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Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India c4.s3: 3. A critical estimate of Indigenous sources.

Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India c4.s3

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3. A critical estimate of Indigenous sources.

I.—Literary.

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Though the ancient Indians did not pay much attention to history, there are ample geographical materials.

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Expansion of geographical knowledge is due to (1) military expedition and colonizing spirit, (2) commercial relations, (3) religious activity, and, in the modern age, (4) scientific exploration. Alexander's Historians* and Alberuni's knowledge of India was due to the first cause. Pliny and the author of the Periplus utilized materials accumulated by commercial enterprisers. The Chinese pilgrims' visit to India was actuated by religion. Similar also is the case with the ancient Indians. Their foreign conquest and colonization are made known to us by a series of Sanskrit Inscriptions discovered in Further India and the Indian Archipelago. A fourth century A.D. Pillar Inscription of the Buddhist sea-captain Mahânâvika Buddhagupta of Raktam(i)ttikâ (mod. Rângâmâti in Murshidabad district, Bengal) has been discovered* in the Wellesley district of the Malay Peninsula. A series of inscriptions† proves clearly that there ruled, in Further India, from the second century A.D. up to the seventh century at least, a line of Saiva Hindu kings (Dharmamahârâjas) claiming descent from Asvatthâman, son of Drona. Four Yûpa inscriptions* of king Mûlavarman, in the fourth or fifth century A.D. Pallava characters, discovered in 1879-80 at Kœtei in East Borneo, show the existence of a powerful Hindu royal dynasty at that place. As for the Brahman colony in Fahien's Ye-po-ti (Java, or perhaps, Sumatra) and the extensive Buddhist ruins in Java, they are too well-known to call for any remark. Recent discoveries in Central Asia exhibit political and diplomatic relations of India with Central Asian states (so often referred to in Indian literature).

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∗ Kern's Verspreide Geschriften, III, (1915), p. 255. † Bergaigne's Insc. Sansk. da Campâ et Cambodge (1893); Bul. Ecole F.E.O., II, p. 185, III, 206-11; IV, p. 918; XI, p. 264; XII, No. 8, pp. 15-16; XV, No. 2, pp. 3-5; Barth's Insc. Sk. du Cambodge.

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As for commercial intercourse, Von Ihering (in his *Prehistoric Indo-Europeans*) and J. Kennedy (in *J.R.A.S.*, 1898, pp. 241-88) have shown the activity of the early Indians in trading with the Persian Gulf tribes. A couple of Kanarese sentences found embodied in the Greek farce in the Papyrus of Oxyrhynchus† of the first or second century A.D. indicates commercial relations of an intimate nature between Egypt and the Kanarese-speaking Dravidians of Southern India. Cornelius Nepos (who died in the reign of Emperor Augustus, 14 B.C.—A.D. 14) had mentioned Indian commercial activity even in Germany.‡ There are clear statements in Tamil literature supporting Fahien's mention of early Indian's voyage to Java, Sumatra and China.§

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As for religious activity in this direction, Asoka's sending Buddhist Missionaries to Syria, Egypt and Macedonia is known to all students of History. The recent discoveries in Central Asia exhibit the great influence of Buddhist Missionaries in that region. India's connection with Tibet, China, Japan and Manchuria does not require any comment. Even such a distant place as Lord North's Island in Micronesia,* was indebted to Buddhist Missionaries for its religious instruction.

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∗ Dr. Vogel in *Overdruk int de Bijdragen tot de Toalen Volkenkande van Nederlandsch-Indië* Deel 74, Aflevering 1-2, 1918 † *J.R A.S.*, 1904, pp. 399-405. ‡ M'Crindle's *Anc Ind.*, p. 110. § Aiyangar's *Beginnings of South Indian Hist.*, pp. 113-4.

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We thus see that the political, commercial, and religious activities of early Indians made them acquainted with the greater part of the then known countries of the world. And this acquaintance certainly broadened their knowledge of the geography of foreign lands. And though, owing to their so-called want of historical faculty or to their want of vanity, they left no autobiographies or private memoirs, peripli or itineraries like those of Fahien or Yüan Chwang to perpetuate their names, yet, the stock of knowledge thus accumulated was not completely lost. It has been preserved in a corrupted form in the Epic and Puranic conception of the world as containing seven concentric islands—Jambu, Sâka, Kusa, Sâlmala, Krauncha, Gomeda (Gomanda or Plaksha), and Pushkara†—encircled by seven Samudras.‡ Though this conception is childish, we ought not to compare it with that of the twentieth century and stigmatize it as ridiculous. If we compare this fourth or third century B.C. conception of the earth with even the tenth or eleventh century Christian conception as depicted in the maps reproduced in Keane's *Evolution of Geography* (Edward Stanford, London, 1899), it would not certainly appear to be more ridiculous. The true conception of the earth is a thing of modern times—it was formed after the first circumnavigation. Ancient nations had strange notions. The conception of the different parts of the earth as so many islands was maintained also by the Greeks, and is referred to by Teopompo in Eliano, by Eratosthenes, and by Strabo.[*] As for the Indian theory of concentric islands, its origin may be explained thus:—(1) the change of meanings of the words *dvipa* and *samudra*; *dvipa* (derived by Pāṇini as *dvi+ap*; and thus etymologically connected with *doab*) meant, primarily, land having water (and not sea) on two (and not all) of its sides. The original meaning of *samudra* is a collection of water.[†] These words lost their original meanings and came to mean island and sea respectively. (2) Now when the Epic and Puranic writers (who had not the slightest personal knowledge of foreign lands) attempted the difficult task of arranging the traditional accounts of the different parts of the then known world handed down from those who actually visited them, they harmonized (?) the different accounts by reducing them to this system. But though their system is wrong and though there is

