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On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, 629–645 A.D. v1.c12: Chapter IX. Chêh-Ka (Ṭakka?) to Mathurā

On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, 629–645 A.D. v1.c12

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Chapter IX. Chêh-Ka (Ṭakka?) to Mathurā

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From Rājapur the pilgrim proceeded south-east down a hill and across a river 700 *li* to the *Chêh-ka* country. This was above 10 000 *li* in circuit; it lay between the *P'i-po-she* (Bibas) river on the east and the Indus on the west; the capital was above 20 *li* in circuit. The crops of the country were upland rice and spring wheat; it yielded gold, silver, bell-metal (*t'u-shih*), copper, and iron; the climate was hot with much violent wind; the inhabitants had rude bad ways and a low vulgar speech; they wore glossy white clothing made of silk, muslin &c.; few of them believed in Buddhism, and most served the Devas; there were ten Buddhist monasteries, and some hundreds of Deva-Temples. On from this country there were numerous *Punyasāl's* or free rest-houses for the relief of the needy, and distressed; at these houses medicine and food were distributed and so travellers having their bodily wants supplied, did not experience inconvenience.

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In the *Life* we are told that our pilgrim on leaving Rājapur went south-east, and after a journey of two (or three) days crossed the Chandrabhaga (Chenāb) river to the city of Jayapur. Here he spent a night in a non-Buddhist monastery outside the west gate of the city. From this he went on to Śakala in the *Chêh-ka* (in one text *Li-ka*) country, from that to the city Narasimha, and thence eastward to a *palāśa* wood. Here he had an encounter with brigands and narrowly escaped with his life. From the village beyond this wood he resumed his journey and reached the eastern part of the *Chêh-ka* country. Here he found a large city, and in a mango grove west of it lived a brahmin 700 years old, looking like a man of thirty years, and having all his mental and bodily powers. He had been a disciple of the great Nāgārjuna, and he was well acquainted with the sacred lore of Brahmins and Buddhists. With him Yuan-chuang seems to have studied the "Pai-lun" and the "Kuang-pai-lun", the latter of which our pilgrim afterwards translated.

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The clause in the above passage from the Records rendered "they wore glossy-white clothing made of silk, muslin, &c." is in the original *yi-fu-hsien-pai-so-wei-kiao-she-ye-yi-chao-hsia-yi* (衣服鮮白所謂僑奢耶衣朝霞衣). This is translated by Julien "Ils s'habillent avec des étoffes d'une blancheur éclatante qu'on appelle Kiao-che-ye (Kaúçeya-soie), et portent des vêtements rouges comme le soleil levant, &c." But Kaúçeya, with which we have met already, and *chao-hsia* are the materials of the white garments worn by the people. The words *chao-hsia-yi* cannot possibly be made to mean "et portent des vêtements rouges comme le soleil levant". *Chao-hsia* denotes the light vapours of dawn, the eastern glow which heralds sunrise. But it is the name given by the Chinese Buddhist pilgrims and writers to certain fine transparent fabrics which they found in India and other foreign countries. Thus the dancing girls of Fu-nan are described as "using *chao-hsia* for clothing". This material was a very fine white gauze or muslin capable of being dyed; it was soft and transparent like the fleecy vapours of dawn. The images of the P'usas, and other Buddhist worthies, were often made to represent these beings as wearing *chao-hsia-chün* or skirts of transparent material. Such *koa* vestments may be seen on many of the Buddhist figures found in India and depicted in books. But *chao-hsia* as an article of clothing was evidently a kind of muslin simply fine and light.¹

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¹ See the "T'ang-Shu, ch. 22, 197 et al.; Fo-shuo-t'ê-lo-ni-ching, ch. 2 (No. 363, tr. 653). Cf.—

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"And the far up clouds resemble
Veils of gauze most clear and white."

