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Shivaji and His Times c13: Chapter XII

Shivaji and His Times c13

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Contents

Chapter XII

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Invasion of the Karnatak, 1677-1678

§ 1. The Madras coast: its wealth

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Shivaji's grand coronation in June 1674 had greatly reduced his treasury. Since then he had not been able to seize any very rich prize, though his roving bands had raided many places in Adil-Shahi territory. Added to this, his wars with the Mughals and the Bijapuris in 1674 and 1675 and his siege of Phonda had been costly affairs, and chequered by defeats, while his invasion of the Sunda country or Kanara uplands (May 1675) had failed. In the earlier months of 1676 he had suffered from a protracted illness, which had forced on him a long period of inactivity.

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He, therefore, looked about for some fresh field of gain. In the Mughal territory, Surat had been sucked dry by his two raids, while his permanent occupation of the Koli country of Ramnagar and Jawhar, close to Surat, had so alarmed that port that its trade and wealth were well-nigh gone. The rich Kanara coast had already been swept clean of booty. The disorder and misgovernment of the Bijapur State during the effete rule of the regent Khawas Khan and the civil war between the Afghan and Deccani parties at that Court had so impoverished the central part of the realm as to make it no longer an object of cupidity. An attack on the heart of the Adil-Shahi kingdom might also have united all the factions at the capital in a common resistance to the invader.

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But there was an outlying province of this kingdom which had enjoyed many years of peace and prosperity and whose wealth was fabulous. The Karnatak plain or the Madras coast was known in that age as the land of gold. It was an extremely fertile tract, rich in agricultural produce, with a population that led a life of primitive simplicity and consumed very little in food and clothing. The many ports on the long sea-board had fostered a brisk foreign trade from remote antiquity, while the rich mines of the hinterland brought wealth into the plains. Thus the annual addition to the national wealth was very large. A part of it was spent on the grand temples for which the land is still famous; but most of it was hoarded underground. (Dil. 113a.) From very early times the Karnatak has been famous for its buried treasure and attracted foreign plunderers.

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From this land Samudra-gupta and the Western Chalukyas, Malik Kafur and Mir Jumla, had brought away vast booties. And at the end of the 17th century, even after the recent raids of Mir Jumla and Muhammad Adil Shah, Shivaji and Nusrat Jang, the land had still enough wealth left in it to tempt the cupidity of Aurangzib. As the Emperor wrote (about 1703) to his general, "Many large treasures of olden times are reported to be buried in the Karnatak. The zamindar of Tanjore, who is of low origin (be-asal) and a grandson of Shahji, the father of Shivaji now in hell, is possessed of the country by usurpation. His kingdom is not very strong. Its revenue, according to the late Siddi Masaud Khan, is between 70 and 80 lakhs of hun. Why should it be left in his possession? Inquire into the state of the country and the means of wresting it from his hands." (Ruqat, No. 163.) To this real land of gold Shivaji's eyes were now turned. An attack on this frontier province would scarcely rouse the Government of Bijapur, as the Karnatak formed the fiefs of certain semi-independent nobles who alone were interested in its defence. Moreover, Shiva had a plausible claim to a portion of it.

§2. Internal discord in Bijapuri Karnatak

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With the fall of the Vijaynagar empire at the beginning of the 17th century, its various provinces covering the Mysore plateau and the Karnatak plains ceased to obey any common head such as might have held together and protected them. The numberless local chieftains stood up, each for himself, and engaged in incessant fighting with their neighbours out of a vain and ruinous passion for the extension of dominion. The defenceless and chaotic condition of these rich countries had drawn more powerful spoilers into the field. As the Jesuit missionary Proenza wrote from Trichinopoly in 1659, "The ancient kings of the country seem to invite the conquest of entire India by the Muslims....by their jealousies and imprudent acts."

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At first the Hindu Nayaks of Jinji, Tanjore and Madura rose against their sovereign Shri Ranga of Vijaynagar (then holding Court at Vellore.) The ruler of Madura begged the aid of Golkonda, which came, conquered the Vellore province and expelled Shri Ranga to find a last refuge with his vassal of Mysore. Then the same Nayak of Madura invited Adil Shah, who took Jinji fort and annexed that rich province (1649), and advancing further south forced the Nayaks of Tanjore and Madura to pay enormous contributions and promise annual tributes [Mission du Madure, iii. 41-47.]

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The treaty with the Mughal empire in 1636 having fixed their northern and western boundaries, the States of Bijapur and Golkonda could find an outlet for their territorial ambition in the south and east only, and during the next eighteen years they conquered much of Mysore and the Eastern Karnatak. The acquisitions of Golkonda in this region included the Kadapa and North Arcot districts up to the Palar river, and all the land bordering the sea from Chicacole to Sadras. Bijapur had spread its suzerainty over the district of Karnul, all the Mysore plateau north of Bangalore, and the Madras plain between the Palar and the Kolerun rivers, *i.e.*, the country from Vellore to near Tanjore. The Bijapuri generals continued to make raids into Tanjore and Madura (1650-1665) without annexing any part of these territories. They held only the Jinji province, where we find three such generals (one of them being Vyankoji) in charge of the government in 1673. [*Ibid.*, iii. 201.]

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The suicidal wars among the Hindus still continued. The new Nayak of Madura at last seized the kingdom of Tanjore and beheaded its perpetually faithless ruler Vishwaray (1674.) Adil Shah was appealed to by the son of the murdered king, and he ordered Vyankoji to invade Tanjore and restore it to its old dynasty. After a year of patient waiting and plotting, and more by sowing dissension among the enemy than by superior force, Vyankoji took the capital, conquered the country, and usurped the throne of Tanjore with the title and authority of an independent king! He still held his father's jagirs north of the Kolerun, in the province of Jinji. Adil Shah sent an army to punish this audacious rebellion of his general, and the Nayak of Madura sent his forces to assist the Bijapuris, and Mysore also assembled its troops, seemingly in order to attack Madura when its Nayak would be entangled with Vyankoji (1676.)