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∗ Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. V, 194. † The order varies in different sources. ‡ The Buddhist system counts eight dvipas and has different names for some of the Samudras. (See Pullé's Studi Italiani di Filologia Indo-Iranica, vol. IV, pp. 15-16; see also J.R.A.S., 1902, p. 142; 1907, p. 42.) In Jaina tradition we have new names. A chapter entitled Diva-samuddâ inserted incidentally in Jivâbhigama-sûtra names the following dvipas :—1. Jambu.

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² Dhâyaî-Khamda, 3. Pukkharavara, 4. Vârunavara, 5. Khîravara, 6. Ghatavara, 7. Khodavara, 8. Nandîsaravara, 9. Arunavara, 10. Arunavaravâsa, 11. Kundala, 12. Kundalavara, 13. Kundalavaravâsa, 14. Ruyaga, 15. Ruyagavara 16. Rayagavaravâsa, 17. Hâra, 18. Hâravara, 19. Hâravaravâsa. The names of the first two oceans are Lavana-samadda and Kâloya (Sk. Kâloda); the other names are made by adding uda (=water) to the names of the dvipas. Bhagavatî-Sûtra

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† St. Martin's *Géographie du Vēda*, p. 62.

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(11, 8, 1-9) states *ayam Jambuddīva savva-dīva-samuddānam savvab-bhantare* and that the first three only of the above dvīpas are inhabited by men—the Trikhanda (௧) (11, 9, 1-2). (See Pullé's *Studi*, IV, pp. 10-20; *J.B.B.R.A.S.*, II, p. 411.)

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∗ Pullé's *Studi*, vol. IV, p. 20, (giving Teopompo and Eliano in their Italian forms) quoting Berger's "Geschichte der wiss. Geographie der Griechen," p. 12.

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plenty of the fabulous in Hindu Geography, their accounts of the different parts of the world were based on facts. Mr. Wilford collected an account of the River Nile and of its source and reconstructed a map out of the Purânas.* H. H. Wilson called him an "injudicious writer."† Cunningham remarked that his essay is a "wild speculation."‡ St. Martin stated him to be the first victim of the "imposture" geographical literature of the Hindus.§ But Lieut. J. H. Speke, (in his *Discovery of the Source of the Nile*, chaps. I, V, X) unhesitatingly states that when planning his discovery of the source of the Nile, he secured his best information from Wilford's map and testifies to the substantial correctness of the Puranic account.|| Is it not enough to repay the labours of the Purâna-writers that it is they (and not Ptolemy, the great geographer of Greek Egypt) who helped the nineteenth century explorer with their accurate knowledge of that part of the country? As the subject of our study is the ancient geography of India and not the geographical theories of ancient Indians, we dismiss the theory of seven dvīpas with these remarks and return to the sources describing India only.

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The indigenous geography of India is, like every other Indian Science, chiefly dependent on religion. India is a land of *tīrthas*—her every crag, every spring, every river, and every hoary tree is sacred. As it is a duty of every pious Indian—Hindu, Jaina, or Buddhist—to make pilgrimages, pilgrims travelled far and wide to pay their respects to the objects of their veneration. This expanded their knowledge which has been embalmed in the sacred

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* *Asiatick Researches*, vol. III. † *Hindu Theatre*, vol. I, p. 9. ‡ *A. S. R.*, vol. I, p. ii. § St. Martin's *Etat actuel des études sur l' Inde ancienne*, p. xiii.

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|| Schoff's *Periplus*, pp. 87 and 230.

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literature—Orthodox (Hindu) or Heterodox (Jaina and Buddhist). Thus, though disregard to the historical order of things, owing to their peculiar religious idea that worldly existence is a misery, has caused the want of historical accounts, yet it is that same peculiar religion which did much to preserve the materials of geography. And though there is plenty of the fabulous in Indian geography of outlandish regions, the allusions to purely Indian topography are generally sober. The main features of the country were adequately known in very early times.

