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History of Aurangzib, Based on Original Sources v5.c73: Chapter L.

History of Aurangzib, Based on Original Sources v5.c73

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English

Contents

Chapter L.

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OPERATIONS IN WESTERN DECCAN DURING 1688-1695.

§ 1. The leading Maratha ministers and generals at the accession of Rajaram.

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When the great Shivaji's successor Shambhuji was killed by Aurangzib (March 1689) and his family was closely besieged in Raigarh, it seemed very likely that the newly created Maratha kingdom and independent nationality would be destroyed very soon. The prospect became still more gloomy at the end of the year, when Shambhuji's sons were captured and his successor Rajaram driven into hopeless flight by the Mughals. In this terrible national crisis the genius of the Maratha people saved them and secured their liberty. It is, therefore, necessary to study the leaders of this almost kingless State during the period.

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At the time of the downfall of Shambhuji and the hurried crowning of Rajaram (Feb. 1689), the leading persons in the Maratha State who had survived the havoc of Shambhuji's reign were three: Nilkantha Moreshwar Pinglé the Peshwa, Ramchandra Nilkantha Bavdékar the Amatya, and Shankaraji Malhar the Sachiv.* In addition to them there was an officer possessed of the highest cleverness and experience, namely, Prahlad, the son of the late Chief Justice and shrewd diplomatist, Niraji Ravji. This Prahlad had been Maratha ambassador at Golkonda, and had, in that capacity, done signal services to Shivaji and Shambhuji, and the influence and knowledge that he had thus acquired were so great that he became all in all in the council of Rajaram at Jinji.

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∗ This distribution of offices is tentative, being based upon Chitnis, ii. 39-40. In the *Modern Review*, May 1924, p. 588, a writer gives reasons for doubting its correctness.

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Three other men, who had hitherto filled only subordinate posts, now forced their way by their genius and enterprise to the first rank of State servants and popular leaders in this crisis of Maratha history. They were Dhana Singh Jadav and Santaji Ghorparé (the two rivals for the office of Senapati), and Parashuram Trimbak, who finally rose to the post of Regent in 1701.*

§ 2. Rajaram's position and policy on his accession, 1689.

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In the last year of Shambhuji's reign (1688), the splendid State created by the genius and valour of Shivaji seemed about to break to pieces. Many vassal chiefs, notably the Savants of Vadi, had been in rebellion for some time past and could not be conquered. In November 1688, the Shirké family had risen in arms with the sympathy of the discontented ministers jealous of the foreign favourite Kavikalas and the good wishes of all who despaired of the safety of Shivaji's heritage in the hands of the drunken profligate Shambhu; but they had been defeated and driven out of the country, and the king had taken swift vengeance by throwing into prison Prahlad Niraji, the chief *karkuns* and many other prominent officers (December)—which had the effect of paralysing the administration [Z. S.]

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∗ Chit. ii. 71; Bharatvarsha, year 1, No. 3, pp. 31—40; Kaifiyats, p. 146.

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Less than two months after this *coup* had come the crushing blow of the capture of Shambhu by the Mughals (about 3rd February, 1689). To many of the Marathas this disaster probably appeared as a blessing in disguise: the hateful North Indian favourite who had bewitched the king and the insolent and capricious Rajah himself, whom no patriot and no honourable man could serve, were both removed by one stroke of fate.

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Immediately after hearing of Shambhuji's capture, Changoji Katkar, the qiladar of Raigarh, with the support of Yesaji Kank, the old Mavlé captain and comrade of Shivaji's youth, took Rajaram out of prison and seated him on the throne (8th February). The State officers confined by the late king,—some in 1684 and others only two months ago—were all released. Shambhuji's heir Shahu was a boy of six only, and therefore the dowager queen, Yesu Bai, very wisely supported Rajaram instead of urging the claims of her own son. It was not a time for woman's rule or infant's rule. Even before the capture of Shambhuji, a Mughal army had been detached in December 1688 under the able general Zulfiqar Khan, against his capital, and now (February 1689) the fort was invested in right earnest. [M. A. 331, 327.] As the besiegers strengthened their posts, Rajaram wisely decided not to risk his all by shutting himself up in that fort, but to go out of it in time, raise forces from the country at large, and with them try to drive away the besiegers of Raigarh.

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So, he slipped out of the fort in the garb of a Hindu religious beggar (yogi) on 5th April, and by way of Pratapgarh, Satara and Parli went to Panhala, where with the help of Ramchandra he began to levy fresh troops. But the Mughals were after him, and he found no real safety anywhere in the home country. True, all these forts were still in his possession; but how long would they withstand the captor of Bijapur and Golkonda? Moreover, it would be a wise strategy to divide the enemy's forces by transferring a part of the Maratha activities to the far-off East Coast, while the Mughals were kept in play on the western side of the Peninsula by his other officers. So he decided to retire to the Madras Karnatak and there make a stand with the help of his first cousin Shahji II of Tanjore (the successor of Vyankoji).

