chinto Vithal, Mahipatrao Chitnis, Shamsher Bahadur, Trimbakrao Pethe, Ramchandra Ganesh, Krishnarao Kale, Naro Shankar, Vithal Shivdev and Babuji Naik. They crossed the Narmada on 5th October 1753, and proceeding straight via Indore and Ujjain through the Mukundara pass, reached Jaipur in December having collected arrears of tribute on the way and overawed the Rajput chiefs. Govindpant Bundele joined the expedition from Bundelkhand.

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There was hardly any particular objective for the Marathas at this time. The war for which they were so urgently invited had been closed, and now the presence of the large Maratha armies in the north was considered quite a nuisance, as they had to exact their subsistence from the inoffensive and hapless populace. In such circumstances unexpected hostilities with the Jat Raja of Bharatpur arose and were blindly welcomed by the Maratha leaders, as nothing better was then before them to occupy their energies. Surajmal Jat a valiant and powerful chief, ruled at Bharatpur possessing Kumbher and other fortified posts as strong bases. He had been the prominent supporter of Safdar Jang in the late civil war, and, although formally pardoned by the Emperor, was an object of bitter hatred to the Delhi Court and to the wicked Ghazi-ud-din the second, who now determined to punish him for his audacity. The Marathas had been recently granted the subahs of Agra and Ajmere in which they intended to establish their actual hold. The Subah of Agra was an object of greed to Surajmal, as it lay contiguous to his own possessions of Bharatpur and Mathura. The Subah of Ajmere was equally prized by the Raja of Marwar and excited the cupidity of Jayappa Sindia.

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Malharrao Holkar sent his son Khanderao and his trusted lieutenant Gangadhar Tatya to Delhi to meet Ghazi-ud-din and arrange plans for the campaign. They reached Delhi on 21st November and decided to conduct a war against the Jat raja. The Emperor not wishing to part with the Subah of Agra tried to conciliate Khanderao Holkar with presents and audiences; but the latter under the advice of Ghazi-ud-din spurned the Emperor's wishes and rejecting the presents returned to his father in January 1754, and hostilities were immediately opened against the Jat, by laying siege to Kumbher where the raja defended himself. Surajmal went to the farthest limit of conciliation in trying to avoid a war. For this purpose he sent his trusted Brahman minister Ruparam Kothari to purchase Maratha friendship offering to pay 40 lacs as the price of peace. Raghunathrao haughtily demanded one crore, upon which the Jat raja returned a small packet of gunpowder and shots in answer. Kumbher was at once invested and a bitter conflict lasted for full four months, January 20 to May 18, 1754. During the operations a chance shot killed Khanderao Holkar on 17th March, causing bitter grief to his father in his old age.²

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² He was cut off in the prime of his life at the age of 30 and his wife the famous Ahalya Bai became a widow. She bore him one son Malrao who later died in 1767. Khanderao had other wives; three of these and seven maids burnt themselves alive on his funeral pyre. Ahalya Bai alone lived at the intense solicitation of her father-in-law Malharrao. Khanderao was certainly brave but was inordinately addicted to drink and dissipation. *Phalke series*, Gwalior 3. 205.

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In his agony Malharrao swore terrible vengeance against the Jats and would accept no compromise. Feelings ran high on both sides. Rani Kishori alias Hassia, the shrewd wife of Surajmal, whose advice he always sought in any difficulty, was well posted with the details of the severe estrangement existing between Malharrao and Jayappa. She won over the latter with gifts and friendly approaches. Jayappa agreed to use his influence and get Raghunathrao to raise the siege. The Jats defended Kumbher so valiantly that the Marathas had no prospect of victory. Malharrao felt extreme mortification at not being able to fulfil his solemn vow. Jayappa insisted that the best course was to come to an understanding with the Jat and end the futile fight, as Kumbher could not be reduced without long range guns which the Emperor possessed but which he refused to lend. Under these circumstances a peace was concluded upon the Jat raja agreeing to pay 30 lacs in three yearly instalments and the Maratha armies left Kumbher on 18th May. Raghunathrao reaped failure.