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The authority of the central Government vanished from Bijapuri Karnatak. In 1672 the boy Sikandar had succeeded to the throne of Bijapur and his guardianship had become an object of contest between rival factions at the capital. When his first regent, Khawas Khan, was put to death by Bahlol Khan (18th January 1676), an open civil war broke out in the heart of the kingdom, while the provincial governors ceased to recognize any superior and began to extend their own sway.

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In the Karnatak plain, the local governors of Bijapur in 1676 were Nasir Muhammad Khan (a son of the former wazir Khan Muhammad, Khan-i-Khanan, and a brother of Khawas Khan) with his seat at Jinji and a jurisdiction extending up to Pondicherry, and south of him Sher Khan Lodi (an Afghan protege of Bahlol Khan) with his seat at Wali-ganda-puram. Further south were the Hindu Rajahs of Tanjore and Madura.

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But there was no amity or even peace among these Bijapuri vassals. Sher Khan was bent on annexing the territory of Jinji with the armed help of the French traders of Pondicherry. Nor was this the limit of his dream. He would, after thus removing his only rival in these parts and doubling his strength, hire more French soldiers, despoil the Hindu Nayaks beyond the Kaveri of their fabulous riches and employ these resources in conquering the kingdom of Golkonda for himself!

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And the Hindu rulers of the country were no less divided and senseless. Vyankoji was "the mortal enemy of the Nayak of Madura" and in June 1676 solicited French troops and ships for conquering the petty princes (poligars) in his neighbourhood. The ruler of Madura similarly applied for armed help from the French for a war further south (January 1675.)

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Sher Khan Lodi opened the attack. He conquered Porto Novo and several other places belonging to Jinji and finally, on 14th Sep. 1676, a French force under Francois Martin by a night-attack stormed the fort of Valdaur (12 miles west of Pondicherry) on his behalf. By the end of that month he had completely defeated Nasir Muhammad and driven him into Jinji. Tindavanam was next besieged. At last, about 4th November, Nasir Muhammad made peace by ceding Valdaur, Porto Novo and most of his territory to Sher Khan. But he knew it for certain that Sher Khan would not be content to leave him even the fort of Jinji, and that he could not hope for protection from his sovereign who was now entirely in the hands of Bahlol Khan, the clansman and patron of Sher Khan.

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In this state of despair, Nasir Muhammad was invited by the Golkonda Court to come over to its side and join it for conquering Sher Khan's lands. The paralysis of the Government of Bijapur and this civil war between its local agents tempted the Qutb Shah to seize this opportunity of easily conquering Bijapuri Karnatak. Earth-hunger is the ever-present passion of absolute rulers. But there was a special reason which led the Golkonda Sultan to embark on a policy of conquest in the Karnatak. His all-powerful wazir Madanna Pandit was a devout Hindu and Madanna's nephew Gopanna was a Vaishnav saint, for whose benefit the gods were believed to work miracles. It was the heart's desire of the minister to conquer Bijapuri Karnatak nominally for Golkonda, but really to place the whole of it under Hindu rule as had been the case before 1648.

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For accomplishing this pious design, no better agent could be found than Shivaji, the ever-victorious captain and the sword-arm of the Hindu revival of that age. Madanna induced his master to agree to a joint enterprise with Shivaji, in which Qutb Shah, as the sleeping partner, would supply all the expenses and munitions of war, while the Maratha king, as the active partner, would do all the fighting with his own troops. Bijapuri Karnatak was to be conquered "in the name and for the benefit of the king of Golkonda," while Shivaji for his pains would get all the spoils of war and collections of blackmail as well as the territory in the uplands of Mysore.

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An incursion into the Eastern Karnatak had been discussed in Shivaji's inner council for some time past. As far back as July 1675, the French director Monsieur Baron, while on a visit to Rajapur, had learnt about the Maratha king's ambitions about the Karnatak from his chief minister.*

§3. Shivaji's claims in the Eastern Karnatak

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According to the usual good luck of Shivaji, a most valuable source of local knowledge in the scene of his projected invasion was secured by him before he started. Raghunath Narayan Hanumanté had been left by Shahji as the guardian and regent of his younger son Vyankoji and had ruled the province with absolute authority. When Vyankoji grew up, he naturally wished to be master in his own dominions and could not brook the supremacy of his minister any longer. During his long years of power, Raghunath had dishonestly enriched himself from the public revenue* and he was now called upon to render accounts.

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∗ Kaeppelin, 155. Martin (tr. by me in Mod. Rev.); Bertrand's Mission du Madure, 1st ed., tome 3.

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At this he resigned his post, took leave of his master on the pretext of making a pious pilgrimage to Benares, and left Tanjore with his younger brother Janardan and all their family and property. But power and wealth were still the gods adored by the aged ex-minister. His pilgrimage was made to the holy shrine of Adil Shah, where his reputation and personal cleverness so impressed the Government that he was pressed to enter its service as a high minister. But he could not have failed to see that the Adil-Shahi monarchy was tottering to its fall, and he was therefore glad to accept Shivaji’s invitation to come to his Court instead of joining a Muslim master. Raghunath went to the Maratha capital and was received with the highest honours.

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But his revenge had yet to be gratified against his late master. In his private audiences with Shivaji, Raghunath constantly described the vast extent and riches of the Karnatak kingdom left by his father to Vyankoji, and the ease with which it could be conquered, and urged the king to claim his lawful share of this patrimony from his half-brother. The great local knowledge and influence of the Hanumante family he promised to place at Shivaji’s service in effecting its conquest. It is very doubtful whether Shivaji would, of himself, have cared to assert his right to his father’s Karnatak territory. He certainly did not need it. As he rightly said on his death-bed, “I received [from my father] the Puna territory worth only 40,000 *hun*, but I have won a kingdom yielding one *krore* of *hun*." (Sabh. 104.)*

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∗ Martin says that on Shambhuji's accession the governor of the Karnatak was disgraced suddenly for his “malversations scandaleuses,” but was afterwards re-established in his service. [Kaep. 167.] The officer meant was evidently Raghunath, the diwan, as Shantaji was not reinstated.