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The plan of operations for the future was thus arranged: Rajaram was to be escorted to Jinji by Prahlad Niraji (as his chief counsellor) with a number of generals like Dhana Jadav, Santa Ghorparé and some others. The supreme control of affairs in the homeland was vested in Ramchandra N. Bavdékar, the *Amatya*, with his head-quarters first in Vishalgarh and latterly in Parli, assisted by Shankaraji Malhar (the *Sachiv*) and certain other officers. All officials and captains in the homeland were to take their orders from Ramchandra and obey him like the king himself. The commands of this dictator of the West were not to be upset even by the king on appeal. The supreme authority thus conferred on Ramchandra was designated by his new title of *Hakumat-panah*. Ramchandra had an inborn genius for command and organisation. He gathered round himself the ablest lieutenants, men like Parashuram Trimbak and Shankaraji Narayan, and managed to make the mutually jealous and contentious Maratha guerilla leaders act in concert, though his orders lacked the prestige and authority which the king's presence in Maharashtra could have given to them and though he was confronted by a tireless clever and powerful enemy like Aurangzib. Ramchandra's masterly insight and consummate tact were proved by his exact adaptation of his policy and plan of operations to the genius of his countrymen and the actual situation in the midst of which he had to work.

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Finding the Mughal pursuit dangerously close and persistent, Rajaram left Panhala about 30th June 1689,* passed through many perilous adventures and a period of concealment in Bednur territory, and then by rapid marches reached Vellore on 28th October, and some four days later entered Jinji "in humble guise" like a poor private person. There he took over the government from the unwilling hands of Harji Mahadik's widow and son, formed a full Court and began to reign like a king, though in extreme poverty. The Peshwa Nilkantha M. Pinglé accompanied his master to Jinji, but there fell completely into the second place. He merely stamped his seal on the royal letters, while the king's leading counsellor and the supreme authority in the State was Prahlad Niraji, on whom the high title of Regent (Pratinidhi) was conferred and who thus stood outside and above the cabinet of eight ministers (Ashta-Pradhan).

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∗ Z. S. says that Rajaram fled from Raigarh to Pratapgarh on 10 Chaitra Badi (=5 Apr. 1689), issued from Panhala on 8 Ashwin Badi (=26 Sep.) and reached Vellore on 11 Kartik Badi (=28 Oct.) The initial and final dates are correct, but in the middle one I suggest Asharh for Ashwin (thus getting 30 June for the departure from Panhala), because it is hardly possible for a man to cover the 500 miles from Panhala, via Bednur to Vellore in the 32 days (26 Sep.—28 Oct.) that Z. S. gives to this journey. Moreover, we know from the contemporary imperial history Masir-i-Alamgiri (328) that Rajaram went through many adventures after leaving Panhala; he was overtaken by the Mughals on an island in the Tungabhadra on the frontier of Bednur, escaped from the ring of his enemies, and was concealed by the Rani of Bednur and subsequently allowed to go away. A week or two of time must be allowed for these causes of delay, but Z. S.'s dates leave no room for them in the last part of Rajaram's journey. Chitnis's itinerary of Rajaram [ii. 26—31] seems to me to be imaginary and of no value.

§ 3. Aurangzib's successes and policy during 1689.

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When Rajaram fled from Maharashtra (1689), Aurangzib had already won many of the Maratha forts and was rapidly winning others by money or force, as the enemy were paralysed by Shambhuji's misgovernment and subsequent downfall. In the extreme north, Salhir (21 Feb. 1687) and Trimbak (8 Jan. 1689) had been captured, and in the centre Singhgarh (Nov. 1684) and Rajgarh (May 1689), while in North Konkan his able agent Matabar Khan was on the high tide of success, taking fort after fort, as will be described in Chapter LIII. Only the capital Raigarh and the three very important fortresses of Vishalgarh, Satara and Panhala still remained in Maratha possession. Of these Raigarh and Panhala were to fall before the year was over.

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The Mughals had been holding for some years past the plains of the Nasik and Puna districts, but not the hill-forts within their limits. The first Mughal successes after Shambhuji's fall were the capture of the mountain strongholds in the extreme north-west (the Nasik district) and the descent from them into the Thana district of North Konkan, across the Western Ghats. The inland parts of Central and Southern Konkan remained in Maratha possession.

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but the coast was mostly subject to Mughal sway, as the Siddi of Janjira with his invincible fleet was now a Mughal admiral, and the Marathas were forced to lose the port of Chaul and even to evacuate the island-depot of Underi. Their navy had to transfer its head-quarters further south to Gheria or Vijaydurg.