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2. The Emperor murdered.—Ghazi-ud-din was now the most powerful person controlling the affairs of the Emperor, whom he bitterly hated. He had failed to send the guns to Kumbher, and with the help of the Marathas Ghazi-ud-din prepared to vent his wrath on him. The Emperor now began to repent that he had exchanged Safdar Jang for Ghazi-ud-din. The latter’s troops had received no pay for long, and as the Emperor would not give him funds, he besieged the palace and starved the inmates. Thereafter he crossed the Jumna and plundered several cities of the Doab. Intizam-ud-daula, the nominal Wazir could not help his master or stop Ghazi-ud-din’s mischief. In order to obtain some relief Intizam-ud-daula carried the Emperor to Sikandarabad,³ under pretext of a hunt, there to concert measures for securing help from the Rajput princes, the Jats and even from Safdar Jang. He removed the imperial zanana and their valuables to the same place, which he meant to fortify by bringing over the long range guns of Delhi.

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³ Sikandarabad is now the district of Bulandshahar about 30 miles south of Delhi and 25 miles east of the Jamuna.

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Ghazi-ud-din watched these movements closely and with the help of Malharrao Holkar prepared to overpower the Emperor. The latter reached Sikandarabad on 17th May and the very next day the Maratha-Jat war was closed. Malharrao and Ghazi-ud-din marched together to Mathura with a view to falling upon Delhi, bringing out another Shahzada and deposing Ahmad Shah. This news reached the Emperor on 25th May at Sikandarabad and he became unnerved, and with his mother Udhambai and his favourite Begam Inayatpuri, started at night hurriedly to return to Delhi and entrench himself in the palace.

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As soon as the Emperor’s departure became known to Malika Zamani and other members of the harem (more than 350 all told), they hurriedly loaded their valuables on their elephants and started in a long train for Delhi. The Maratha troops were not far off. They got news of these ladies escaping with their jewels and suddenly fell upon them, on the dark night of 26th May. The ladies were made prisoners and stripped of all their valuables and belongings : the camp of Sikandarabad was plundered of every useful article. When Ghazi-ud-din and Malharrao learned of this outrage on the imperial zanana, they felt ashamed. Malika Zamani called Malharrao to her presence and censured him. He slapped his own face in the Queen’s presence and tried to plead his innocence saying that it was the work of the plundering Pindaries attached to the army. Malharrao caught hold of a few culprits and cut off their heads in her presence. He then collected all the ladies and their goods together and sent them two lacs for their expenses. Although the imperial jewellery was restored, a large stock of the Sikandarabad camp, 500 guns, tents, equippage and gold and silver trappings fell into Maratha hands. Ghazi-ud-din himself met Malika Zamani on 28th, fell prostrate before her and asked pardon.

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But while these sad misfortunes were happening in the Doab, a big tragedy was being acted by Ghazi-ud-din and Malharrao near Delhi. Malharrao made some heavy demands upon the Emperor and himself followed to make them good. On 31st May the Emperor gave a written consent to all those demands. The Marathas began to plunder the outskirts of the city. On 1st June the Emperor removed Intizam-ud-daula from the Wazirship and appointed Ghazi-ud-din in his place. The next day a grand Darbar was held in which Ghazi-ud-din declared that Ahmad Shah was unfit to rule. brought out Azz-ud-daula, a grandson of Bahadur Shah, and placed him on the throne, giving him the name of Alamgir II. Ahmad Shah and Udhambai were made prisoners and kept confined. A few days later they were blinded and put to death. Such was the fate ordained for weaklings if they occupied imperial thrones.

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Raghunathrao, Jayappa and other leaders soon after arrived at Delhi. Ghazi-ud-din promised them 82 lacs for their help in this grand revolution : what a contrast with the wise policy which Shahu Raja had followed throughout his long reign! The Maratha name and character henceforth received an indelible stigma.

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3. Raghunathrao’s mismanagement.—Let us now see what Raghunathrao did as the Peshwa’s representative in the north. The new Emperor Alamgir II was now fifty years old, having been born on 6th June 1699. He had spent all his life within the prison walls of the palace and never breathed the free atmosphere of the outside world. He was intensely devoted to his religion after the manner of the great ancestor whose title he now adopted. He entrusted to the Maratha agents (the Hingnes) the work of collecting taxes on pilgrims at Gaya and Kurukshetra, which used to be formerly done by Muslims. A *farman* to this effect was issued on 25th October 1754. The Emperor wished to give over the management of the two holy places Prayag and Benares to the Marathas, but he was powerless in this respect as the places were owned by Safdar Jang. Although strict in religious observances, Alamgir’s habits were licentious enough and he knew no moderation. He directed his lustful eyes on the youthful ladies of the imperial *zanana*.