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Further, in this passage we have the sentence beginning with "On from this country there were numerous Puṇyaśālās". For this the original is *tzŭ-kuo-yi-wang-to-yu-fu-she* (此國已往多有福舍). Julien translates the whole sentence thus—"Il y avait jadis, dans ce royaume, une multitude de maisons de bienfaisance (Punyaçālās), où l'on secourait les pauvres et les malheureux. Tantôt on y distribuait des médicaments, tantôt de la nourriture. Grâce à cette resource les voyageurs ne se trouvaient jamais dans l'embarras". This rendering quite spoils the author's statement which is to the effect that at the time of his travels Rest-houses, at which food and medicine were distributed gratis, abounded in Cheh-ka and the countries of India about to be noticed. These Rest-houses or *Fu-she* are called Puṇyaśālās in *Chuan* XII, but in the account of the present country the *Life* calls them Dharmaśālās. This latter word, in Pali Dhammaśāla, is the name given to the Hall for preaching, but it seems to be also used to designate the free Rest-houses.

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On his way to the capital of this country (which was probably also called Cheh-ka) and about fourteen *li* south-west from it Yuan-chuang came to the old capital called Śākala. Some centuries previously a king named Mo-hi-lo-ku-lo (Mahirakula), who had his seat of government at this city, ruled over the Indians. He was a bold intrepid man of great ability and all the neighbouring states were his vassals. Wishing to apply his leisure to the study of Buddhism, he ordered the clergy of this country to recommend a Brother of eminent merit to be his teacher. But the clergy found difficulty in obeying the command, the apathetic among them not seeking notoriety, and those of great learning and high intelligence fearing stern majesty. Now at this time there was an old servant of the king's household who had been a monk for a long time. Being clear and elegant in discourse and glib in talking, this man was selected by the congregation of Brethren to comply with the royal summons. This insulting procedure enraged the king who forthwith ordered the utter extermination of the Buddhist church throughout all his dominions. Now the king of Magadha at this time, Bālāditya by name, was a just and benevolent ruler and a zealous Buddhist and he rebelled against the order for the persecution of Buddhists. When Mahirakula proceeded to invade the territory of Bālāditya to reduce him to obedience the latter accompanied by several myriads of his subjects withdrew to an island. Mahirakula came in pursuit but he was taken prisoner. On the petition of Bālāditya's mother the prisoner was set free and allowed to go away. His younger brother having taken possession of the throne he took refuge in Kashmir, and here he repaid hospitality by treachery, and having murdered the King he made himself ruler. Then he renewed his project of exterminating Buddhism, and with this view he caused the demolition of 1600 topes and monasteries, and put to death nine koṭis of lay adherents of Buddhism. His career was cut short by his sudden death, and the air was darkened, and the earth quaked, and fierce winds rushed forth as he went down to the Hell of unceasing torment.

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This passage reads like a romance founded on a basis of fact. The Mahirakula of our pilgrim has been identified with king Mihirakula of Kashmir, and his king Bālāditya of Magadha is supposed to be possibly the Nara Bālāditya of coins.¹ But there are difficulties in the way of accepting these identifications. There is first the difference in the forms Mahirakula and Mihirakula, but this is perhaps unimportant and need not be further noticed. The form Mahirakula seems to be confined to the pilgrim, and he may have used it to suit his erroneous rendering of the name by Ja-tsu or "Great Clan". But the Mihirakula of the Inscriptions began his reign in A. D. 515, while the king of whom Yuan-chuang tells lived "some centuries" before the pilgrim's time. Other authorities also seem to place Mikirakula at a date much before A. D. 515. Thus in the "Lien-hua-mien-ching" or "the sūtra of Lotus-flower-face" Mihirakula, a reincarnation of the Lotus-flower-face arhat, appears as the King who exterminates Buddhism in Kapin (Kashmir) and breaks the Buddha's bowl.² This sūtra must have been composed some time before A. D. 574 the date of its translation (according to one account), and the contents seem to indicate that it was written long after the death of Mihirakula. It relates that after this event seven deva-putras became incarnate in succession in Kashmir, and that they restored Buddhism. The meaning of this evidently is that the king was succeeded by seven sovereigns who were all patrons of Buddhism. Then in the "Fu-fa-tsang-yin-yuan-ching", translated A.D. 472, a persecuting king called *Mi-lo-ku* (彌羅鵠), that is evidently Mihirakula, destroys the Buddhist sacred buildings and slaughters the Brethren in Kapin (Kashmir).¹ He beheads the 23rd, and last (according to this work), of the great Buddhist Patriarchs, by name *Shili-tzu* (師子) that is, Simha. This last event according to the "Chih-yue-lu" occurred in A. D. 259.² No authority is given for this date and it is not to be implicitly accepted, but it is interesting to note that the Rājatarangini makes twelve reigns intervene between Kanishka and Mihirakula. If we allow an average of 15 years for these reigns we get A.D. 80 + 180 or A.D. 260 for the accession of Mihirakula.