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In the year 1689 many Maratha forts fell easily into Aurangzib's hands,* but it was not then worth his while to lay regular sieges to the numberless other forts in Maharashtra, as will become evident when we consider his position in that year with reference to the entire Deccan and not in respect of the Marathas alone. They were a minor factor at that time and he expected them to be subdued as the natural consequence of the fall of their king and the impending capture of their capital and royal family. The Mughal Emperor had yet to gain his knowledge of the character of the Maratha people and of the people's war. His one aim now was to occupy the rich and boundless dominions of the fallen Adil Shahi and Qutb Shahi kingdoms, and he would take the Maratha forts only if they could be secured easily and cheaply. Therefore, during 1689, 1690 and 1691 Aurangzib was too busy in the plains of the south and the east to divert his resources to the barren hill-forts of the west. Nor had he been yet seized with the obstinate folly of his old age, which made him dash his health, army, treasure and empire itself against the Maratha rock-fortresses,—only to win them after a prodigal waste of time, money and men, and then to lose them to the Marathas when his grand army marched away from the conquest.

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∗ "The forts captured by the imperialists in 1689 were too many to be named." (M. A. 311.) "In the year 1689 the Mughals took all the forts......Out of these Pratapgarh and Rohira Rajgarh and Torna in the Wai subdivision were recovered by Ramchandra and Shankaraji in 1690." (Zedhe Shakavali.)

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At the beginning of February 1689 came the capture of Shambhuji. Aurangzib spent the next ten months (3 March—18th December 1689) at Koregaon, 12 miles north-east of Puna. During this period Zulfiqar Khan brought to a successful end his siege of Raigarh by capturing it (19th October) with Shambhuji's entire family.

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But the effect of the capture of the Maratha capital was nullified by the flight of Rajaram to Jinji, and the Emperor had to depute Zulfiqar Khan, immediately after his return from Raigarh, to follow the Maratha king to the East Coast. The only other important operations of 1689 were the siege and capture of Raichur (10 July—29 November) by Ruhullah Khan, the unsuccessful pursuit of Rajaram by some local Mughal officers in the Bijapur and Bellary districts, and the invasion of Bednur by Jan Nisar Khan to compel the surrender of the fugitive Maratha Rajah, which, however, was frustrated by Santa. [M. A. 329, 331, 333.]

§ 4. Maratha recovery: capture of Rustam Khan, May, 1690.

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But, in 1690, the Marathas began to show signs of recovery from the effects of the disastrous fall of their late king, which had stunned them for a year and a half. On 25th May 1690 they gained their first signal victory under their new popular chiefs.

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Sharza Khan (son of Sayyid Iliyas), a former Bijapuri general, who had come over to the Emperor's side in 1686 and been created Rustam Khan, was roving in the neighbourhood of Satara with his family and troops, planning how to capture that fort for the Emperor. The Maratha leaders,—Ramchandra, Shankaraji, Santa, and Dhana,—fell upon him in concert. The Khan sent his son Ghalib to the front to oppose them. The youth was hopelessly outnumbered and outclassed in weapons.* Karnataki foot-musketeers (probably Berads) formed the enemy's vanguard and fired their pieces with deadly accuracy, wounding the elephants in the Mughal front line, which turned and fled away trampling down their own men. Rustam Khan hurried up to the spot to restore the fight, but a charge of the enemy's elephants caused the Mughal horses to shy and stampede. Rustam, however, made a stand and fought for some time, and on being gradually rejoined by his runaway followers he delivered a counter-attack on the enemy's advanced reserve, then led by Santa and Dhana. These two, following the usual Maratha tactics, pretended to give way and the Khan pressed impetuously on, driving his own elephant onwards accompanied by a few troopers. Just then the skirt of his dress was set ablaze by the enemy's fire. The Berad musketeers took advantage of the confusion by falling upon the imperialists' baggage and rear-guard and plundering them. The Mughal troops were distracted, and they dispersed, abandoning the fight.

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∗ *Dil* (ii. 146b.) "The Deccani soldiers carry no weapon besides the sword and the spear, and the Bijapuris (excepting the Marathas) do not even carry the spear...Though, in imitation of the men of N. India, they have procured artillery, they can really do nothing with it."

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Rustam himself, after receiving many wounds, fell down from his elephant and was carried off into captivity by Bābāji (? probably Mānāji) Moré. His right wing, under Ghalib, was hopelessly overpowered by the crowd of exultant Marathas, and he too was wounded and brought down from his elephant. Fifteen hundred of the Mughals fell on the field. The Maratha general in Satara fort now sallied out with his 5,000 men, enveloped the family of Rustam Khan, and carried off his mother, wife and some children into the fort. In addition to the Mughal general and his family, the Marathas made prize of 4000 horses, eight elephants and the entire camp and baggage of Rustam's army.

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After sixteen days, Rustam Khan ransomed himself by promising to pay one lakh of rupees, and leaving his mother and eldest son as security for the money. Two of his wives and two other sons had escaped during the plunder of his camp by putting on tattered old cloaks, veiling their faces, and giving themselves out to be the Khan's menial servants. A few followers guided them to a nook among the hills where they lay hidden for the day and afterwards made their way to the imperial thana of Karargaon,* walking in the guise of beggars. [Ishwardas 141a—143a, Z.S., M.A. 336.]