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Nor did the Emperor possess the nerve to exercise power independently in any affair. Whenever any one approached him with a complaint, he simply pointed to his Wazir. His aim in accepting the imperial dignity was simply to gratify his greed. He had a large family and needed funds for their maintenance and dignity. He had five sons, one daughter, in addition to the six sons of his brother, besides grand-sons and a great-grand-son. Each of these members had a stipend of 30,000 rupees yearly on paper. How to meet this huge expense was his first problem.

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As regards the Wazir Ghazi-ud-din, he was certainly of all the imperial Wazirs the most selfish and unscrupulous; and he lacked vision and a broad outlook. He utilised his talents in a time-serving policy, trying to gain his own ends. He inherited a large fortune from his father, more than a crore as was then reported. He had his own trained army numbering twelve thousand. But he could not gain the loyalty or devotion of his followers. All things considered, his master the new Emperor was ever ready to support him but the Wazir failed to earn his good will. No other Wazir witnessed such confusion, such lack of order and such poverty at the capital and outside, as happened to prevail during his six years of power. His own troops were always in want, never receiving their pay regularly. They tore the clothes off his person and dragged him through the streets of Panipat with such indignity as no other Wazir had ever before experienced. He promised enormous amounts to the Marathas for their help, but never fulfilled his word, so that they would not leave the capital until they received their dues. He would at one moment court the friendship of Najib Khan, at another seek favour from Abdali, but with none did he remain firm and true to his word. When ultimately he murdered the Emperor Alamgir in cold blood in 1759, he lost the confidence of all.⁴

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⁴ Thereafter there was no place where he could safely pass his remaining long life. Later on the Peshwas had pity on his misfortunes and gave him some lands in Bundelkhand where he with difficulty maintained himself till his death in 1802.

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It was with such a Wazir that Raghunathrao was called upon to deal immediately after the new Emperor was placed on the throne in June 1754. For full five months Raghunathrao remained moving near the capital trying in vain to obtain funds from the Wazir and the Emperor; his huge forces consumed practically all that was available. He ultimately found his position so unbearable that in December he left Delhi and moved into the country of the Rohillas beyond the Jamuna. There he spent two months having holy baths and making pilgrimages to places like Garhmukteshwar. He could get no funds even here. He recrossed the Jamuna and went into Rajputana for collecting tribute and after visiting Kannod, Narnol, Sambhar and other places, reached Pushkar on 3rd March 1755, accompanied by Malharrao Holkar.

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At this time Jayappa Sindia was engaged in operations against Bijaysinh of Marwar. As Raghunathrao had nothing else to occupy him, he offered to join Jayappa: but the latter so strongly resented any interference in a task which he was handling with complete freedom and valour, that he sent a gentle hint to Raghunathrao not to come to Marwar. Raghunath, thus discomfited visited Gwalior which had just been captured by Vithal Shivdev, and finally returned to Poona at the call of the Peshwa.⁵ It will thus be realized that Raghunathrao during his long expedition of nearly two years, September 1753 to August 1755, did nothing important which any subordinate of his could not have done. Govindpant Bundele conveyed to the Peshwa plain sentiments disapproving Raghunathrao’s ways and declaring that unless either the Peshwa himself or Sadashivrao came to the north, the lost ground could not be regained.

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⁵ *Phalke series*, Gwalior 3. 284, 289 &c.

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But the worst legacy that Raghunathrao left behind was the open hostility that he allowed to prevail between Antaji Mankeshvar, the Maratha commandant at Delhi and the Hingne brothers, the diplomatic representatives of the Peshwa at the Imperial Court. He could not reconcile these two chiefs any more than he could the other two, Sindia and Holkar. The origin of such disputes was in the greed of money. Whenever Maratha help was called for, it was the resident ambassador of the Marathas that was first approached, and he in his turn consulted the resident commandant. Hingne was the ambassador and Antaji the commander and each of them tried to utilise the occasion to improve his own monetary prospects. Hingnes also conducted a lucrative banking business, having branches in several outside places. Antaji’s corruption and falsification of accounts became so notorious that the Peshwa issued orders to Sindia in 1759 to have him arrested and sent to Poona for trial. He arrived at Poona just at the time that Bhau Saheb was starting for the Panipat campaign; and the latter had no leisure at the moment to examine the charges against Antaji. He was taken to the north along with the large Maratha armies and dearly paid by his death at Panipat for all his sins.