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Let us now examine the different branches of Indian literature as geographical sources. The VEDAS are our only source of the geography of Vedic India. Vivien de St. Martin first handled the subject. It was also taken up by Zimmer in his *Alt-Indische Leben*. Hillebrandt, Pischel, Roth and other Vedic scholars also have touched on the subject, Brunhofer has attempted, in his *Iran und Turan*, to locate various Vedic rivers in regions outside India.

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The *R(i)gveda Samhitâ* generally mentions tribes and rivers only. Names of countries occur seldom. In the mention of the following rivers, there is, as Sir A. Stein* has pointed out, a strict geographical order:—Gangâ, Yamunâ, (and the following tributaries of the Indus) Sarasvatî, Sutudrî (Satadru, Satlej), Parushnî (Ravi), Asiknî (असिकनी Akesines, Chenab), Marudvr(i)ddh↠Vitastâ (Jhelum), R(i)jikîyâ and Sushomâ (Sohan). As we find in this list (*Rigveda*, X, 75, 5) a strict geographical order in the mention of the eastern tributaries of the Indus, we ought to take the same order to guide us in identifying the western tributaries mentioned in the next verse—Tristâmâ, Susartu, Svetî ( श्वेती ), Gomatî (Gomal), Krumu (Kurram), Kubhâ (Kabul) and Mehantu. In the next two verses (X. 75, 7-8) are named some rivers. As *Rigveda* X. 64.8 mentions *trisapta sasrâ nadyah*, thrice seven sister rivers, we ought to find the names of seven rivers in X, 75. 7-8. Sâyana was ignorant of the geography of the North-Western Frontier, and therefore explained these words as adjectives. But these words are to be taken as proper names—Urnâvatî, Sîlamâvatî, R(i)jitî, Enî, Chitrâ, Hiranmayî and Rus( र )atî—seven tributaries of the Indus to be located to the north-west. The last five (and Añjasî, Amsu( शु )matî, Asm( अश्म )anmatî, Kulisî (कुलिशी) and Vîrapatnî) have not been mentioned in Macdonell and Keith's *Vedic Index of Names and Subjects*. But those five are to be taken as proper names, and geographical order will be a guide in the attempt to locate them.

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∗ *Bhândârkar Commemoration Volume.*

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† Stein has identified it with the Maruwardwan which flows from north to south through the Maru valley of the Kashmir Jammu state and joins the Chenab at Kistawar.

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The Indus and its tributaries are seldom mentioned in the *Yajurveda*, for the Aryans then lived in the territory of Kuru-Pâñchâla (Thaneswar and Rohilkhand), the old capital of which, Kâmpila, is mentioned. The *Satapatha Brâhmana* (I, 4, 1, 10-18) records the Aryan migration to Videha (Tirhut); while the *Atharvaveda-Samhitâ* shows that the Aryans were then acquainted with Anga and Magadha (which might have been known in Rigvedic age as Kîkata, (कीकट) a country of the non-Aryans, whose leader was *Pra-Maganda* whose name might have some connection with Magadha). The *Aitareya Brâhmana* mentions the Aryan Vaidarbhas and the non-Aryan Andhras, Pundras, (पुण्ड्र), S(श)abaras, Pulindas and Mûtibas. The Vangas seem to be mentioned in the *Aitareya Aranyaka* (ii. 1, 1) as a non-Aryan tribe.