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The Emperor, on hearing of the disaster, immediately sent Firuz Jang with a large army to invest Satara and secure the release of Rustam. Siddi Abdul Qadir, when going from his fief of Lakhisar to join this force, was attacked by Rupa Bhonslé and wounded, fifty of his troops being killed and all his property looted by the enemy. [Ishwar, 142b.] These two strokes were followed up by Ramchandra and Shankaraji recovering the great forts of Pratapgarh, Rohira, Rajgarh and Torna, in the course of the same year (1690). [Z.S ; Chit. 53.] The Mughals, after their capture of Rajgarh (about July 1689) had placed it in charge of Abul Khair (son of Abdul Aziz, one of the slaves of the family of Bairam Khan), who had long been qiladar of Junnar. When the Marathas made a demonstration round it, Abul Khair lost heart and vacating the fort fled towards the Emperor's camp. For this desertion of duty he was banished to Mecca. [K. K. ii. 392.]*

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∗ Either Koregaon, 10 m.e., or Karar 30 m.s. of Satara.

§ 5. Panhala won and lost by the Mughals.

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The famous stronghold of Panhala was still in Maratha hands when Shambhuji fell (Feb. 1689).† A Mughal general, Shaikh Nizam, was at that time engaged in investing it, [M.A. 320] but nothing came of his efforts, as the capture of such a fort was quite beyond the resources of any single general. About the middle of the year, after Raigarh had been closely invested and Rajaram was fleeing towards Jinji, Ruhullah Khan was sent to secure Panhala by bribery, but the defenders refused his offer at the time. The fall of Raigarh in October, however, took the heart out of them and they now sold Panhala to the Emperor, about December 1689. [Dil. ii. 97b, 111 b ; Ishwardas 140a ; Chitnis, ii. 32 ;

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∗ The date of Abul Khair's appointment is given in M.A. 330 as July 1689. Khafi Khan is, therefore, wrong in saying that the fort was recovered by the Marathas shortly before Shambhuji's downfall.

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† M.A. 435 says (but in recording the events of 1700) that Panhala had been captured by Prince Azam and recovered soon afterwards by Shambhuji (which means a date like 1686 or 1688). Here the name of the king is wrong, and consequently the date that follows from the name. Ishwards and Chitnis, with their confused order of events and lack of dates, imply that Panhala was sold to the Mughals by its qiladar near about 1690.

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Z.S. is silent.] But the Mughal garrison held it so negligently that the Marathas under Parashuram afterwards easily recovered it by surprise (about the middle of 1692).

§ 6. Prince Muizz-ud-din's fruitless siege of Panhala, 1692-94.

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Imperial prestige demanded that the fort should not be left in enemy hands. In October 1692, Prince Muizz-ud-din, the eldest son of Shah Alam, was sent from the Emperor's camp at Galgala (32 miles south-west of Bijapur) to take it. He arrived before Panhala near the end of the month, and with his officer Iftikhar Khan invested its two gates. The jagirdars of the district were ordered to supply provisions to his camp, and in the middle of December he was reinforced by Lutfullah Khan, who became superintendent of his body-guard and in effect his lieutenant.

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Sixty miles north-west of the Emperor's camp at Galgala lay the fort of Miraj, and midway between Miraj and Panhala, a distance of forty miles, an outpost was set up at Alta to guard the communications. Gradually the investment was tightened. Covered lanes were begun towards the walls, Mughal outposts were set up around it, and in January 1693 four large pieces of artillery were sent to the prince by the Emperor. Muizz-ud-din's position seemed so secure that in August his family was sent to his camp. [M.A. 360.]

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But, for a year the fort held out, and in October 1693 the scene entirely changed. A vast Maratha army,* under Dhana Jadav, Ramchandra, and Shankaraji, arrived for its relief and encircled the small siege force. The battle began on the 20th and there were daily encounters for some days after. While this contest kept the besiegers engaged, the Marathas outside easily threw fresh troops and provisions into the fort, and in concert with the garrison raided the Mughal trenches with great success. Some guns and wheeled field-pieces (rahkala) were carried off from Saf Shikan Khan's position into the fort. Some imperial officers were slain, several others wounded, and one taken prisoner by the enemy.

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Meantime, the Emperor had issued urgent orders to hurry up two heavy reinforcements to the prince under the command of Firuz Jang and Khanazad Khan.* The Maratha relieving force heard of their coming (at the end of October) and dispersed from the neighbourhood of Panhala. Dhana made his way north towards Satara; but before reaching that fort he was sighted by Firuz Jang's army on its southward march to the prince's side. The Khan sent his vanguard under his son Chin Qalich Khan and Rustam Khan, who overtook the Marathas near Karad.† A severe battle was fought. The Marathas were defeated and dispersed with heavy slaughter, leaving 30 prisoners and 600 horses in the hands of the victors. The Mughals, too, lost many men.