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4. The Rathor war, murder of Jayappa.— Just as Malharrao Holkar after the death of Sawai Jaysinh obtained an excuse for interfering in the succession dispute of Jaipur, so now came the turn of Jayappa Sindia to interfere in the affairs of Marwar, when its ruler Abhay Sinh died on 10th June 1749, leaving a son Ram Sinh, not a very capable man, who expected to succeed to his father’s throne, but who was set aside by the more valiant and warlike Bakht Sinh, brother of Abhay Sinh. The aggrieved Ram Sinh sought the support of Jayappa Sindia, who had looked for an opening to obtain ascendancy over the Rajput States and levy contributions. Jayappa assured Ram Sinh that he would take up his cause and help him to secure his father’s throne as soon as he became free from other pressing calls. In 1752 Jayappa when on his way to the Deccan escorting Ghazi-ud-din the elder from Delhi (June), made an attempt to help Ram Sinh to the throne; but Jayappa had with him only a small contingent at the time which was easily routed by Bakht Sinh. He was in a hurry to proceed to the south and could not then afford to go to Marwar. During the year 1753 when both Sindia and Holkar accompanied Raghunathrao to the north, Ram Sinh met them near Jaipur and reminded Sindia of his promise to help him to the throne. Raghunathrao agreed to depute Sindia for that purpose as soon as the affair of the war against the Jats at Kumbher would be settled. That affair occupied the Marathas for five months in 1754, and in June of that year Jayappa left for Marwar from Delhi accompanied by Ram Sinh. In the meantime Bakht Sinh had died (21st September 1752) and his young and energetic son Bijay Sinh had succeeded to the rulership of Marwar. Bijay Sinh had stationed himself at Ajmere which Jayappa invested, when the former considering Ajmere unsuited for carrying on prolonged hostilities, fell back upon Merta, about 40 miles northwest. Jayappa immediately followed Bijay Sinh to Merta in August and in a stiff action inflicted a severe defeat on the Rathors on 15th September 1754. Thereupon Bijay Sinh fell back still further north to Nagore another fortified place about 70 miles from Merta. Jayappa pursued him to Nagore and invested that place immediately. This siege of Nagore lasted long for nearly a year and now acquired a unique importance owing to the bitter fighting that raged round it between the Rathors and the Marathas. For a time it became a life and death struggle in that far away corner of sandy desert, where both water and food were scarce. Sindia in the meantime captured Ajmere on 21st February 1755 and expected that Bijay Sinh would submit. But the Rathor King was a man of resources and did not give up the struggle, although he all along kept up the show of negotiating for terms by frequently sending his agents into the Maratha camp. The Marathas got possession of most of the important posts of Marwar, including Jalor in the far south where the accumulated treasures of Bijay Sinh had been secreted, which now fell into Maratha hands. Even Jodhpur was attacked and there remained little hope for the Rathors to continue the struggle.

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Nagore alone held out, as mines proved ineffective in the sandy foundations of the fort.

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With the increase of the summer heat of 1755 the feelings of the combatants at Nagore also ran high, and Bijay Sinh looked out for some stratagem by which he could make short work of his redoubtable antagonist. The Rathor envoys were often coming and going from the fort of Nagore to Sindia’s camp on the Peacock-lake (Taus-sar) about 7 miles distant, for negotiating peace terms. The talks were protracted over months and the party used to be accompanied by large numbers of clerks, accountants and servants. No foul play was suspected by the Marathas. On the morning of Friday 25th July, 1755, the Jodhpur Vakil Bijay Bharati Gosavi, accompanied by Rajsinh Chauhan and Jagneshwar, two of his helpmates, and a number of menials, some of whom were dressed like the Marathas, visited Jayappa’s camp and held long discussions with him over the terms. The discussions were held in a tent in the middle of the open square of his camp, where the cavalry horses were tied in long rows. About 11 o’clock in the morning Jayappa’s bath was ready, which he finished as usual openly seated on a wooden stool. Suddenly two beggars who had been picking up horse-grain in the compound ran at Jayappa, as he was drying his hair with a towel, and stabbed him, wounding him mortally, so that in an hour he died.⁶

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⁶ These assailants had come in the party of the envoys dressed as beggars and watched for a suitable opportunity to get at Jayappa. It was a prearranged and deliberate attempt, not brought about by a sudden provocation produced by the insolence of Jayappa’s language as is alleged by later writers. *Phalke series*, Gwalior 3. 320.