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This gradual expansion of the Aryans can also be gathered from the *Dharmasûtras* and *Dharmasâstras*. The Sūtras (*Vasistha*, I, 8 ; *Baudhāyana*, I. 1, 2, 9, etc.) state that the country of the Aryans आर्यावर्त lies to east of the region where the (*Sarasvatī*) disappears, to the west of Black forest (*Kalakavana*), to the north of Pāripātra and to the south of the Himālayas. It is strange to note that this definition of Aryāvarta excludes the greater portion of the land of the R(i)gvedic Aryans. A famous episode (*Karna-Salya-samvāda*) in the Karnaparvan of the Mahābhārata also clearly states the impurity of the Punjab tribes during the Epic age. Various explanations may be suggested. (1) Dr. Bühler’s† theory was that the reading of Vasistha presupposes a reading *Adarsa* (आदर्श)‡ which was corrupted into *Adars(i)ana* (=disappearance) and was then paraphrased as ‘‘*Vinas(a)ana*’’ [of the Sarasvatī]. Ingenious as this theory is, it is not a good solution. Though some of the Sūtras and Patañjali’s Mahābhāshya (II, 4, 10) actually give the Western boundary to be *Adarsā*(आदर्शा), we gain little by this reading. Adarsa cannot be located in the N.-W. Frontier so as to include the whole of the Panjab in this Aryāvarta of the Sūtras. (2) Recent study of the modern Indian Aryan dialects indicates, in the opinion of Sir George Grierson, at least two waves of Aryan migration into India. There arose a conflict between the Brahmanical later immigrants (now represented by the speakers of Panjabi, Râjasthânî, Gujarâtî and Western Hindi) and the anti-Brahmanical earlier immigrants (now represented by the speakers of Kâshmîrî, Mârâthi, Bengali and Oriya). This conflict between the two waves of Aryan migrators might have caused the inhabitants of the Middle land to stigmatize the later immigrants as not truly Aryan and their country as outside the pale of Aryan culture. (3) The country to the West of the Sarasvatî was occupied in the later epic age by non-Aryan (Turanian) immigrants—the Takkas. They are now to be found in Jammu, Kistwar and other places.* They claim their descent from Takshaka Nâga.† The biting of King Parikshit by Takshaka Nâga probably symbolizes the destruction of the Aryan power owing to the inroad of the Takkas. Their name seems to have some connection with Takshasilâ ; for in connection with the serpent sacrifice performed by king Janamejaya to chastise the Nâgas, mention is made of his invasion and conquest of Takshasilâ (M.Bh, Ati P., III, 683-3 ; 832-4 ; XL— XLIV ; XLIX, 1954 ; L. 1991). As the Panjab was thus occupied by a non-Aryan race or races, it was outside the boundary of Aryâvarta. (4) As for Pargiter’s theory that the Aryans migrated to the Panjab from the Madhyadesa (Ancient Indian Historical Traditions), that cannot explain the above facts. For, whether the Panjab was the original home or not, Pargiter could not deny the fact that the Aryans lived there during the Vedic age and if it be so, why was it excluded from the Later Aryâvarta?

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∗ I propose to identify Kālakavana, the eastern boundary of Aryāvarta of the Sūtras, with Prayāga, the eastern boundary of Manu’s Madhyadesa, which is identical with the Aryāvarta of the Sūtras. As the other three boundaries are the same (Pāripātra being a portion of the Vindhyas), the eastern limit also ought to be identical. In the later age there flourished a city (Prayāga) and a country there, where the earlier literature locates a forest. Ayodhyākānda (LIV and LV) of the *Rāmāyana* states that Prayāga was then a clearing in a forest.

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† S.B.E., vol. XIV, p. 2.

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‡ आदर्श the western boundary of the Aryavarta, has not been located by any scholar. As अमरकोश XIV, 25, mentions Adarsa with the sources of the Yamunā, Trigarta, etc., it is to be placed not far from the ancient kingdom of Srughna and Trigarta (Kangra). Varāhamihira’s mention makes it clear that it cannot be located in the N.-W. Frontier.

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The Dharmasâstra of Manu, however, calls the

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[^ *]: A.S.R., vol. II, pp. 6-7. [^ †]: Tod’s Rajasthan, I, p. 9.

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Aryâvarta of the Sûtras to be the *Madhyadesa* or "Middle country" (*Himavad-Vindhyayor-madhyam yat prâk vina-sanâd* (विनशनाद्) *api, pratyag-eva Prayâgâchcha Madhya-desah...*) and greatly extends the boundaries of its Aryâvarta by defining it as *â Samudrât tu vai Pûrvâd â Samudrâchcha Paschimât* (पश्चिमात्) *tayor-evâ'ntaram giryor-âryâvarttam vidur-budhâh*.

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The "Middle country of the BUDDHIST LITERATURE" expanded to the East. Its boundaries as mentioned in Mahâvagga, V, 13, 12 [and Divyâvadâna] are:—E., Kajangala* [or Pundra(पुण्ड्र) varddhana acc. to Div.]; S. E., River Salalavati [Sarâvatî]; S., the town of Satakannika (*v. l.* set...); W., the Brahman district (or village) of Thuna† [Sthûna]; N., Usîradhaja‡ [Usira]. "The middle country is in length 300 yojanas, in breadth 250 yojanas, in circuit 900 yojanas."§ The sixteen great countries mentioned in the Pali literature are:—(1) Anga (C. Champâ), (2) Magadha, (3) Kâsi (subject to Kosala), (4) Kosala (C. Sâvatthî), (5) Wajjis, (6) Mallâ of Kusinara and Pâwâ, (7) Chedi, (8) Vatsa (C. Kausâmbî), (9) Kuru, (10) Panchâla, (11) Matsya, (12) Surasena (C. Mathurâ). (13) Assaka on the Godâvari, (14) Avanti (capital Ujjayini ; Mâhissatî was the capital of the southern division of Avanti or Avanti-dakshinâpatha).[*] (15) Gandhâra (C. Takkhasilâ), (16) Kamboja in the extreme North-West (C. Dvârakâ?).[†] The Pâli literature gives important trade-routes also.[‡] But it plainly indicates that Southern India was not then Aryanized.