§4. Diplomatic preparations for the Karnatak expedition

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The political situation in the neighbouring countries was eminently favourable to the design. The Mughal Emperor had, no doubt, returned to Delhi on 27th March, after a two years' absence in the Panjab, but his best troops were still engaged in controlling the revolted hillmen of the N. W. frontier. At Bijapur the Afghan leader Bahlol Khan had seized the guardianship of the boy-king Sikandar (11th Nov., 1675) and murdered the deposed regent Khawas Khan (18th Jan., 1676.) But his favouritism to his clansmen turned the Government into "Afghan rule" and roused the antagonism of the Deccani party and its allies, the Abyssinians. The Deccanis murdered Khizr Khan, the right-hand man and ablest servant of the new regent, and civil war broke out between the Afghans and the Deccanis throughout the State (Feb.) To make matters worse, Bahlol Khan alienated Bahadur Khan, the Mughal viceroy, who openly took the side of the Deccani party and on 31st May began a campaign against Bijapur which was to continue for more than a year. The rotten and tottering Adil-Shahi Government was in no condition to trouble Shivaji at such a time.

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∗ Tanjore was conquered by Vyankoji in 1675 and not by Shahji. Though the Bijapuris captured Tanjore fort (March 1659) and occupied the territory of this kingdom for two years afterwards, they were forced to vacate the country by famine pestilence and mutual dissensions (1662.) Shahji was one of the two Bijapuri generals who commanded this army, the other being Mulla. Next year he attacked Trichinopoly (with the Tanjore Nayak's help), but was driven back to Jinji by the ruler of Madura. [Mission, iii, 51, 119-123.]

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Over the Mughal viceroy of the Deccan, Shivaji's clever diplomacy won a complete triumph. Bahadur Khan had now grown weary of his more than two years' war with Shivaji, which had been chequered by as many defeats as successes and which seemed to promise no decisive end as far as he could look into the future. He had already coquetted with Shiva for a friendly understanding and offered to make peace between him and the Emperor and get a command of 6,000 horse for his son Shambhuji, (June, 1675.) And now, on the eve of opening the Mughal campaign against Bijapur, (May, 1676), it was as much his interest to make friends with the Marathas on his right flank as it was Shiva's to secure Mughal neutrality in his rear during his invasion of the Karnatak. When two parties find a mutual advantage in being at peace, the terms are quickly settled.

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Shiva sent his Chief Justice, Niraji Raoji, "a clever logician," to Bahadur Khan, with costly presents to induce him to promise neutrality during his projected absence in the Karnatak, the conquest of which was expected to take one year. Bahadur received a large bribe for himself in secret, and a certain sum in public as tribute for his master, and made a formal peace with the Marathas. (Sabh. 85.)

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Having thus secured his flank and rear, Shiva made preparations for starting on this his longest campaign. In June, 1676, Netaji Palkar had returned to Maharashtra, after ten years' service under the Delhi Government as a Muhammadan, and he had "now been remade a Hindu" by means of religious purification, and some important command was probably given to him, though the Maratha chroniclers are silent about the unhappy renegade. (F. R. Surat 89, Rajapur to Surat, 24 July, 1676.) The premier (Peshwa) Moro Trimbak Pingle was left as regent, assisted by Annaji Datto the superintendent of correspondence (surnis), with a portion of the army to guard the kingdom. The Konkan districts were entrusted to Annaji Datto with strong garrisons and a large body of disposable infantry. (Sabh. 85-87.)

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With Golkonda close friendship and co-operation were secured. Madanna Pandit, the all-powerful wazir of Abul Hasan Qutb Shah, had already made a subsidiary alliance with Shiva, promising him an annual tribute of one *lakh* of *hun* for the defence of the realm. Prahlad Niraji, a shrewd diplomatist, had been posted at Haidarabad as Maratha envoy. Shivaji decided to get from Golkonda the expenses of the campaign and the assistance of an auxiliary force, by promising a share of the conquest. But he was careful to avoid the least show of force, and trusted to his personal magnetism and power of persuasion in winning Qutb Shah's alliance.

§5. March to Haidarabad

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He wrote to his envoy at Haidarabad to arrange for a friendly interview between him and Qutb Shah. The indolent and gay king of Haidarabad was at first afraid of meeting the man who had slain Afzal, wounded Shaista, and defied Aurangzib in the very midst of his Court. But Prahlad Niraji took the most solemn oaths in support of Shiva's honesty of purpose. Madanna Pandit also told the king that he was satisfied on that point, and most probably he also urged the importance of a personal interview in strengthening the alliance between the two kings. (Sabh. 85-86.)

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Qutb Shah having agreed to receive him, Shivaji started from Raigarh at the beginning of January, 1677.

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and advanced due east by regular marches. On entering Haidarabad territory he issued strict orders to his men not to rob or molest any inhabitant of the country, but to buy all necessary things with the owners' consent. The hanging or mutilation of the first few offenders struck such terror among the Maratha troops and camp-followers that they strictly obeyed his order and behaved with exemplary propriety ever after, and the most perfect discipline was maintained among that horde of 50,000 armed men.*

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Haidarabad was reached early in February, 1677. Qutb Shah had proposed to advance from his capital and welcome Shivaji on the way. But the Maratha chief very gracefully declined the offered honour, saying, "You are my elder brother. You should not come forward to receive a junior like me." So, the Sultan remained at Haidarabad, but his ministers Madanna and Akanna with many of the highest citizens met Shivaji several miles before the capital and conducted him into it.