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¹ See Mr. Fleet on Mihirakula in Ind. Ant. Vol. XV p. 245 f., and the correspondence at p. 346 f.: J. R. A. S. Vol. XXI p. 114—5: J. P. T. S. 1896 p.p. 87, 110: Lawrence's Valley of Kashmir p. 185.

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² Lien-hua-mien-ching ch. 2 ((No. 465).

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¹ Fu-fa-tsang-yin-yuan-ching, ch. 6 (No. 1340).

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² Chi-yue-lu, ch. 3.

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The Life and Records leave the situation of the ruined city of Sākala rather uncertain. The latter work tells us that this city was 14 or 15 *li* south-west from the new capital, of the situation of which, however, we are not told anything. In the Life Sākala is three (or four) days' journey or about 300 *li* (about 60 miles) south-east from Rājapur and on the east side of the Chenāl. Then the *old capital* of the Records does not appear in the Life which on the other hand mentions a large city on the eastern confines of Che-Ka and this city does not appear in the Records. Cunningham, against both the Life and the Records, places Sākala about 120 miles to the *south-west* of Rājapur. He identifies Yuan-chuang's Cheh-ka (or Tsekia), as name of a city, with "the ruins of a large town, called Asarur which accord almost exactly with the pilgrim's description of the new town of Tsekia". This Asarur is "exactly 112 miles distant from Rajaori (Rājapur) in a direct line drawn on the map", that is, 112 miles to the south-west of Rājapur. But it is very evident that Yuan-chuangs journey from the latter to the capital of Cheh-Ka was a zig-zag one always, however, tending eastward, and Asarur cannot be the pilgrim's capital of that country.

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In Sākala was a Buddhist monastery with above 100 Brethren all adherents of the Hinayāna system. In this Monastery P'usa Vasubandhu composed the "Shêng-yi-t'i-lun" (勝義諦論). A tope beside this monastery marked a place where the Four Past Buddhas had preached, and there were footprints where they had walked and down.

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The śāstra here ascribed to Vasubandhu does not seem to be known to the Buddhist collections. Julien restores the Sanskrit name as "Paramārtha satya śāstra", but this is only a probable conjecture.

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The Cheh-ka (磔迦) of this passage is Lih (礫)-ka in one text of the Life, and this latter form is found in other works. It is possible that the original for both transcriptions was a word like Tikka or Tekka, ch and l sounds being both used to represent the ṭ of Sanskrit. The term in our text has been restored as Tchēka, Ṭakka and Ṭaki. It designated a country which was not in India, but was one of the foreign states which lay between Lampa and India, and should have been included in the pilgrim's general survey at the end of the last chuan.¹

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¹ For this country see A. G. I. p. 179.

Chi-Na-P'uh-Ti

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From the Che-ka (or Tekka) district Yuan-chuang continued his journey going eastward for above 500 *li* and came to the country which he calls *Chi-na-p'uh-ti* (至那僕底). This district was above 2000 *li* and its capital 14 or 15 *li* in circuit: it produced good crops of grain but did not abound in trees: the inhabitants had settled occupations and the national revenue was abundant: the climate was warm and the inhabitants had feeble timid ways. The learning of the people embraced Buddhism and secular knowledge, and orthodoxy and heterodoxy had each its adherents. There were ten Buddhist monasteries and nine Deva-Temples.