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∗ It is the Ka-chu-wen-ki-lo of Yüan Chwang, who located it at a distance of above 400 *li* E. from Champâ (Bhagalpore). It was thus somewhere in Râjmahal district. It is the Kayangala mentioned in the com. on Râma[pâla]Charita (II, 6). The *ya* for *ja* is to be explained as due to Prakrit influence—intervocal explosive elided and *y* inserted to avoid hiatus—the *य-श्रुति* of Jaina Prakrit.

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† Thuna has not been identified by any scholar. As Yüan Chwang's account makes Thaneswar the western-most country of the Buddhist Middle country, I propose to identify Thuna (or Sthûna of Divyâvadâna) with Sthânvîsvara. Sthûna and Sthânu seem to be different forms of the same word, such metathesis of vowels being found in Pali and Prakrit. *Iswara*, the second part of Sthânvîsvara (Mod. Thaneswar) is redundant, it being identical in meaning with Sthânu (=Siva).

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‡ Usîradhaja is probably Usira-giri, a mountain to the North of Kankhal (Hardwar).—*Hultzsch* in *Ind. Ant.*, 1905, p. 179.

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§ Commentary on *Jâtaka* and *Sumangala*. (*Rhys Davids* in *J.R.A.S.*, 1904, p. 86.)

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The next stage of the expansion of the Aryans is to be inferred, as Sir R. G. Bhandarkar has shown (Early History of Dekkan pp. 5-6), from PANINI AND HIS COMMENTATORS. Pânini (700 B.C. ?), an inhabitant of the extreme N.-W. of India, has mentioned many place-names of N. India and specially of the Panjab and Afghanistan. But of S. India, he has mentioned only Kachchha (IV. 2. 133), Avanti (IV. 1. 176), Kosala (IV. 1. 171), Karusa and Kalinga (IV. 1. 178).[§] Thus it appears that S. India was probably unknown in his time. Kâtyâyana (400 B.C.), however, knows even Chola, Mâhishmat and Nâsikya. In Patanjali's time (150 B.C.) the whole of India was known.

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The EPICS. Both the Râmâyana and the Mahâbhârata have (i) chapters (the importance of which has been somewhat impaired by the corruptness of the texts) directly dealing with the geography of India. Kishkindhyâ Kânda, (XL—XLIV) describes the various countries of the four quarters (of India) where the

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[*] Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar in his Carmichael Lectures, 1918, pp. 43, 45. [†] Rhys Davids in Buddhist India, p. 23. [‡] Ibid, pp. 103-4. [§] Asmaka (अश्मक) has been mentioned by Pânini. But as there was another Asmaka in the N.-W., we are not sure which Asmaka (N.-W. or S.) has been mentioned by Pânini.

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“Vânara” chiefs were sent in quest of Sîtâ. In the ninth chapter of the Bhîsma Parvan of the *Mahâbhârata*, Sañjaya gives a general description of India—long lists of countries, nations, mountains and rivers. Again there are (ii) descriptions of certain routes which are invaluable; for though the distance is hardly ever mentioned, the direction and the mention of known places enable one to locate approximately the unknown. The *Râmâyana* describes three routes:—(1) Râma’s journey, in company of Visvâmitra, from Ayodhyâ to Mithilâ; (2) Bharata’s return from Kekaya to Ayodhyâ; (3) Râma’s exile. [N. Das’s *Geography of Asia based on the Râmâyana* and Pargiter’s *Geography of Râma’s exile* in *J.R.A.S.*, 1894, p. 231 deal with the subject.] The *Mahâbhârata* mentions (1) [Adiparvan] the twelve years’ sojourn of Arjuna; (2) [Sabhâparvan] the conquest of the four quarters by the four brothers of Yudhishthira; (3) [Vanaparvan] an account of the “Tîrthas” and Pândavas’ pilgrimage; (perhaps a later interpolation—but the geographical knowledge is certainly based on actual travels of Pilgrims). (4) Karna’s digvijaya; (5) [Asvamedhaparvan] Arjuna’s expedition through various countries. The Udyogaparvan and the parvans describing the war mention almost all the Indian nations siding with the one party or the other. [Pargiter, *On the Nations at the time of the Great War* in *J.R.A.S.*, 1908.] There are also (iii) numerous incidental references, [Sörensen’s *Index of the Mahâbhârata*]. Another important section is the chapters of the Sabhâparvan dealing with the presents made by different kings to Yudhishthira, and as such describing the natural and commercial products of the different districts of India.

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The Puranas reserve (i) a section on Geography—*Bhuvanakosha*—giving lists of rivers, mountains, countries and tribes. They also deal with (ii) *Topographia sacra* and contain (iii) many incidental references. [Bhuvanakosh of *Mârkaṇḍeya Purâṇa* with notes in Pargiter's translation of the Purâṇa published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Geographical names in the *Bhâgavata Purâṇa* in *I. A.* XXVIII. p. 1.]