§6. Shivaji's grand entry into Haidarabad

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The city of Haidarabad had been gaily decorated to welcome the great friend and protector of her king. "The streets and lanes on all sides were coloured with a thin layer of kunkum powder and saffron. Maypoles and triumphal arches were erected and flags hung at intervals throughout the city. The citizens in their hundreds of thousands lined the roads" to gaze on the scene, while the ladies crowded on the balconies to bless the visitor.

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∗ Sabh. 86. The army that followed Shivaji into the Karnatak is estimated by H. Gary in a letter dated 16th Jan. 1678, as 20,000 horse and 40,000 foot (O. C. 4314.) Sabhasad mentions only "a select force of 25,000 horsemen" (p. 85). The Madras Council estimates the force at "16 to 20 thousand horse and several thousand of foot, raised and raising among the woods." (19 June, 1677, O. C. 4266.)

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The guests responded to the city's civility. The Maratha army, for once, abandoned its rude simplicity and magnificently attired itself. Shiva had distributed among his captains and select soldiers strings of pearls (*torah*) for their helmets, gold bracelets, bright new armour, and rich accoutrements embroidered with gold, "and made the whole army look splendid." His generals in their equipment and trappings rivalled the grandeur of hereditary nobles.

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At the auspicious hour chosen for the interview,* the Maratha army 50,000 strong entered the city. The citizens gazed with admiration not unmixed with awe at the men who had vanquished the greatest kings of North India and South India alike, and caused wailing at the Court of Bijapur and consternation among the peerage of Delhi. Here rode the fleet hardy horsemen who had poured like a swift resistless flood to the farthest districts of Mughal Deccan and carried their raids to the very gates of Bijapur and Golkonda. There tramped the Mavle infantry, whose feats were the theme of many a ballad and legend throughout the Southern land, whose assault no fort had been able to withstand, and whose swords were dreaded by every foe they had met in battle. The leaders were men whose names had become household words: Hambir Rao Mohite, the dashing but far-sighted commander-in-chief; Anand Rao and Manaji More, two generals second only to Hambir Rao; Suryaji Malusare and Yesaji Kank, the gigantic captains of the Mavles, each able to subdue an elephant in single combat; Sonaji Nayak, the royal door-keeper; and Babaji Dhandhere, (probably the captain of the body-guard.)

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∗ Shivaji at Haidarabad: Sabh. 86-88; Malkare 77; T. S. 36a-37b; Dil. 112-113.

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Nor even among such heroic figures did the citizens fail to notice the high brows, the bright but sunken eyes, and the painted foreheads of the Maratha Brahmans, whose administrative capacity and diplomatic skill had facilitated and confirmed the conquests achieved by the swords of these men: Raghunath and Janardan Narayan Hanumante, until recently the uncrowned kings of Tanjore; Prahlad Niraji, the resident ambassador at Haidarabad; Dattaji Trimbak the chronicler (waqnis), Kesho Pant, and Nilo Moreshwar and Gangadhar Pant the auditors (majmuadars.) With them were mingled the more retiring and studiously unostentatious figures of the Kayastha writers: Nila Prabhu, the accomplished Persian draftsman (munshi), Balaji Avji, that jewel of a secretary (chitnis) whom Shivaji loved to keep close to his person; and also, but of another caste, Shamji Nayak, the Keeper of the Seal.

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But none of them attracted so much attention as the moving spirit of all this host. In the centre of a brilliant throng of ministers and generals, rode a short spare figure, rendered still thinner by his recent illness and the fatigue of an unbroken march of 300 miles. His quick beaming eyes were glancing right and left, and a natural smile played on his long light brown face distinguished by a Roman nose. The assembled citizens gave cheers for "Shiva Chhatrapati"; flowers made of gold and silver were showered on him from the balconies crowded with ladies and the road-side alike. Every now and then the women came forward and waved lighted lamps round his person with verses of welcome and blessing. Nor was Shiva less liberal. In his turn he kept showering handfuls of gold and silver among the crowd on the two sides and presented costly robes of honour to the chief citizens of every ward.

§7. Interview between Shivaji and Qutb Shah

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In this way the procession arrived at the Dad Mahal or Palace of Justice. There all stopped before the gate, keeping perfect order, while Shivaji attended by five of his officers ascended the stairs and entered the palace-hall where Qutb Shah was waiting for him. The Sultan came forward, embraced Shivaji, and seated him by his side on the royal carpet. The wazir Madanna was also permitted to sit down; all others remained standing. The ladies of the harem looked on the scene with wonder through the latticed windows around.

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For three hours did the two monarchs hold a friendly conversation. After the usual exchange of compliments and conventional inquiries about health, Abul Hasan Qutb Shah listened with rapt attention to the stories of Shivaji's heroic feats. To the slothful voluptuary of Golkonda, who had never drawn a sword in anger nor ridden to a tented field in his life, it sounded like the most fascinating of romances when Shivaji recounted how he had slain the gigantic Afzal Khan single-handed and hacked at Shaista Khan in the bosom of his harem; how he had challenged Aurangzib in full Court, what hair-breadth escapes he had made in his flight from Agra, how he had sacked Surat and stormed so many hill-forts. At last he gave his royal guest and the chief Maratha officers ornaments, jewels, horses, elephants, and robes of honour, and dismissed them for the day, after graciously anointing Shivaji with scent and giving him betel-leaf with his own hand, and accompanying him to the foot of the staircase.

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Then Qutb Shah heaved a sigh of relief; he now felt convinced of Shiva's honesty of purpose and determination to befriend him. The Maratha ambassador at his Court was praised and rewarded for the truth of his assertions. Shivaji returned with his army to the residence selected for him, scattering alms all the way.