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∗ Ten thousand horse and foot, according to Akhbarat (27 Oct.). But Muizz-ud-din's despatch gives eighty thousand cavalry and countless infantry (Insha-i-Madhuram, p. 70). The account in my text is based on the Court-news-letters. I cannot accept Muiz's report of the result of the battle which runs thus:—"In the midst of the fight, a musket-shot hit Parashuram, the chief of cavalry of Ramchandra, in the head, and sent him to hell. The enemy were shaken. Our men charged them with swords and daggers. After a long fight the enemy fled in confusion, many of them were drowned in the river [Krishna]. Numberless of their foot-soldiers were put to the sword. Hillocks of the slain were formed. All the enemy's artillery, 2000 lances, the same number of muskets, and many mares and all other property of the Marathas were captured by us." (Ibid.)

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† The place where Dhana's force was sighted reads, in my badly written MS. of the Akhbarat, as B-h-l-n, which naturally suggests Phaltan. But Phaltan was too far to the north of Satara and out of Dhana's route. I propose Patan, a sub-division immediately west of Karad (30 m.s. of Satara and 33 m.n. of Panhala).

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But Dhana Jadav had effectively spoiled the work done by Muizz-ud-din in a year outside Panhala. The fort had been reprovisioned, the siege-works had been destroyed and heavy losses inflicted on the Mughal army. Thereafter, though the prince continued there for four months longer, he could do nothing.

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∗ Khem Savant (the desai of Kudal and Banda) was also written to, by order of the Emperor, to keep his kinsmen and followers back from their design of coming to the help of the Marathas who were attacking Muizz-ud-din. [Insha-i-Madhu, p. 17.]

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The siege was practically abandoned; the prince carried on his operations languidly, merely to deceive the Emperor, and opened negotiations with the garrison to secure the fort for a price. When four months had been thus wasted, Aurangzib, on 7th March, 1694, ordered a force of 6,000 men to strengthen the prince, as the siege had now come to a stop. At the same time Muizz-ud-din was authorised to use his own discretion; if the fort was surrendered peacefully he could grant terms, if not he must renew entrenching and lay siege to it a second time.

§ 7. Bidar Bakht against Panhala, 1694-95.

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But it was of no use. Already, about 8th March, the prince availing himself of the Emperor's permission, had begun to march away from Panhala, while Lutfullah Khan and many other officers, who had positive orders to stay below the fort, joined him in the retreat. The Emperor, on hearing of this (13th March), sent an officer to turn the prince back from Vadgaon (14 m. e. of Panhala) and take him back to that fort to make a decision about it on the spot by either securing it for a price or renewing siege operations against it. Four days later the Emperor changed his mind and wrote to the prince to come to Court, while his officers were to be forced to go back to Panhala under Lutfullah's command, to continue the siege. Muizz-ud-din was received in audience by his grandfather on the 29th of the month. His cousin Bidar Bakht (the eldest son of Prince Md. Azam) had been selected to undertake the task from which he had returned unsuccessful. Bidar Bakht, with a nominal muster-roll of 25,000 men and artillery, was given formal leave on 27th March and began his journey from the Court at Galgala on 5th April. "The officers who had come with Muiz to Court without orders, were now driven by force back to Panhala."

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But the Emperor seems to have changed his plan again, as we find Bidar Bakht campaigning in the Bombay Kanara (Belgaon and Dharwar) during the second half of 1694, and his siege of Panhala began a year later, in April 1695. His first acts were marked by vigour. Opening his approaches and planting his artillery, he seized the village at the foot of the hill and demolished one bastion of the fort. [Akhbarat, 11 May, 1695.] But the promise of these opening operations was not fulfilled. A desultory siege was continued by him till the end of January 1696, when the disasters to Qasim Khan and Himmat Khan further south induced the Emperor to send the prince to Basavapatan, and to entrust the siege of Panhala to Firuz Jang, who, too, could effect nothing. In fact the capture of Panhala was quite beyond the power of any divisional army, as Aurangzib was to realise during his own siege of it in 1707.*

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§ 8. Campaigns of Lutfullah near Satara, 1690.

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Having brought the story of Panhala down to the end of the century, we shall now go back to the year 1690 and take a survey of the Mughal and Maratha activities in other parts of Western India.

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After the disaster to Rustam Khan (May 1690), the Emperor found it necessary to occupy the North Satara district in force. Lutfullah Khan was detached from the Court as thanadar of Khatau (25 m. e. of Satara), with orders to make that town his head-quarters and set up a chain of outposts in the surrounding country. After arriving at Khatau on 6th July, the Mughal troopers dismounted and rested as best they could, but on account of the incessant rain they could not immediately form a regular camp and entrench it round. Towards the end of the night, Santa Ghorparé at the head of ten thousand horse and numberless infantry surprised them. The tired soldiers, awakened with difficulty, began to put on their armour and saddle their horses, while Lutfullah's son, Md. Khalil, gained time for them by hastening on foot to encounter the enemy with some musketeers of the guard and the armed menials of the general. Thus the camp was saved from plunder. By firing from a distance he turned the enemy out of the lanes and bazar, and then, being reinforced by troops who had arrived in the meantime, he took horse and attacked the enemy at close quarters. After a severe fight for three hours, Santa fled to Wardhangarh (8 m. n. w.), and his followers dispersed to their homes through the passes. The victorious Mughals returned to their camp, having lost 67 killed and 170 wounded. The Marathas were reported to have lost nearly 500 in killed alone. A hundred of them were captured alive and put to the sword. The spoils taken by the victors were 300 mares, 400 spears, 200 muskets, besides some kettledrums and flags. Thereafter Mughal outposts were easily set up in that district.