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The Chinese annotator here has translated the name of the country by *Han-fêng* (漢封), and Julien, who reads the characters of the name as *Tchi-na-po-ti* gives the Sanskrit original as "Tchinapati", meaning "Lord of China". But *Han-fêng* means *China-fief* not *China-lord*, and the characters for *p'uh-ti* cannot be taken to represent *pati*. They evidently stand for *bhukti* which is translated by *fêng* in the sense of possession, *portion*.¹ So China-bhukti is the China-allotment, and the China-bhukti-deśa was the district assigned to China, that is to the China hostage according to Yuan-chuang's story.

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¹ Sanskrit-Chinese Vocabulary. In the C text of the Life instead of *p'u* we have *kin* (僅), but this may be only a copyist's mistake.

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One of the ten monasteries here mentioned was, according to the Life, called *Tu-she-sa-na*, which perhaps stands for Toshāsan meaning "Pleasure-giving". This monastery was apparently at the capital, and Yuan-chuang found in it a monk eminent for learning and piety. The name of this monk was Vinitaprabha, and he was the son of an Indian prince. This monk was the author of two commentaries on Abhidharma works, and Yuang-chuang remained here fourteen months studying with him various Abhidharma treatises.

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Going back to the narrative in the Records we have the pilgrim's explanation how the name China-bhukti came to be given to this region.

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When Kanishka was reigning the fear of his name spread to many regions so far even as to the outlying vassals of China to the west of the Yellow River. One of these vassal states being in fear sent a hostage to the court of king Kanishka, (the hostage being apparently a son of the ruler of the state). The king treated the hostage with great kindness and consideration, allowing him a separate residence for each of the three seasons and providing him with a guard of the four kinds of soldiers. This district was assigned to the winter residence of the hostage and hence it was called Chinabhukti. The pilgrim proceeds to relate how Peaches and Pears were unknown in this district and the parts of India beyond until they were introduced by the "China hostage”. Hence, he tells us, peaches were called “Chināni” and pears were called “China-rājaputra”.

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The Sanskrit names here given for the peach and the pear seem to be known only from this narrative. Later authorities tell us that these fruits are indigenous in the country, and the whole story of the hostage is possibly an invention. One Sanskrit name for the peach is given in a glossary as *āru* and this name is still in use: and a name for the pear is given as *tanasa* but this word does not seem to be known. Further the “China” known to the people of India before the arrival of Chinese pilgrims and afterwards was apparently not the “Flowery Middle Country”, but rather a region occupied by a tribe living to the west of the Chinese empire, far west of the Yellow River. This “China” was watered by the rivers Sita and Chakshu and it was one of the countries in the north-east. The name was afterwards extended to the “Flowery Land” apparently by the Buddhist writers and translators of India and Kashmir. Our pilgrim tells his readers that the people of Chinabhukti had great respect for the “East Land” and that pointing to him they said one to another — “He is a man of the country of our former king”.

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Cunningham thinks that the capital of this country may be represented by the present Patti, “a large and very old town situated 27 miles to the north-east of Kasūr and 10 miles to the west of the Biās river”.¹ But notwithstanding the presence of the ubiquitous brick-bats and old wells, this proposed identification need not be seriously considered. It is not at all probable that the name Chinabhukti was ever generally known or used for the district to which it is applied by the pilgrim. He seems indeed to be the only authority for the name. Not only so but a copyist’s error in transcribing it has unfortunately been perpetuated. In the *Life*, and in one place in the old texts of the *Records*, the first syllable of the word was left out by mistake. It was evidently this mistake which led to the use of *Na-p'uh-ti* instead of *Chi-na-p'uh-ti* as the name for the country next to Tekka in the Fang-chih and in maps and treatises of later times.