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Next day, the wazir Madanna Pandit gave a grand dinner to Shivaji and his chief men. The Rajah's meal was cooked by the prime-minister's venerable mother, and Madanna and Akanna sat with due respect and attention before Shivaji as he fed. The guests were conducted back to their quarters with presents of elephants, horses, and clothes.

§8. Alliance with Golkonda

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They then proceeded to business. Abul Hasan, being very favourably impressed by Shivaji's personal charm, character and ability, and the strength and discipline of his army, bade his wazir grant him whatever he wanted. After some discussion a secret compact was made regarding the coming campaign. The Sultan was to pay Shivaji a subsidy of 3,000 *hun* a day, or four and a half *lakhs* of Rupees a month, and send 5,000 men (consisting of 1,000 horse and 4,000 foot) in charge of one of his generals (*sar-i-lashkar*), Mirza Muhammad Amin, to co-operate in the conquest of the Karnatak. A train of artillery with material was also supplied by Qutb Shah, and probably a large sum of money as advance payment of the promised subsidy. In return for this aid, Shivaji promised his ally such parts of his conquests in the Karnatak as had not belonged to his father Shahji.

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The defensive alliance against the Mughals was strengthened anew with solemn oaths taken by Shivaji in the presence of Qutb Shah, while the latter promised to pay his annual tribute of one *lakh* of *hun* regularly and to keep a Maratha ambassador at his Court.

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While these secret negotiations were going on, social functions and ceremonies were also being held in public. Shivaji paid a second formal visit to Abul Hasan and was presented with "an immense quantity of jewels and ornaments and innumerable horses and elephants." (Sabh. 88.) The two kings sat down together on the terrace of the palace and received the salute of all the Maratha officers, who were rewarded by Qutb Shah with gifts according to their ranks and achievements. Even Shivaji's charger did not go unrewarded; a string of precious stones* was placed round its neck, as the worthy companion of his glorious deeds!

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Another day, the leading nobles of Haidarabad gave a dinner to Shivaji. Then a combat was got up between Yesaji Kank, the Mavle captain, and a *mast* elephant of Qutb Shah, for the diversion of that king and also as a demonstration of the valour of Shivaji's men. Yesaji, after keeping the huge brute at bay with his sword for some time, cut off its trunk and put it to flight.†

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† *T. S.* 37*a*. But Chitnis, 136, says that to Qutb Shah's question, "How many famous elephants have you?" Shivaji answered by parading several thousands of his well-built Mavle infantrymen and saying, "These are my elephants."

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A month was spent at Haidarabad, ostensibly in going through these ceremonies, but really in concluding the alliance, getting delivery of the promised arms money and material, and equipping the local auxiliary force that was to assist in the campaign.

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∗ A necklace, reputed to be this historical one, passed from Satara into the possession of Mr. Purushottam Vishram Mawji of Bombay and was shown to me by that gentleman.

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§9. Visit to Shri Shaila.

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At last, all his objects having been gained, Shivaji left Haidarabad, early in March 1677, and marched due south towards the Krishna. From the city of Karnul he levied a contribution of five lakhs of hun. (Malkaré, 79.) Then he proceeded to the Nivritti Sangam where the Bhavanashi flows into the Krishna, 24 miles north-east of Karnul. This spot "is considered by the Hindus a most holy place of pilgrimage." Here and also in the whirlpool of Chakratirtha, a short distance below the junction, the Rajah bathed, performed the religious ceremonies of a pilgrim, and then made a rapid journey 37 miles due east to Shri Shaila, lightly attended, while his army waited for him at Anantpur (44 m. east of Karnul.)

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As the Krishna winds its way eastwards to the sea, it forms some 70 miles below Karnul a sharp loop northwards, flowing through a wide and steep-sided trench of nearly a thousand feet in depth. Here, in the heart of the uninhabited Nallamala forest, surrounded by rugged hills and a desolate fever-haunted belt of land, rises a plateau 1563 feet high, overlooking the river, on which stands the famous Shiva-temple of Shri Shaila, "the most ancient and sacred in Southern India."* Entering the plateau by a large archway (now no more) called the Kailash-dwara (or Gateway of Shiva's Heaven), the pilgrim sighted the temple enclosure, an oblong space, 660 feet by 510, surrounded by thick walls varying from 20 to 26 feet in height, built of large hewn blocks of greyish stone exactly squared and laid together, and elaborately sculptured with a profusion of accurately designed figures of elephants, horses, tigers, hunters, warriors, and *yogis*, as well as numerous scenes from the Hindu epics and religious books. In the centre of this enclosure is the square temple of Mallikarjuna (*linga*), the chief deity worshipped here, the walls and roof being entirely covered with gilded brass plates presented by Krishna Dev, the victorious Rajah of Vijaynagar (1513.) There is a smaller temple dedicated to Shiva's consort. A flight of stone steps, built by a Vijaynagar queen, leads down from the plateau to the bed of the Krishna, called Patal-Ganga, and a ford called Nila-Ganga, a little below, both of which are considered as sacred bathing-places.

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∗ Shri Shaila: Kurnool Dist. Manual, 14, 144, 181-183. Shivaji's visit: Sabh. 88; Malkaré, 79, says that he spent the first nine days of Chaitra Shukla (24 March—1 April, 1677) there.

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Shivaji ascended this difficult plateau, bathed in the Krishna and spent some ten days at Shri Shaila doing religious rites. The quiet and secluded beauty of the scenery and the spiritual atmosphere of the place penetrated his soul, and he believed that he would find no purer spot to die in. So, he attempted to cut off his own head before the goddess; but his ministers restrained his religious frenzy and recalled him to a sense of his duty to his subjects and the Hindu world at large. Here he built a *ghat*, named Shri-Gangesha, a monastery, and a *dharmashala*, fed a lakh of Brahmans, and gave away large sums to them.