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The Mahatmyas (of various *tīrthas*) also deal with *Topographia sacra*. These works (claiming to be sections or portions extracted from Purâṇas or Samhitâs) set forth the legendary origin of *tīrthas*, the rites to be performed there, etc. Their importance may be illustrated thus :— A long and laborious but fruitless search was made for the site of Vâtâpî, the capital of the early Châlukyas. Now the Mâhâtmya of Mahâkûta(ख) a *tīrtha* close to Badami (15° 55' N. Lat. and 75° 41' E. Long.) in Bijapore district localised there the story of the brothers Vâtâpi and Ilvala vanquished by the sage Agastya. This localisation of the story of Vâtâpi showed that Bâdâmi, close to the *tīrtha*, is the city of Vâtâpi. (*I. A.*, VIII, p. 238.) Dr. Bühler, in his *Kâshmir Report*, pointed out the great geographical importance of the Mâhâtmyas and Dr. Stein has discovered many long forgotten sites with their aid. [Stein's *Topography of Kashmir* in his *Chronicles of Kasmîr*, Vol. II.] The Mâhâtmya literature is very vast.

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There are also a few WORKS professing to DEAL WITH GEOGRAPHY. Mr. Wilford has long ago pointed out (*Asiatick Researches*, XIV, pp. 374-380), the existence of the following :—(1) Muñjâ-pratidesa(ग)-vyavasthâ, (2) Bhoja-pratidesa-vyavasthâ (a revised edition of 1), (3) Bhuvana-Sâgara, (4) A Geography written at the command of Bukkarâya, (5) A commentary on the Geography of the Mahâbhârata written by order of the Raja of Paulastya (? Paurastya?) by a Pandit in the time of Hussein Shah (1489)—a voluminous work. A MS. acquired by Mr. Wilford once formed a part of the Library of Fort William College; it is now in the Government Sanskrit College Library, Calcutta. A detailed description,* of this MS. has been given by M. M. H. P. Sâstrî in the *Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society* (1919). Prof. Pullé has mentioned (in pp. 13-15 of his *Studi Italiani di Filologia Indo-Iranica*, vol. IV.) the existence of the following geographical works in the Library of the Nazionale centrale di Firenze (Florence, in Italy):—(5) *Lokaprakâsa*(π) of Kshemendra (the celebrated Kasmirian writer); the MS. consists of 782 pages and it is profusely illustrated. Prof. Pullé has reproduced two of its figures in his *Studi*. (6) Three MSS. of *Kshetra Samâsa*, a Jaina work—with two different commentaries. (7) A MS. of *Kshetra Samâsa Prakarana*. (8) Four MSS. of *Samghayanî* of Chandrasûri with two commentaries; one of the MSS. is illustrated. (9) A *Laghu-Samghayanî*. He has also pointed out the mention of *Kshetra Samâsa* of Jina Bhadra (1457-1517) in Kielhorn's *Report* (1880-1), of (10) *Laghu Kshetra Samâsa* of Ratnasekhara in Weber's *Cat* (No. 1942), of (11) *Trailokya dîpikâ* and (12) *Trailokya Darpana* quoted by Wilford. Besides the above, (13) a Jaina *Tittha Kappa*, and (14) *Tristhalisetu* dealing with the topography of Prayâga are also known.

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St. Martin† characterized the works mentioned by Wilford to be "imposture literature" without sufficiently examining them. Be they "imposture" or not, they have not yet been sufficiently examined.

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† Etat actuel des études sur l' Inde ancienne, p. xiii.

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Certain works on POETICS, e.g., Râjasekhara's *Kâvya-mîmâmsâ* (Gaekwad Oriental Series) Vâgbhata(ट)'s and Hemchandra's works (printed in the Kâvyamâlâ Series), contain a section on geography, in order to acquaint a poet with the flora and fauna etc., of the various districts, so that his description of them may be faithful. The *Nâtyasâstra* नाट्यशास्त्र of Bharata (Kâvyamâlâ Series) also gives details as to the colours with which to paint actors personifying the various tribes of India and its borders. It thus gives geographical and ethnological data. [J.A.S.B., 1909, pp. 359-60.]

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∗ Gazetteer literature in Sanskrit.

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The VATSYAYANA KAMA SUTRA and its commentary by Yasodhara [first edited by the late M.M. Durgâprasâda of Joypur] are also valuable. The Sûtra refers to various countries and the commentary indicates their location.

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The RAJATARANGINI AND THE HISTORICAL POEMS—the CHARITA KAVYAS—Harshacharita, Gauda vaho (गउड वहो) Navasâhasânkacharita, Vikramânkadeva-charita, Dvyâsrayakâvya (द्व्याश्रयकाव्य), Kumârapâlacharita, Râma(pâla)-charita, Prithvîrâja-vijaya, Kîrtikaumudî, Vasantavilâsa, Vallâlacharita, Hammîra-mardana, Vemabhûpâla-charita, Achyutarâyâbhyudaya, etc. Though these works have many shortcomings as sources of history, they are "invaluable" (as Sir A. Stein says of the R. T.) "for the study of historical geography."