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¹ A. G. I. p. 200.

Tamasāvana

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From the capital of Chinabhukti the pilgrim went south-east above 500 *li* to the *Ta-mo-su-fa-na* (Tamasāvana) Monastery. This had above 300 Brethren of the Sarvāstivādin School who led strict pure lives and were thorough students of the Hinayāna. Here each of the 1000 Buddhas of the Bhadrakalpa assembles a congregation of devas and men and preaches the profound excellent Religion. Here also in the 300th year after Sakyamuni Buddha's nirvāṇa the Śāstramaster *Ka-to-yen-na* composed his "Fa-chih-lun". This monastery had an Asoka tope above 200 feet high beside which were the spots on which the Four Past Buddhas had sat and walked up and down. Small topes and large caves in unknown number succeeded each other closely, all having relics of arhats who since the beginning of this kalpa here passed away for ever. Surrounding the Hill-Monastery for a circuit of twenty *li* were hundreds and thousands of Buddha-relic topes very close together.

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In the *Life* the distance from the capital of Chinabhukti to the Tamasāvana monastery in 50 *li* or only one tenth of the distance here given. Our pilgrim's *Ta-mo-su-fa-na* is undoubtedly the Tamasāvana (or Tāmasavana) or "Darkness-wood" of other authors. This was apparently the name both of the monastery and of the district in which it was situated. The monastery must have been at an early date a noted seat of Buddhism as Brethren from it were among the great Doctors invited by king Asoka to his Council. The description of the summoning of this Council is given in several treatises from one original apparently. It is interesting to note the agreement and difference of these treatises in the matter of the Tamasāvana. In the Divyāvadāna the reading is "Tamasāvana" and the A-yü-wang-ching in agreement with this has *An-lin* or "Darkness-wood", the interpretation given by our pilgrim. The Tsa-a-han-ching instead of Tamasāvana has *To-p'o-p'oh* which is evidently for Tapova, the original being probably Tapovana. In the A-yü-wang-chuan the “dhirās Tamasāvane” is rendered by *Chou-ye-wu-wei* lit. “day-night fearless”, that is, the brave of the Day-night.¹ The phrase in ordinary Chinese would mean “day and night without fear”, but here the term *chou-ye* is used in the sense of “the darkness of day”. It corresponds to the *chow-an* or “Day-darkness” of another treatise and both terms evidently stand for Tamasā.²

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¹ Divyāv. p. 399: A-yü-wang-ching, *ch*. 3: Isa-a-han-ching, *ch*. 23: A-yü-wang-chuan *ch*. 1 (chou-ye-wu-wei 晝夜無畏).

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² Ta-chuang-yen-lun, *ch*. 5 (No. 1182), chow-an 晝闇.

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With reference to this Monastery we read that the Buddha accompanied by the faithful yaksha Vajrapāṇi passed over a dark green wood on his way through the air to convert the Dragon-king Apalāla. Addressing the Yaksha Buddha prophesied that in that place 100 years after his decease a vihāra would be erected to be called “Darkness-wood” which should be preeminent for absorbed meditation.³

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³ Sar. Vin. Yao-shih, *ch*. 9.

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The Śāstra-master here called *Ka-to-yen-na* (Katyāyana) was Kātyāyanīputra, and his śāstra here mentioned exists in two Chinese translations one of which is by our pilgrim.⁴

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⁴ Bun. No. 1273, 1275.