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∗ The entire narrative from Dhana's attack on Muiz to this point has been reconstructed from the Akhbarat or daily news-letters of Aurangzib's camp preserved in MS. in London.

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But the Marathas were only baffled and not crushed. They rallied their forces and reappeared in the East Satara region in force. Lutfullah, urged by the Emperor, hastened to the scene. He halted at night in the village of Piliv (12 m.e. of Mhasvad, and 15 m. s. of Akluj.) Next morning, a Maratha army reputed to be 20,000 cavalry and unnumbered infantry, led by Santa, Dhana, Daflé, Moré and other generals, enveloped the small imperial detachment on its march. Lutfullah, placing his baggage in the centre, faced on all sides and engaged the enemy. Daflé had 10,000 Karnataki foot-musketeers, whose fire severely galled the Mughals. The battle raged from dawn to sunset, the imperialists beating back repeated attacks of the enemy. Finally, Santa and Dhana, at the head of 5,000 picked horsemen, charged the division of Lutfullah himself, but were repulsed. At sunset the Marathas withdrew, leaving a thousand dead on the field, besides many wounded. The Mughals lost 200 killed and above 300 wounded.*

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There was nothing further to note till the end of 1690, when some Maratha auxiliaries of the Mughals,—namely Nima Sindhia, Mankoji Pandhré and Nagoji Mané,—went over to Rajaram at Jinji with their contingent of 2000 men (November.) But next month Sharza Rao Zedhe, the deshmukh of Bhor, joined the imperialists and was given a robe of honour and a conciliatory letter. [Z. S.] The wazir Asad Khan was sent (November) to the Karnul and Kadapa districts across the Krishna, to wrest them from the officers of the late Adil Shahi and Qutb Shahi Governments and thereby secure the rear of the Mughal army fighting in the Madras Karnatak. Here he conquered many forts, including

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∗ *Insha-i-Madhuram*. The despatch is undated, but I conjecturally place the battle in 1690, as Santa and Dhana were absent in Kanara during Lutfullah's second thanadari of Akluj (16 Oct.—15 Dec. 1692.)

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If my conjecture be correct, and if we can take Lutfullah's two despatches as approximating to truth,—then we must conclude that the first Maratha attempt at revival was temporarily checked and Dhana and Santa were driven into hiding and comparative inactivity for six months (Oct. 1690—April 1691), and the Mughals retained their mastery in Maharashtra during that brief period.

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Nandiyal, the frontier-fortress between the Bijapuri and Haidarabadi Karnataks.

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§ 9. Operations during 1691 and 1692.

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In April-May 1691 the Emperor had to detach some generals against the Maratha bands whose activity had again begun to be reported. But his chief anxiety now was about Sagar, where the Berad chief Pidia Nayak was giving serious trouble. One large army after another, each under a first-rate general, had to be posted in the Berad country for a year and a half (June 1691-Dec. 1692.) While the Satara district in the north was probably quiet, the Raibagh-Hukri region in the south was subjected to Maratha raids (June 1691.)

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The year 1692 witnessed a renewal of Maratha activity* and their conspicuous success in many quarters, one of these being their recovery of Panhala from Mughal hands. The important post of Akluj, where the great southern highway from Ahmadnagar to Bijapur crossed the Puna-Haidarabad road, was infested by the enemy, and on 8th May Prince Muizz-ud-din was sent there. Santaji Ghorpare's base was the Mahadev hill to the north-east of Satara, and from this refuge he used to make rapid raids far to the east, over the rolling plains of Bijapur. Evidently the prince effected nothing decisive, as we read of Lutfullah Khan being sent to Akluj in the middle of October, to clear the country between Bijapur and the Bhima.

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∗ The whole of the remaining part of this chapter is based on the Akhbarat, except when other sources are cited.

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At the same time the Marathas were disturbing the Belgaon and Dharwar districts of the Western Karnatak. On 8th October, Dhana and Santa with 7,000 men were reported to have seized some forts near Belgaon and invested the latter town itself, and to be feeding their horses on the growing crops. By the 27th, these two generals had left Belgaon to attack Dharwar, and they finally retired to Nargund (30 m. n. e. of Dharwar.) At the same time, other Maratha bands were roving in the Akluj-Indi region in north Bijapur.