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Even the ORDINARY LITERARY WORKS sometimes incidentally introduce geography. The plots of some of the plays, the classical poems, and the collection of imaginative stories and fables (e.g., Jâtakas, Pañchatantra, Kathâsaritsâgara) were woven round geographical names. And such allusions can, to a certain extent, be put to a practical use. Thus the statement of the Dasakumâracharita that Tâmralipti (Mod. Tamluk) was in the Suhma country settled the location Suhma (which was formerly identified by H. H. Wilson with Arakan and Tipperah). Similar incidental references are to be met with in every department of literature. The Arthasâstra of Kautilya and various Ratna-sâstras and medical works referring to the natural products of the various countries also throw some light on this subject, and it is with their help that I identified Barbaricum, Alexander's Haven and Bettigo of Ptolemy.

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ASTRONOMICAL works. Astronomers discarded the theory of a circular earth (Parimandala) with Mt. Meru in the middle, and proved that the earth is an immovable globe suspended in space. They knew the dimensions and indicated the poles and the equator.* They calculated *desântara* देशान्तर (longitude) and prepared globes. The Kurmavibhaga of the बृहत्संहिता (chap. XIV) of वराहमिहिर is very important for geographical study. Here *Kûrma* means the earth, because it resembles a tortoise, being round, surrounded by water, and having a globular convexity on its surface (Alberuni.) Its special object is to provide an arrangement from which it may be determined what countries and peoples would suffer calamity when particular *nakshatras* are vexed by planets. The 27 nakshatras are divided into nine groups and so is the earth (*i.e.* India). Dr. Fleet first examined the list (*Ind. Ant*, XXII, p. 169 *ff*). Prof. Mario Longhena† did the same, giving references to passages of the epics which mention the same nations, etc. The com. of Utpala on the बृहत्संहिता (*Vizianagram Sanskrit Series*, Benares) gives quotations from the *Parâsara tantra* on the same subject which has also been treated in chap. LVIII of the *Mârkaṇḍeya Purâṇa*. Comparing these three lists, we find a number of various readings and the original reading can be reconstructed in some cases.

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† Pullé's *Studi Italiani*, vol. IV.

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The third chapter of Bhâskarâchârya's work and the 12th chapter of *Sûryasiddhânta* are also important.

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The INTRODUCTIONS AND COLOPHONS OF MSS. sometimes incidentally give historical and geographical notices. The place of composition or copying is mentioned in some MSS. with details.

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∗ Thibaut in his *Astronomie (Grundriss)*, pp. 21, 30, 37.

II.—Traditional.

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Local traditions, when properly sifted and corroborated by other sources, give some geographical information. Thus Dr. Fleet's identification of Sâkala ( शाकल ) with Sialkot is due to the local tradition recorded in Cunningham's *A.S.R.*, XIV, pp. 44-46, that it was founded by Salya and that it was originally called Sâkala.

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But tradition sometimes turns out to be wrong. Thus Gaibandhâ (Rangpur district, Bengal) claims to be the country of the Matsyas; Badnagar (Patna district) to be Kundinapura (the capital of Vidarbha); but the Epics show otherwise. Hence uncorroborated tradition has little value. The literary sources also sometimes mention names which cannot be located. Again tribes die out and disappear; towns decay and are deserted; seaside emporia sometimes shift; "the names of countries" [cities, etc.] "change" [Utpala's Commentary on the *Br(i)hatsamhitâ*] though the places themselves survive. All these facts make identifications of sites mentioned in foreign and indigenous literary sources difficult. Hence we have to turn to

III.—Archæology.

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with its three branches (i) Monumental, (ii) Numismatic, and (iii) Epigraphical.

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(i) The MONUMENTAL remains of a place enable one to compare its present ruins with those described in a foreign or indigenous source. Thus Mahâban was long taken as the site of Aornos; but Dr. Stein's survey has proved beyond all question that the natural features of that mountain are totally dissimilar from those of Aornos as described by the historians of Alexander. [*Ann. Rep. of A. S. I.*, 1904-5, p. 42.] The existence of a double-chambered cave answering to the description of Sudatta's proves the identification of Po-lu-sha with Shahbazgarhi. (Cunningham's *A.S.R.*, V., 9-15.)