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For the words in the text here interpreted as meaning— “Surrounding the Hill-monastery for a circuit of twenty *li* were hundreds and thousands of Buddha-relic topes very close together”, Julien has— “Les couvents, qui s’élèvent tout autour de la montagne, occupent un circuit de vingt li. On compte par centaines et par milliers les stoupas qui renferment des *che-li* (Çariras-reliques) du Bouddha. Ils sont très-rapprochés et confondent mutuellement leur ombre”. This rendering seems to be inadmissible and to give a meaning very different from what the author intended to convey. Yuan-chuang does not make the absurd statement that there were Buddhist monasteries for twenty *li* all round a hill, but he tells us that there were thousands of relic-topes all round the “Hill monastery”. The “Hill monastery” was the Tamasāvana; and it was so called by the pilgrim because it was isolated, and not subject to a superior establishment. This use of the word *shan* (山) in the senses of wild, independent, rustic is very common, and the phrase *shan-ka-lan* meets us again in these Records. The monastery Tamasāvana as our pilgrim describes it was a spacious comprehensive establishment. It had accommodation for 300 Brethren: it contained a tope and sacred places of the Buddhas, and the caves and memorial topes of numerous deceased arhats; and then all round it for twenty *li* were many thousand Buddha-relic topes. In other treatises the establishment is called a Wood or Hill, and it was evidently different in character from ordinary vihāras.

Shê-Lan-Ta-Lo (Jālandhara)

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From Tamasāvana a journey of about 140 *li* north-east brought the pilgrim to the *She-lan-ta-lo* (Jālandhara) country. This country was above 1000 *li* east to west and 800 *li* north to south, and its capital was twelve or thirten *li* in circuit. The region yielded much upland rice with other grain, trees were widely spread, and fruits and flowers abounded; the climate was warm; the people had truculent ways and a mean contemptible appearance, but they were in affluent circumstances. There were above 50 Monasteries with more than 2000 Brethren who made special studies in the Great and Little Vehicles. There were three Deva-Temples with more than 500 professed non-Buddhists of the Paśupata sect. A former king of this country had been a patron of non-Buddhistic systems; afterwards he met an arhat and learning Buddhism from him became a realous believer. Thereupon the king of “Mid-India” appreciating his sincere faith gave him sole control of matters relating to Buddhism in all India. In this capacity (as Protector of the Faith) the king of Jālandhara rewarded and punished the monks without distinction of persons and without private feeling. He also travelled through all India and erected topes or monasteries at all sacred places.

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The *She-lan-ta-lo* of this passage was long ago restored as Jālandhara, the name of a city and district in the north of the Panjab.¹ But it may be noted that the Life here and the Fang-chih have She-lan-ta-na as if for Jālandhana¹; in another passage the Life has She-lan-ta, and this is the form of the name used by I-ching². In the Sung pilgrim’s itinerary the name is given Tso-lan-t‘o-la (左蘭陀羅) that is, Jālandhana³.

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¹ A. G. I. p. 136.

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¹ Life ch. 5 and J. I. p. 260—1.

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² Hsi-yü-ch‘iu, ch. 1 and Chavannes Mémoires pp. 14, 15 and notes.

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³ Ma I. l., ch. 338.

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Of the 50 Monasteries here mentioned one was doubtless the Nagaradhana vihāra mentioned in the Life. In it Yuan-chuang found the learned Brother named Chandravarma with whom he spent four months studying the “Chung-shih-fên-vibhāshā”, or Commentary on the “Chung-shih-fên-Abhidharma-lun” already noticed.

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Our pilgrim, it will be noticed, represents the Brethren in this district as “making special studies in the Mahāyāna and Hinayāna”. His words are ta-hsiao-ērh-shêng-chuan-mên-hsi-hsio (大小二乘專門習學). These words are translated by Julien— “que l’étude particulière du grand et du petit Vehicule partage en deux classes distinctes”. This is a very unhappy rendering and the interpolation of the words “partage en deux classes distinctes” is unwarranted and spoils the author’s statement. What he wished us to understand was that the Brethren in the various Monasteries devoted themselves as they pleased to particular lines of study in the Mahāyānist and Hinayānist books.

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According to the Life our pilgrim revisited Jālandhara, and on that occasion was well treated by the king of “North-India” who had his seat of government in the city with this name. The king is called Wu-ti or Wu-ti-to (烏地多) restored as Udito. It was evidently the same king who treated courteously, and entertained hospitably, another Chinese pilgrim whose name was Hsüan-chao (玄照)⁴ whom we have met already.