§10. Capture of Jinji and siege of Vellore

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Leaving the sacred hill in the first week of April, Shivaji overtook his army at Anantpur and hastened southwards, evidently by way of Nandiyal and Kadapa, to Tirupati. From the last-named place he descended into the plains of the east coast, and passed through Kalahastri to Peddapolam (about seven miles west of Madras), in the first week of May. After some days' halt at Peddapolam, he turned to the south-west, sending an advanced detachment of 5,000 cavalry through Conje-veram (9th May) to Jinji. The commander of this force paid a visit to Nasir Muhammad Khan within the fort and persuaded him to give up Jinji in return for a cash sum on account and a jagir yielding half a lakh of Rupees a year,* (about 13th May.) On hearing of this success, Shivaji himself hastened to the fort and took possession of it for himself, instead of handing it over to the Golkonda agents as he had promised.

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Shivaji placed the fort of Jinji in charge of a Mavle captain named Rayaji Nalgé, and the surrounding district under Vital Pildev Atré Garadkar as governor, assisted by a sabnis and a caretaker of buildings. The military and revenue administration of Maharashtra was transferred here without any change. [Malkaré, 80.] He "constructed new ramparts round Jinji, dug ditches, raised towers and bastions, and carried out all these works with a perfection of which European skill would not have been ashamed." [Andre Freire, S. J., in Mission du Madure, iii. 271.]

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From Jinji, Shivaji turned back northwards to Vellore, where he arrived about 23rd May. This fort was held for Bijapur by a brave Abyssinian officer named Abdullah Khan, who put up an obstinate defence. Vellore is one of the strongest fortresses in Southern India. A deep wet ditch, swarming with crocodiles, surrounds it. The outer ramparts are wide enough for two carts to be driven abreast. Four concentric lines of circumvallation protect it. [Sabh. 91.] Shivaji had, therefore, to begin a regular siege, for which he was not properly equipped. Occupying two neighbouring hillocks, which he named Sajira and Gojira, he mounted batteries there and opened the attack. The fort defied the Marathas for fourteen months.* Leaving Narahari Rudra (sabnis), with 2,000 horse and 5,000 Mavle infantry, to conduct the protracted siege, Shivaji himself marched southwards (about 20th June) to fight Sher Khan Lodi.

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∗ *Madras F. R.; Martin. By this treaty Nasir Muhammad was granted a jagir in the dependencies of Golkonda. But when Shivaji kept hold of Jinji, the Golkonda officers naturally refused to put Nasir Muhammad in possession of the promised lands. "Poor Nasir was tossed about and received not more than a fraction of what had been promised him. Beggared of his former grandeur, he felt so disappointed that he died shortly afterwards."

§11. Condition of the invaded country

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The flood of Maratha invasion swept over the Karnatak plains. Only a few fortified places offered resistance and stood like islands above the waste of waters, for some time. The vanguard of a thousand horsemen rode a day or two's march ahead of the main body which Shivaji accompanied. The report of his exactions and the fury of his soldiery had preceded him; and at the news of his coming, all who had anything to lose made haste to remove their property to the safe refuge of the neighbouring woods or the fortified sea-ports of the Europeans. The rich men were the first to flee, lest he should seize and torture them for ransom.

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∗ *Jedhe Shakavali* says that Vellore fell on Shravan Shukla 14 (=22 July 1678.) But Madras Diary, 21 Aug., records the fall of Vellore that day, after a siege of 14 months. If we read *Bhadra* instead of *Shravan* in *Jedhe S.*, the date would be 21 August.

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Shivaji was in need of money. On his refusal to deliver the fort of Jinji and his other conquests in this region to Golkonda as required by the treaty, the Qutb-Shahi Government rightly stopped the payment of the promised subsidy of 3,000 hun a day. Therefore, he sent letters to the chief places in the coast districts, in advance of his march, demanding loans to the amount of two lakhs of hun, out of which Madras and Pulicat were asked to contribute half a lakh each. The loan, which was only another name for a forced contribution, was naturally refused, and this fact, the Madras President feared, "would serve him for a pretence to play his old pranks."

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Nor was this fear unfounded. As Shivaji passed by Madras southwards, he took minute account of all the rich men in the country around him with a view to estimating each man's ransom correctly. A net-work of his collectors of blackmail spread throughout the invaded province.

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This was the authorized or regular exaction. But the sufferings of the people of the unhappy land, whose only crime was their wealth, did not end with paying it. Behind Shivaji's army came a vast crowd of some 20,000 unattached persons, mostly hungry Brahmans in search of official employment in the province to be conquered. Nothing could exceed their shameless greed and dishonesty. The newly appointed administrators of Shivaji and even their soldiers plundered the wayfarers and the town-dwellers without fear or mercy.

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The disorder was further aggravated by local robbers. Most of the petty chiefs (the poligars or 'woodmen' as they are called in the old English and French records) of that region made peace with Shivaji by sending him tribute, and some even joined his army with their followers to share in the plunder. Nay more, the shock of the Maratha invasion dissolved the civil government and tempted every private robber to come out of his den with his band and hang in the rear of the Maratha army in the hope of picking up what the lion would leave undevoured. [Martin's *Memoires*.]

§12. Struggle with Sher Khan Lodi

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The southern half of the Bijapuri Karnatak plains was ruled over by Sher Khan Lodi, a Pathan noble, with his seat of government at Wali-ganda-puram.[*] By nature he was more fitted for civil government than for war. He was entirely guided by his Brahman advisers, who had foolishly taught him to underrate Shivaji's strength, and this delusion was also shared by his son Ibrahim Khan, in disregard of the warnings of Francois Martin.