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A great hue and cry was at once raised. The ambassadors and the members of their party were cut to pieces by the infuriated Marathas. Before expiring, Jayappa gave full instructions to his brother Dattaji and son Jankoji for avenging the wrong without being in the least disheartened by his death. Thus fell a valiant Maratha soldier, a victim to the foul play of the Rajputs. Rawat Jait Sinh Sisodia an Udaipur representative residing with Jayappa, who happened to be present at the discussion, was innocently killed in the confusion, as every Rajput was considered succour.

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Dattaji and Jankoji rose to the occasion and nothing daunted conducted the war all the more vigorously, having received speedy reinforcements from the various Maratha captains who were on duty at different places. Antaji Mankeshwar a daring soldier immediately started from Bundelkhand and successfully prevented Madho Sinh of Jaipur and other Rajput parties from reaching Nagore for Bijay Sinh's a suspect.⁷

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⁷ Rajput accounts give a slightly different version of Jayappa's murder, declaring that it was not deliberately plotted in advance, that during the acrimonious discussion, hot words came to be exchanged and Jayappa uttered such insolent and foul language towards the accredited ambassadors, that in the heat of the moment they struck him down in an excited atmosphere. But the presence of armed and disguised assassins in the party of the ambassadors is a complete refutation of the defence put forth by Tod and the Vamsh-Bhaskar.

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Party-feeling between Sindia and Holkar ran so high that there were reports that Jayappa's murder was secretly instigated by Holkar. There is absolutely no proof on this point. But the Peshwa well knew the position of affairs and quickly recalled Malharrao to the south for conducting the war upon Savanur and left a free hand for the Sindia's party to close the Marwar operations with honour and advantage and vindicate the prestige of Maratha arms.

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Jayappa's murder, however, did not avail Bijay Sinh in any way. He was soon brought to his knees mainly by the Sindian arms, although he tried to organize a formidable coalition of northern powers, including the Emperor, his Wazir, Najib-ud-daula, the Rohilla Pathans and others, in order to put down the Marathas. But such a heroic plan was beyond the powers of the Rathor prince. Madho Sinh of Jaipur despatched Anirudh Sinh with a strong force; but he was routed in a pitched battle at Didwana on 16th October 1755; and he soon begged for terms. By the end of the year Bijay Sinh's position became so untenable that submission to Sindia's mercy was his only way of escape. He paid Dattaji a personal visit in January 1756 and agreed to the terms that were imposed. Dattaji too had learnt a bitter lesson and showed wise moderation. Bijay Sinh agreed to pay a fine of 50 lacs, ceded Ajmere and Jalor, and gave his cousin Ram Sinh a half share of his kingdom. Dattaji kept possession of Ajmere and had it strongly garrisoned for defence. He gave away Jalor to Ram Sinh ; but the latter continued to be unfortunate throughout life and died in distress on 3rd September 1772.

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Thus after completing the requirements of a long and disastrous campaign Dattaji and Jankoji left Nagore, came to Ujjain in June and immediately proceeded to Poona. The Peshwa paid them a condolence visit in October at Chambargonda. Malharrao too came there for a visit, but Dattaji declined to receive him. The gulf between Sindia and Holkar widened.

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5. Abdali invited.—Abdali's invasion of 1752 wrought almost as great a havoc upon India as that of Nadir Shah had done twelve years ago. Mir Mannu the Mughal Governor of the Punjab died on 3rd November 1753 and the affairs of the Punjab fell into extreme mismanagement. The principle of hereditary service then prevalent in India, ruined the State. The Emperor instead of at once appointing a capable man to hold the Punjab and guard the frontier securely, allowed Mir Mannu's widow Mughlani Begam to hold her husband's post in the name of an infant son who also died the following year. The Punjab now formed a part of the Afghan Kingdom with its Governor deriving his real power from the Shah of Kabul and not from the Emperor of Delhi. Mughlani Begam in order to retain her infant son in office looked to the Durani Shah for support. Ghazi-ud-din learning of the confusion at Lahore, started with a large force to make his own gain. He reached Sarhind on 7th February 1756 where Adina Beg, a competent Governor of the Doab, came and met him. Ghazi-ud-din sent him to Lahore, captured Mughlani Begam, the widow of the late Subahdar and her young daughter Umda Begam, with all her accumulated treasure and carried them to Delhi, after entrusting to Adina Beg the government of the Punjab. This Mughlani Begam was a woman of loose character, intriguing, and meddlesome, gaining her selfish ends by any unscrupulous means. When later on Abdali came to India she managed to gain his confidence and bring about the ruin of Ghazi-ud-din who had wronged her, thereby affecting Maratha interests in no small measure.