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⁴ Hsi-yü-ch‘iu l. c.

Ku-Lu-To

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From Jālandhara the pilgrim travelled north-east, across mountains and ravines, by hazardous paths, for above 700 *li*, and came to the country which he calls *Kulto*. This region, which was above 3000 *li* in circuit, was entirely surrounded by mountains. Its capital was 14 or 15 *li* in circuit. It had a rich soil and yielded regular crops, and it had a rich vegetation abounding in fruits and flowers. As it was close to the Snow Mountains it had a great quantity of valuable medicines. It yielded gold, silver, red copper, crystal lenses and bell-metal (*teu-shih*). The climate grew gradually cold and there was little frost or snow. There were in the country twenty Buddhist Monasteries with above 1000 Brethren of whom the most were Mahāyānists, a few adhering to the Schools (that is, belonging to the Hinayāna system). Of Deva-Temples there were fifteen and the professed non-Buddhists lived pell-mell. On both sides of the steep mountain-passes were caves [which had been] the lodging-places of arhats and rishis. In this country was a tope erected by Asoka to mark the place at which the Buddha on his visit to the district had preached and received members into his church.

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In the statement here made about the climate of the country the words "grew gradually cold" are in the original *chien-han* (漸寒). This is the reading of the A and C texts, but the B and D texts instead of *chien* have *yü* (逾) meaning, passing, excessive, which is manifestly wrong. The latter was the reading of Julien's text, and as it did not suit the words which follow—"there was little (*wei* 微) frost or snow", he decided to substitute *chêng* (徵) for the *wei* of his text. He then translates—"il tombe souvent du givre et de la neige". But this violent alteration seems to be unnecessary, and *wei* is the reading of all the texts.

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In the Fang-chih the name of this country is given as *Ku-lu-to-lo* and also *Ku-lu-lo*. Cunningham considers that the distance and bearing of the district from Jālandhara correspond "exactly with the position of Kullu, in the upper valley of the Byas river", and he regards it as the Kulūtā of other writers¹. This latter term is the name of a country in the north-west division of the Brihat Samhita¹. As the Sanskrit word *kula* means, along with other things a *heap* or *collection* the *Ku-lu-to* country is perhaps the *Chi-chi* (積集) or "Accumulation" district of the Sarvata Vinaya. Buddha there goes from the Tamasāvana to the *Chi-chi* district where he converts and receives into his church a Yaksha who afterwards builds a monastery. The district also obtained a relic of the Buddha's body for which a tope was built called the *Chi-chi* Tope².

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¹ 'Ancient Geography of India' p. 142.

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¹ Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII. p. 182.

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² Sar. Vin. Yao-shih, *ch.* 9.

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The pilgrim now tells us of two countries which he did not visit. Going north, he writes, from Kuluto for above 1800 *li* you come to the *Ko-lu-lo* country: still farther north above 2000 *li* was the *Mo-lo-so* (or-sha) country, the roads being very bad and cold.

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Cunningham regards the *Lo-hu-lo* of this passage as "clearly the *Lho-yul* of the Tibetans and the Lāhul of the people of Kullu and other neighbouring states". The pilgrim's *Mo-lo-so*, Cunningham says— "must certainly be Ladāk." He regards the *so* of the name as a mistake for *p'o*, and *Mo-lo-p'o*, he says, would give us Mar-po "the actual name of the province of Ladāk". A note to our Chinese text here tells us that another name for *Mo-lo-so* was *San-p'o-ha*. The two countries here mentioned were of course outside of India.

She-To-T'U-Lu

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From Kuluto the pilgrim travelled south, over a high mountain and across a great river, for above 700 *li*, and reached the country called *She-to-t'u-lu*. This was above 2000 *li* in circuit, bounded on the west by a large river (supposed to be the Sutlej), and its capital was 17 or 18 *li* in circuit. It was an agricultural and fruit-producing country, and yielded much gold, silver, and other precious substances. The inhabitants were in good circumstances and led moral lives, observing social distinctione and adhering devoutly to Buddhism. In and about the capital were ten monasteries, but they were desolate, and the Brethren were very few. About three *li* to the south-east of the capital was an Asoka tope above 200 feet high, and beside it were traces of spots on which the Four Past Buddhas had sat and walked up and down.