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The Emperor stiffened the defence of Kanara, by sending Hamid-ud-din Khan to Belgaon and Matlab Khan to Dharwar, while Qasim Khan, the faujdar of Bijapuri Karnatak or north-west Mysore, was reinforced and ordered to guard Bankapur and other places near it in addition, (16 Oct.) A little later, Matlab Khan defeated the enemy near Dharwar and captured a son and a daughter of one of the Maratha generals.*

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Soon afterwards (in the beginning of November 1692) the siege of Panhala began, and the Mughal forces had to be concentrated there. Early next month both Santa and Dhana were sent to Madras.

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∗ His name cannot be read in the transcript of the Persian MS. made for me.

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with large armies to relieve Jinji, and therefore Maharashtra was for a time denuded of the best national leaders and troops, and the Mughals in the western theatre enjoyed peace for a time.

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§ 10. Struggle with Santaji Ghorparé and Dhana Jadav, 1693-94.

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Late in 1693 Maratha activities revived in the west. Their general Amrit Rao* had entered Mughal service after Shambhuji's downfall and been posted to the Phaltan thana, but in October 1693 he came back to the national side, and crossed the Bhima to raid Mughal territory. Himmat Khan set out in pursuit of him, but could not catch the elusive Maratha horsemen. At the same time Dhana, Shankaraji and other leaders were attacking the Mughal force before Panhala, as we have already seen. And a more active enemy was making his presence felt by the Mughals.

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Santa Ghorparé had come back from Jinji in May 1693 after triumphantly raising its siege. As soon as the campaigning season opened in October, he resumed his raids in the homeland. His bands spread near Bhupal-garh (65 m. n. w. of Bijapur and 76 m. s. e. of Satara), while Dhana was attacking the besiegers of Panhala. Himmat Khan went out in pursuit of Santa and overtook him about 22nd October. The Maratha general, at the head of a vastly superior force, turned at bay at Mändgaon (? Mandavgaon) and attacked Himmat, whose small column took refuge at the foot of the village, "the enemy occupying three sides and the Khan one." Evidently at this stage reinforcements under Hamid-ud-din and Khwaja Khan joined Himmat, and the Mughals resumed the chase of the raiders. They gained a signal victory over Santa and his Berad allies (about 14th Nov.) at the village of Vikramhalli. Two hundred of the Berads and 300 of Santa's own men were slain, and 300 mares and some flags and kettledrums captured by the Mughals, though they too suffered heavy casualties. [Akh. 19 Nov.]

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∗ Called "Palkar, a general of Shivaji's son" in the Akh. of 24 Oct. 1693. Should be Nimbalkar.

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Then the Mughal generals quarrelled. Hamid-ud-din and Khwaja Khan, taking offence, left Himmat Khan, gave up the pursuit and returned towards Kulbarga. Himmat alone followed the enemy. Santa now safely divided his force, detaching 4000 troopers under Amrit Rao to raid Berar, while he himself marched with 6,000 horsemen towards Ma'khed, sending in advance threatening letters to the deshmukh of that place to this effect, "For a long time past you have not paid the chauth. Send me immediately 7,000 hun." The couriers who brought these letters were arrested by the Mughals and put to death.

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Foiled in his object, Santa turned aside to the hills of Targul (?) in the Berad country, while Himmat Khan halted at Malkhed, not daring to venture into that wild and broken region. In a day or two the elusive Maratha leader was out again and reported to be marching upon Haidarabad. Himmat Khan, now joined by Sayyid Abdullah, was immediately on his track and drove him into the small fort of Alur (14 miles s.w. of Malkhed). This happened about 21st Nov. 1693. Then for three months the records have been lost.

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On 6th March 1694, a report was received from Himmat Khan that he had followed Santa to village Bahram (in taluqa Kāngrati), and repulsed his counter-attack. We soon afterwards hear of Santa making an attempt to cut off two big guns at Maklur (? or Mahkur), on the way from Aurangabad to Galgala ; but Matlab Khan defeated him and drove him back to the Mahadev hills, where he lay quiet for some months after.

§ 11. Minor operations till the end of 1695.

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On 2nd August 1694, the Court learnt that Santa and Dhana were out near fort Waru-garh (25 m. e. of Satara) and had detached some troops to invest Mahimangarh (10 m. s. of Warugarh), and closed the road. A Mughal column was now ordered there to clear the district. In the meantime, Bidar Bakht had been sent to the Kanarese district of Belgaon. The strong rock-fortress of Nargund (30 m. n. e. of Dharwar) was besieged by the prince's lieutenant Khan-i-Zaman Fath Jang (June 1694), who had constant fights with the enemy's field forces. A month later the Khan delivered an assault on it in person, but "no one followed him, and in disgust he abandoned the siege."* The prince sent Rajah Udwat Singh of Urchha to replace him. Evidently the fort afterwards came into Mughal hands,† as we find its name changed to Bahadur-nagar in a newsletter of November next.