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With a force of 4,000 cavalry and three or four thousand second-rate infantry (of the militia type), "whom the mere name of Shivaji caused to tremble," Sher Khan arrived at Tiruvadi, 13 miles west of Cuddalore, on 10th June, to wait for the Marathas. Shivaji reached the neighbourhood with 6,000 cavalry, on 26th June. At the sight of him Sher Khan immediately put his men in battle order and advanced to the attack. The Marathas calmly waited for the onset. Their attitude made Sher Khan realize that he had taken a false step and he ordered a retreat! Then Shivaji charged the confused and wavering ranks of the enemy and turned the retreat into a rout.

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∗ Now an obscure village in the Perambalur taluq of the Trichinopoly district, but in the 17th and 18th centuries one of the most important posts on the main road from Madras to Trichinopoly. (Orme's *Indostan*, 4th ed., i, 172.) The fort is at Ranjangudi, 3 m. n. of the village W. My account of this contest is based upon Martin's *Memoire* (see my trans. in *Modern Review*, Feb. 1924) and *Madras Factory Records*, vol. 27, "Letters from our Brahmans Wardapa from Shivaji Raja's camp, 27 June, and Nellor Ramana 16th July, 1677." Jedhe S. has misread *Bairagi* for Lodi.

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Sher Khan flung himself with the remnant of his army into the fort of Tiruvadi in his rear. At night he tried to escape from it to Tevenapatam, a suburb of Cuddalore. The Maratha horse, noticing the movement, gave chase and drove him into Akala Nayak's wood, which lay in the way. Five hundred of the Khan's horsemen offered battle and held up the pursuers for two hours. Then the moon set and Sher Khan ran away with some of his cavalry and elephants southwards out of the wood. Shivaji's men continued the chase. Sher Khan fled before them at full gallop and had just time to throw himself the next day (27th June) with a hundred horsemen, into the poor fort of Bonagir-patam, (or Bowanigiri) on the Vellar river, 22 miles south of Tiruvadi, where he was immediately blockaded by the Marathas. In this encounter Shivaji's men captured 500 horses, two elephants, twenty camels and many oxen tents and war drums from the Khan.

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The fort of Tiruvadi held out for some time under Sher Khan's father-in-law. Leaving Babo Sahib with some horse to invest the place, and quartering his main army three miles south of Tevenapatam, Shivaji himself appeared before Bonagir-patam. On 30th June, Valdaur, Tevenapatam and several other forts of the Khan fell to the Marathas, their garrisons having vacated them in terror. Soon afterwards, Sher Khan gave up the struggle. On 5th July he made terms with Shivaji, giving up all his territories and promising a ransom of 20,000 hun in cash, for which he left his eldest son as a hostage, while Shivaji agreed to give him a free exit from the fort and the delivery of his property in Gondelur.

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We may conveniently bring the story of Sher Khan to its close here. After leaving Bonagir-patam and visiting Shivaji, he sought asylum in the forest of Ariyalur, a village 15 m. s. e. of Wali-ganda-puram. The chieftain of this place (a Kallar by caste) received him most hospitably and gave him two villages yielding Rs. 1,500 a year for his support. The Khan professed to be too poor to pay his promised ransom, and in consequence his hostage Ibrahim Khan was harassed by the Marathas for the money. At last in February 1678, the Hindu princes of those parts, among whom the Khan was popular and highly respected, subscribed the amount and secured his son's release. In April Sher Khan retired to the Court of the Nayak of Madura. [Kaep.]

§13. Shivaji on the Kolerun river

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His victory over Sher Khan being now complete, Shivaji at the end of the first week of July left the vicinity of Cuddalore, marched south across the Vellar river, and cantoned his army for the rainy season at Tirumala-vadi, on the north bank of the Kolerun river, 10 miles due north of Tanjore, (arriving there about 12th July.) Here an envoy from Chokka-nath ('Socca Linga' in Jesuit letter), the ruler of Madura, waited upon Shivaji, who demanded from him one krore of Rupees "for the present, for his expenses," arguing that the Nayak bore the sign of being worth nine krores. The envoy "answered that part of his master's country the Nayak of Mysore had taken and part Vyankoji, and that if he (Shiva) would restore him the said country, the Nayak of Madura would give him seven lakhs. The Nayak sent all his family away from Chartanapalli (Trichinopoly), where they were before, to Madura [for safety]; and while the river Kolerun remained full he feared nothing [from the Marathas.]" But shortly afterwards Raghunath Pant came from Maharashtra and was cordially welcomed by Shivaji, who then sent him to Madura with the Nayak's envoy to settle the amount of the blackmail by negotiation. The Nayak agreed to pay six lakhs of hun, out of which 1½ lakhs were delivered immediately, and Shivaji promised to retire with his army. (Nellor Ramana's letter to Governor of Madras, 16 July, 1677.)

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§14. Interview between Shivaji and Vyankoji.

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In the meantime, messages had been passing between Shivaji and his half-brother Vyankoji for a meeting.* At Shivaji's request, the Rajah of Tanjore had sent his ministers for a preliminary discussion. They returned to their master with three of Shivaji's ministers carrying a letter of invitation from him. Reassured by their report and Shiva's solemn promises of safety, Vyankoji arrived at Tirumala-vadi about the middle of July, with an escort of 2,000 horse. Shiva advanced to Tirumanur (6 m. n. e.) to welcome him on the way. The brothers spent some days together exchanging gifts and feasting each other. Then Shivaji opened his business. He demanded three-fourths of whatever Shahji had left at his death,—money, horses, jewels, and territory,—offering to let Vyankoji enjoy the remaining quarter. The latter declined, at which Shivaji burst into anger and rebuked him. Vyankoji was watched and feared that he would not be allowed to return to freedom, unless he yielded to his brother's demand. So, one night soon afterwards, he approached the bank of the Kolerun under the pretext of necessity, jumped on a raft which had been kept ready for him, and crossed over to his own territory, on the opposite bank, with only five attendants, (about 23rd July.)