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Malika Zamani and other princely ladies of the Mughal harem came to experience actual starvation through the new Wazir's default of payment. He turned a deaf ear to their incessant pleadings, so that they in despair sent for Najib-ud-daula and held a long consultation with him about the situation. They all agreed that the Wazir was a creature of the Marathas, who had grasped all power, and that the only means of ousting the Marathas was to call Abdali to India. Thereupon Najib-ud-daula acting in the name of the ladies sent urgent and pathetic appeals to Abdali to come immediately to this land. Najib sent his own brother Sultan Khan to meet the Shah at Kabul and bring him with a sufficient force. Mughlani Begam, ousted from her power in the Punjab, wrote to the Shah, "I am ruined by the treachery of Indian chiefs. Goods and cash worth crores lie buried to my knowledge in the palace of my late father-in-law, Wazir Qamrud-din Khan, besides heaps of gold and silver stored inside the ceiling. If you invade India this time, the Indian Empire with all its riches will fall into your hands."7a

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7a Excellent inside glimpses can be gathered from Hari Ram Gupta's recent fascinating publication "Later Mughal History of the Punjab."

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Abdali, however, did not want a war on his hands; and desiring to settle matters amicably he sent his envoy Kalandar Khan to Delhi in October 1756. But Ghazi-ud-din paid no attention to him. So the Shah arrived at Peshawar in November and sent his son Taimur Shah and his general Jahan Khan ahead to capture Lahore. Adina Beg was defeated in a fight and retired, and the Afghans came on conquering and plundering the territory right up to the banks of the Satlaj. On 5th January the Abdali's general Jahan Khan reached Sarhind without the least opposition. When such a state of weakness at Delhi was reported to the Shah at Peshawar, he himself left the place and came by quick marches right towards Delhi. The news of Abdali's sudden advance threw the people of Delhi into extreme consternation. The well-to-do gentry of the city went into the country with their valuables. Many retreated to Mathura thinking themselves safe at that holy place. The Maratha commander Antaji Mankeshwar who was then near Gwalior, was summoned to repair to Delhi quickly. He came immediately with his band of five thousand troops. Woeful was the suffering of those who had left their homes at Delhi. They were robbed by the Jats and wild bandits on the way. The Wazir Ghazi-ud-din was powerless to cope with the situation. He visited Mughlani Begam and humiliated himself before her, to induce her to meet the Shah on the way and arrange for his return on payment of a heavy fine. Upon this Abdali's envoys came to the Wazir on 14th January asking for two crores and all the territory between the Indus and the Satlaj as the price of his return. In the meantime Najib-ud-daula joined Jahan Khan, the commander of Abdali's advance troops at Panipat.

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The wicked Mughlani Begam began to play a double game. As the messenger of the Wazir arrived on a mission of mediation, she attained importance, got ready access to Abdali's counsels and managed to gain her own ends by supplying to the Afghan Shah all kinds of useful and valuable information about the Delhi government and its weakness. He too did not omit to humour her by showing extreme favour to her in order to profit by the information she disclosed of hoarded wealth. She knew men and affairs of Delhi intimately and disclosed full details to the Shah, including the plans and intrigues of the officials, the bankers and wealthy inhabitants and their secret treasures. The Shah was shrewd enough. To gain his own ends he treated her with affectionate favour, calling her his own daughter, and conferring on her the title of Sultan Mirza, as if she were his son. He bestowed on her as jagir the districts of the Jalandar Doab and Kashmir, and also obtained from her full details of the married and unmarried beauties of the Mughal palace and of the outside gentry including Hindus. This was indeed a selfish game of the Shah who arranged his further plans of squeezing wealth on the information he thus obtained.

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6. Atrocities in Delhi.—When news actually arrrived that Abdali was nearing Delhi, the Emperor's Wazir on the 19th January left his palace alone with four servants and saw Abdali's Wazir Shah Wali Khan at his residence. The next day Shah Wali Khan took Ghazi-ud-din to the Shah's audience.