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† It must have been secured by bribery and not by force of arms. Bidar Bakht gained two other forts in the same region,—Parasgarh and Ramdurg,—by the same means.

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Throughout 1694 and 1695, though the Maratha bands were active and the Berads troublesome all over the Western Deccan, nothing decisive or noteworthy was done on either side, till the end of 1695, when Santa defeated and killed two first-rate Mughal generals, Qasim Khan and Himmat Khan.

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About November 1694, the Maratha nationalist leaders wreaked vengeance on a traitor to their country's cause, who had served as the agent of the Mughal power. The fort of Kāri‡ was held by Trimbak as deputy governor, assisted by Yadav Shamraj and Mahadji Baji. A Maratha inhabitant of Junnar named Dogé came there on behalf of the Mughals, bribed Rayaji Bahulkar, and through his connivance gained the fort by scaling the walls with rope-ladders unopposed. During this attack, Doge captured Trimbak and Moro Narayan, while Yadav and Mahadji escaped with their families by the back-door. But towards the end of 1694 Shankaraji organised the recovery of Kari. From the fort of Rajgarh he sent Shivdev, with Chandji Kadam of Bhorap and the contingents of several forts in that region, to invest Kari. Dogé and his men evacuated the fort under a promise of safety, but the victors seized them in violation of their word. Dogé was kept a prisoner, but the lesser men, who had their families with them, were released by Trimbak and Moro. Hearing of the success, Shankaraji himself went to Kari, gave the traitor Rayaji Bahulkar a good beating, and confined him in the citadel of Rajgarh. [Z. S. I have rearranged the events here.]

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∗ The fort is on a hill, rising 800 feet from the plain. The lower sides of the hill are covered with prickly pear. To about half way up, the hill rises from the plain at an even slope of 35 to 40 feet. In the upper half the rocks rise sheer, in some places in tiers of natural scarps. A committee of British officers reported "This fort is one of the strongest in the Bombay Karnatak, and if well defended its capture would require much time and trouble and a large invading force." (Bom. Gaz. xxii. 776—7.)

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‡ Kari, 8 m.s. of Bhor, and very close to Rohira fort.

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§ 12. Santaji Ghorpare's movements, 1694-95.

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On 26th November 1694 Santa was reported as out in Haidarabad territory, with Himmat Khan pursuing him, though the latter's troops were constantly leaving his banners and sneaking back to the imperial base camp to avoid the hardships of campaigning. Then Santa turned towards Bijapur, but on 30th November Himmat brought him to an action near Panur, and drove him into flight with the loss of two of his captains. Continuing the pursuit, Himmat again came upon Santa (about 7th Dec.) near Naldurg, and again defeated him with many losses on both sides. Santa retired to his base in the Mahadev hills. But at the end of the month he was out again in the Raichur district, with Himmat Khan's flying force on his heels, and was again driven away with heavy casualties on both sides, as usual.*

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About the middle of May 1695, Santa visited Parli to celebrate the marriage of two sons of his brother Bahirji (then absent in Jinji). At the end of this month he came back to the Mahadev hills by way of Bhupalgarh. One of his followers named Madhav Narayan, with his family and 300 retainers, left him and entered the Mughal service through the qiladar of Parenda. In July the Marathas blockaded the Mughal outpost of Khatau. Hamid-ud-din Khan was sent against them, but at the end of the next month (August) he found himself dangerously outnumbered by the enemy who had placed three armies in the field. The Emperor pushed up reinforcements. Hamid-ud-din then (September) detached Fathullah to burn the village below forts Chandan-Wandan. Santa, hearing of it, went to attack Fathullah; but Hamid-ud-din hastened in support of his lieutenant. The Marathas were repulsed and driven into the fort, after losing a son of Dhana and another officer. The Mughals burnt the village and brought away 200 mares and some Deccani swords &c. as prize of war. Amrit Rao now left Santa and came over to the Mughals with 500 men.

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∗ Z. S. says that in Kartik, Shaka 1096, (9 Oct—7 Nov. 1694) Shankaraji the Sachiv sent Santa Ghorpare to the Eastern Karnatak, telling him "Go with your troops and do our king's work. Go, hastening in light kit [or alone] to the Rajah. Remain there with honour. Raise the siege of Jinji. Do not act faithlessly." He took oaths from him to this effect and sent with him Yesāji Malār as mutaliq (plenipotentiary deputy.) With him were joined Hanumant Rao Nimbalkar sar-i-lashkar and other sardars, making a total of 25,000 troopers. These two formed the above concert at the darbar (office) of Shankaraji, and agreed to manage the revenue matters [together] and remain [mutually] faithful.

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Such was the chequered history of the contest with the Marathas* in Western India till near the end of the year 1695. It was no longer a simple military problem, but had become a trial of endurance and resources between the Mughal empire and the indigenous people of the Deccan.

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∗ These desultory and indecisive fights have been described in some detail in this chapter to serve as an illustration of the task before the Mughal army. In future such minor operations will be either passed over silently or merely mentioned in a few words.

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