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∗ Meeting between Shivaji and Vyankoji: F.R. Fort St. George, Vol. 27, Letter from Nellor Ramana, 27 July, 1677; Martin, f. 285; Mission du Madure, iii. 269; Dil. i. 113. The Marathi accounts are later and much less reliable.

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Shivaji learnt of his brother's flight next morning and, ascribing it to the advice of the Tanjore ministers,—Jagannath Pant (the *diwan*), Konher Mahadev and Shivaji Shankar (two *majmuadars*) and Niloji Nayak (a merchant), he placed them under arrest and threatened to send Janardan Narayan Hanumante to take possession of the kingdom of Tanjore. He was highly indignant at his brother's conduct, as implying a distrust of his solemn pledge of safety, and cried out in open Court, "Was I going to imprison him? My fame has spread over the sea-girt earth. I asked for my father's property, only because one should keep his heritage. If he does not wish to part with it, he is under no compulsion to give it. Why did he flee for nothing? He is very young and has acted like a child." (Sabhasad, 90.) Shivaji sent some of his officers to Tanjore to recall Vyankoji, but they returned unsuccessful.

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After a time the captive ministers of Vyankoji were set free, and sent back to Tanjore with presents and robes of honour. Thus Shivaji cleared himself in the eyes of the public. But though he gave up the idea of invading the Tanjore territory south of the Kolerun, he seized the whole Karnatak north of that river, both the jagirs of Vyankoji and those of Sher Khan, Vellore and Arni alone still holding out.*

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The French envoy M. Germain, who spent three days in Shivaji's camp on the Kolerun, gives a graphic account of the Maratha king's Spartan simplicity and efficient arrangements:—"His camp is without any pomp and unembarrassed by baggage or women. There are only two tents in it, but of a thick simple stuff and very small,—one for himself and the other for his minister. The horsemen of Shivaji ordinarily receive two pagodas per month as pay. All the horses belong to him and he entertains grooms for them...... Ordinarily there are three horses for every two men, which contributes to the speed which he usually makes. This chief pays his spies liberally, which has greatly helped his conquests by the correct information which they give."

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§15. Shivaji's return northwards.

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His hope of recalling Vyankoji being futile, Shivaji broke up his camp on the Kolerun about 27th July. Thence after a short halt at Wali-ganda-puram (28 m. north), he crossed the Vellar river (10 m. n.) and stopped at Tundumgurti for a day or two. Here he received a visit from the Dutch Chief of Tevenapatam bearing many presents (about 31st July), and from this place sent his army on to Elavanasur (22 miles further north) to take that fort from Vyankoji's men, while he himself, with Simaji Nayak and others of his great men, turned 16 miles north-east to worship at the great Shiva temple of Vriddhachalam, (1-3 August.)

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∗ F. R. Fort St. George, Vol. 18, Madras to James and Chamberlaine, 24 Aug., 1677. Letter of Nellor Ramana, 2 Aug., (Vol. 27), says that Shivaji kept the three Tanjore ministers with him for some time after leaving Tirumalvadi, and that Jagannath induced the garrison of Elavanasur to give it up to him. Jedhe S. records that Shivaji next captured Chidambaram, Vriddhachalam and Jagdevgad (=Kaveripatan) and laid siege to Kolhar.

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On 22nd September Shivaji was at Vanikamvadi, (40 miles s. w. of Vellore) and wrote to the English governor of Madras: "In the Karnat country......I intend to build new works in several forts and castles. You may likely have with you such men as know how to make great carriages for guns and how to contrive mines. We have need of such men at present, especially those that know how to make mines and to blow up stone-walls. If there be any such men with you that know how to make mines, you would be pleased to send some 20 or 25, or at least 10 or 5 such men, for I shall pay them very well and shall entertain them in several of my forts." (F. R. Fort St. George, Vol. 27.) The English politely declined the request, saying that, being merchants, it was their duty to maintain strict neutrality. On 3rd October, Shivaji was within two days' march of Madras. (Love, i. 371.) Shortly before, he had pillaged Porto Novo, and made himself master of the South Arcot district. (Love, i. 357.) In October Arni surrendered to him, and so also did some other forts in the North Arcot district.

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§16. Shivaji's return through Mysore and conquests.

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Shivaji had been now absent from his own realm for ten months and the administration there was suffering from the lack of the master's control. At a grand council of his officers which he held in September it was decided to return to Maharashtra. [Martin.] This resolution was strengthened by the news that Aurangzib had ordered his governor of the Deccan to punish Qutb Shah for having joined and assisted the arch-rebel Shivaji, and a combined Bijapuri and Mughal army had invaded Golkonda territory near Malkhed.* (September 1677.) Therefore at the beginning of November 1677, Shivaji himself with 4,000 cavalry marched away from the Karnatak plains, leaving the bulk of his army in occupation of his new conquest and "promising to return quickly." (F. R. Surat, Vol. 107, Madras letter of 20 Nov. 1677.) Ascending the Eastern Ghats into the tableland, he took easy possession of his father's jagir districts,—Kolar, Uskota, Bangalore, Balapur and Sera, in the eastern and central parts of the present kingdom of Mysore, repressed the turbulent poligars of that No Man's Land, and then returned home through the Bellary and Dharwar districts, reaching Panhala early in April, 1678. (Sabh. 91.)

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About 21st August 1678, the fort of Vellore surrendered to Shivaji's forces after a siege of 14 months, "Abdullah Khan, the Captain, that held it out all this time, having behaved himself very resolutely therein. But his men from 1,800 foot and 500 horse, being by the extremity of the siege and sickness reduced to 200 foot and 100 horse, and no supplies sent from Bijapur,......... he could not hold it longer, and therefore delivered it upon condition to have 30,000 pagodas in money, a small fort and country worth 30,000 pagodas per annum." (Madras Diary and Consult. 1678-79, p. 105; B. S. 476.)

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