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The Shah scolded Ghazi-ud-din for his incapacity and mismanagement and demanded one crore for confirming him in his post. Ghazi-ud-din replied, he had not even one lac, how could he think of a crore? Abdali next made his formal entry into Delhi on 28th January 1757 and had the Khutba read in his own name. He had with him a force of about 50 thousand troops, of which thirty thousand had come from Afghanistan, and about twenty thousand were new levies made in India.

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The Abdali Shah now started a reign of terror inflicting all kinds of atrocities on the unfortunate residents not only of Delhi but of Mathura and other towns within about a hundred miles radius from the capital. The harrowing accounts of these atrocities are a most painful reading. How much wealth Abdali accumulated it is difficult to say: possibly he himself had no correct idea of it. In addition to what he might have carried away for his own State, most of his followers freely appropriated, whatever they could lay their hands on. A reporter writes “Most peoples’ houses in Delhi were dug up to find hidden treasures. He sent his son escorted by ten thousand troops back to his country with loaded animals of accumulated treasure, choice horses, elephants, camels. People left their homes in huge crowds running for shelter to different localities. The territory round Delhi is now quite desolate. Mathura and Agra have also suffered the same fate. About 20 thousand Marathas and 15 thousand Jats are ready preparing for a conflict. The whole town of Delhi is occupied by the Pathan troops, each one of whom now owns a house occupying it as its real master. Many men have been killed; many women have been ravished; several committed suicide; others drowned themselves to avoid dishonour. All the imperial princesses that were discovered, have been married forcibly to these foreign invaders; every Hindu lady of handsome features was hunted out and taken into some Muslim harem. Najib Khan is appointed to govern the city. Abdali married the Wazir Ghazi-ud-din in his own presence to Umda Begam, daughter of Mughlani. Every house in the city was searched; every individual was examined for his belongings. Every householder was served with a written order to disclose his wealth. Those who resisted suffered terrible hardships. People brought out for sale whatever they possessed, but found no buyers. Several took poison and put an end to their lives. Minute details were supplied to the Shah by Mughlani Begam.”

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Antaji Mankeshwar did what he could to oppose the Shah Abdali’s forces and sent full reports to the Peshwa. The news of the threat from Kabul had been very early received, and the Peshwa had not delayed a moment in despatching Raghunathrao and Holkar to Delhi in November 1756, that is, Abdali from Kabul and Raghunathrao from Poona started just about the same time and should have in the ordinary course faced each other near Delhi, as that city was almost equi-distant from the two bases. If Raghunathrao had moved as rapidly as Abdali did, the danger would have been warded off, at least much lessened. The Peshwa could not send back the Sindias as they had just arrived home after an arduous campaign in Marwar. Holkar probably was not inclined to face Abdali. It was the duty of Raghunathrao to go to Delhi expeditiously for the relief of the Emperor whom the Marathas had agreed to protect against all foreign danger. The Sikhs of the Punjab were Abdali’s enemies, so that a strong Maratha force at or near Delhi would have prevented much of the plunder and atrocities that he committed.⁸

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⁸ P. D. 21, 104, 105, 107, 108.

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7. Abdali’s triumphant return.—Having devastated Delhi for a month and drained out of it as much wealth as he could, the Abdali Shah on 22nd February 1757 sent some of his fanatical generals in different detachments to Mathura and other southern towns sweeping both the banks of the Jumuna. He gave clear orders to his men that “Mathura and other places are holy cities of the Hindus. It is your sacred duty to kill as many non-Muslims as you can and make heaps of their severed heads,” promising that he would pay them Rs. 5 for each head. Mathura had no fortifications and fell an easy victim to the enemy’s ferocious swords. Several houses were burnt down, idols in the temples were broken to pieces and trampled under feet. During the week of the spring festival of the Hindus, (5th to 12th March), the Afghans squirted the blood spray to imitate Hindu gaiety. They plundered Mathura, Brindavan and Gokul and filled the roads literally with corpses. For days together the roads were impassable. Several thousand Hindus were cut down, Jahan Khan alone being responsible for slaying three thousand Bairagis and pilgrims.

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Abdali himself moved from Delhi on 3rd March and advanced as far south as Mathura. He threatened the strong places of the Jat Raja, Dig, Kumbher and others. The Raja kept a watchful attitude, remaining on the defensive. He did not visit the Afghan King but sent his agents to negotiate a fine, at the same time preparing to oppose him if the occasion required it. This threatening demeanour of the Jat deterred Abdali. The Raja was saved from any loss or injury.