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(ii) The discovery of COINS sometimes enables one to locate a particular nation or tribe. Thus at Nâgri, a small town 11 miles north of Chitor, have been found seven copper coins (found nowhere else) with the legend "Majhamikâya s(i)bijanapadasa" showing that the Mâdhyamikas should be located there. (*C.A.S.R.*, VI., pp. 195-205.) But coins pass from one country to another and so identifications based on their places of discovery may be wrong. Monuments themselves cannot enable us to indicate the real site, unless (*a*) an ancient description of the monument is found or (*b*) it speaks through an inscription. Hence for ancient geography, as for everythig else connected with the past of India, we are really dependent on the (iii) EPIGRAPHIC RECORDS which regulate everything that we can learn from tradition, literature, coins, architecture or any other source. Thus when we find a pillar *in situ* bearing the inscription that "here was born the Sâkya sage" we make an identification of which there can be no doubt.

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Dr. Fleet has classified the epigraphic records thus* :—

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(*a*) According to the material on which they have been recorded.

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A. *Metals*; *Iron*, *Gold* and *Silver* inscriptions are rare. *Brass* and *Bronze* are more numerous. The majority are on sheets of copper—copper-plate, Pattikâ, Tâmra-pattikâ or Sâsana (ताम्रपट्टिका, or शासन)।

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B. (*i*) *crystal*, (*ii*) *clay*, *terra-cotta* and *brick*, (*iii*) *earthenware* written with ink, (*iv*) *stone*—(1) Rocks, (2) Pillars, (3) relic receptacles, (4) external parts of Stupas, (5) Caves, (6) Images and statues, (7) moulds for making seals, (8) walls, beams etc. of temples etc.

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∗ Fleet's Article on Epigraphy in Imp. Gaz. of India, vol. II.

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(b) According to their topics.

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A. Records making a plain statement of events : the Hâthigumpha inscription, the Allahabad Pillar inscription of Samudragupta and a few other are due to an historical instinct.

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B. Records due to Religious motives : the Piprawa relic vase ; the Rock and Pillar edicts of Asoka, etc.

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C. Records of Religious endowment : Barabar cave inscription of Asoka, Bhitari Pillar, etc.

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D. Records of Secular donation.

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[To these are to be added a new group :—

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E. Literary inscriptions (to preserve Kâvyas and Nâtakas) e.g., The Dhar inscriptions preserving two acts of a drama and two Prâkrit poems (E. I. VIII.)]

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The DONATIVE RECORDS (C.D.) are by far the most numerous of all. These are title-deeds of real property and of certificates of the right to duties, taxes, fees, and other privileges. The essential part of all these records was the specification of the details of the donor, donee and donation. As donation consisted in most cases of lands, these deeds specified the village, the territory wherein it was located, its boundaries, etc. Hence these records are valuable as a source of geography. "Thus, not with the express object of preserving the history (and geography), but in order to intensify the importance of everything connected with religion and to secure grantees in the possession of properties conveyed to them, there was gradually accumulated almost the whole of the great mass of epigraphic records on which the Indian Archæologists chiefly depend."*

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∗ Dr. Fleet Ibid

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A

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SUMMARY BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR OF MAJOR-GENERAL SIR ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM, R.E., C.S.I., C.I.E., K.C.I.E.

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Second son of Allan Cunningham, the Scotch Poet. Born 23-1-1814. Educated at "Christ's Hospital," London, and at the M. E. I. Coy's Mily. Seminary of Addiscombe, and at the R. E. Estate at Chatham. Second Lieut. Bengal Engineers, 1831. Arrived India June 1833.

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Col. R.E. 16-6-1860. Bt. Major Genl. Retd. List 30-6-1861. A. D. C. to Lord Auckland, Gov.-Genl. of India, July 1836 to January, 1840.

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Married, 30-3-1840, Alicia Maria Whish, daughter of Martin Whish B. C. S. Present at Battle of Punniar when he turned the enemy's guns against them. With Army of Sutlej 1845-6.

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Chief of Commission on Ladak-Tibet boundary with Capt. Strachey and Dr. Thomson in 1847, when he visited the Temples of Kashmir and wrote the Works Nos. 1 and 2 in the List below on these Temples and on Ladak.

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Present at battles of Chilianwala and Gujarat 1848. Held various posts in the P. W. D. 1833 to 1861. In 1851 explored the Buddhist Monuments of Central India along with Lt. Maisey, and wrote the account of them (No. 3 in the List).

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Chief Engineer of Burma 1856 to 1858, and of N. W. P. 1858 to 1861.

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Archæological Surveyor to Govt. of India, December, 1861 to end of 1865, when he published Vols. I & II of the Archæological Survey.

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Left India in February, 1866. Director of Delhi and London Bank in London 1866 to 1870.

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Returned to India as Director Genl. of the Archæological Survey 1st January, 1871 for 15 years, during which he wrote eleven of the volumes marked No. 9 in the List below.

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Retired on 30th September, 1885 after a service of about 50 years in India.

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In retirement in London from October, 1885 to his death on November 28, 1893: in this period the Works Nos. 10 to 14, and some of No. 15 (See List) were written.

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Created C. S. I. May 20, 1871, C.I.E., January 1878, K.C.I.E., March 21, 1887.

Cites (49)