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This successful defiance of Abdali by the Jat Raja is sufficiently eloquent, to prove that if Raghunathrao had advanced quickly, much of the havoc could have been prevented. When the Pathans came against Gokul under Abdali himself, four thousand naked Gosavis of that place came to oppose them and fought with such valour that several thousand of his followers were killed. This bitter experience was enough to make Abdali turn his back upon India. He sent Jahan Khan to Agra where also the same cruelties were perpetrated during a fortnight’s siege of that place.

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It was now the end of March and the summer of India with its extreme heat set in. The waters of the Jumuna had practically dried up and what little remained became foul with the decaying corpses; the only source of drinking water for the people being thus contaminated, a terrible epidemic of cholera started in the ranks of Abdali, nearly 200 deaths taking place daily. He wisely retraced his steps on 24th March from Gokul and after reaching Delhi quickly, did not stay there more than a day. He reinstated the Emperor Alamgir on the throne with all his former dignity, appointed Ghazi-ud-din as his Wazir and Najib-ud-daula his Mir Bakhshi and on April 1st departed for his native country. Reports declared that he carried away 12 crores of wealth altogether, of which he acquired 4 crores from the single house of the ex-Wazir Khan Khanan Intizam-ud-daula and one crore from Ghazi-ud-din. He carried away as well Muhammad Shah’s daughter and other ladies from the imperial harem. They raised a terrible wail of grief and cries at such banishment for life. Abdali stationed Taimur Shah and Jahan Khan at Lahore for the protection of the Punjab and quickly returned to Kabul.

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Mughlani Begam, however, got her deserts fully. Having obtained from her whatever he needed for his purpose, Abdali threw her over and had no time to attend to her solicitations. She followed him with resentment and angry cries up to the Chenab. But in the new government which Abdali established at Lahore, he made no provision for this grasping lady. His son Taimur Shah was married to the Emperor Alamgir’s daughter Muhammadi Begam and given the charge of the Punjab; and when Mughlani found that she received no commission, no reward, not even the promised jagir, she became wild and showered filthy abuses upon the invader. She had nothing in hand to live upon and began to beg at Lahore from door to door. Once she went to the Wazir Shah Wali’s tent asking redress but received such a severe caning in return that her mental condition can better be imagined. In Lahore where she had enjoyed only a little while before honours and position in her husband Mir Mannu’s days, she had now to suffer such indignity as cannot be described in words.⁹

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⁹ Maratha history is not concerned with the subsequent life of the Begam. She settled at Jammu and had little scope for interfering in politics. She died in 1779. Her life is fully recorded in Persian by her personal servant Miskin (one copy in the possession of Sir J. N. Sarkar), which supplies personal information on the political intrigues of the north west.

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CHAPTER XIX

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1756, October | Raghunathrao leaves Poona and Abdali Kabul, for Delhi. 1757, February 14 | Raghunathrao at Indore. 1757, April | Abdali leaves Delhi for Kabul. 1757, May | Raghunathrao at Agra where Najib Khan submits his terms. 1757, August | Raghunathrao takes charge of Delhi ; Najib Khan is captured, but Malharrao saves him from being confined. 1757, September 6 | Najib Khan leaves Delhi : the Doab is secured by the Marathas. 1757, October 22 | Raghunathrao starts from Delhi for Lahore. 1758, January | Raghunathrao at Kunjpura. 1758, March 8 | Raghunathrao reaches Sarhind, and captures it : Governor Abdus-samad Khan submits. 1758, March | Taimur Shah and Jahan Khan are expelled from Lahore by the Marathas. 1758, April 11 | Raghunathrao takes up residence in Lahore. 1758, May | After arranging to hold the Punjab Raghunathrao starts for return to Poona. 1758, June 5 | Raghunathrao at Kurukshetra. 1758, July | Tukoji Holkar and Sabaji Sindia subjugate the whole of the Punjab and plant the Maratha banner on the fort of Attock. 1758, August | Raghunathrao and Holkar marching through Rajputana, meet Jankoji and Dattaji Sindia returning to the north near Kotah instruct them to guard the Punjab properly. 1758, August 19 | Jankoji and Malharrao meet near Kotah. 1758, September 16 | Adina Beg dies ; Raghunathrao reaches Poona. 1758, December | Holkar and Gangadhar Yashvant meet the Peshwa in Poona. They immediately return to the north. Dattaji and Jankoji at Delhi.

Linked texts (1)

Vaṃś-bhāskar — Sūryamall 1815, Hindi