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Nothing seems to be known of the country and city here described, and the suggestions for identification requiring some tampering with the text are not of much value¹. The restoration of the name as Śatadru has been generally accepted, but the transcription seems to require rather Śatadure, and this is perhaps better than Śatadru which is the name of a river (the Sutlej): the characters, however, may represent Śatadru.

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¹ See Julien III. p. 335: A. G. I. p. 144.

P'O-Li-Ye-Ta-Lo (Pāryātra)

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From Śatadru the pilgrim proceeded south-west, and after a journey of over 800 *li*, reached the country called *P'o-li-ye-ta-lo* (Pāryatra). This country was above 3000 and its capital about 14 *li* in circuit. It had good crops of spring wheat and other grain, including a peculiar kind of rice which in 60 days was ready for cutting. Oxen and sheep were numerous, and fruits and flowers were scarce: the climate was hot and the people had harsh ways, they did not esteem learning and were not Buddhists. The king, who was of the *Fei-she* (吠奢) (Vaiśya stock, was a man of courage and military skill. There were eight Buddhist monasteries in a bad state of ruin: the Brethren, who were very few in number, were Hīnayānists. There were above ten Deva-Temples and the professed non-Buddhists were above 1000 in number.

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The district here described has been identified by M. Reinaud "with Pāryatra or Bairāt" and this identification has been accepted.²

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² Julien III. p. 336: A. G. I. p. 337.

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The rice of this country which grew and ripened in 60 days could not have been the ordinary upland or dry rice, as Jo thinks, for that was well known to the pilgrim as a product of his own country and of several lands through which he had recently passed. It must have been a special variety, as the Cochin-China rice, to which Julien refers, is a peculiar variety.

Mathurā

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From Pāryatra, the pilgrim continues, a journey of above 500 *li* eastwards brought him to the country called *Mo* (or *Mei*)-*t'u-lo* (or Mathurā).

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This name is translated in some Chinese glossaries by "Peacock", as if Mayūra. It is also said to be derived from *madhu*, honey, as if the spelling of the name were Madhurā. Mr Growse considers that the word is probably connected with the Sanskrit root *math*, "to churn", "the churn forming a prominent feature in all poetical descriptions of the local scenery".¹ In connection with this it is interesting to observe that in a Buddhist scripture a sick bhikshu is represented as unable to obtain milk at Mathurā.² There was also a story of a great giant Madhu from whom the name of the city and district was derived. This also points to the form Madhurā.

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¹ Growse's Mathurā p. 73 (2d ed.). See below p. 311.

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² A-yü-wang-ehing, *ch*. 9.

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Yuan-chuang describes the country of Mathurā as being above 5000 *li* in circuit, its capital being above twenty *li* in circuit. The soil, he says, was very fertile and agriculture was the chief business: mango trees were grown in orchards at the homesteads of the people: there were two kinds of this fruit, one small and becoming yellow when ripe, and the other large and remaining green. The country produced also a fine striped cotton cloth and gold: its climate was hot: the manners and customs of the inhabitants were good: the people believed in the working of karma, and paid respect to moral and intellectual eminence. There were in the district above twenty Buddhist monasteries, and above 2000 Brethren who were diligent students of both "Vehicles". There were also five Deva-Temples and the professed adherents of the different non-Buddhist sects lived pell-mell.

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When Fa-hsien visited this country he also found 20 monasteries but he estimated the number of Brethren as about 3000.³

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³ Fo-kuo-chi, *ch*. 16.

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We now come to a passage which presents some serious difficulties. It seems to be faulty both in form and substance and it has perplexed native scholars. For the present we may render it as follows.

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There are three topes all built by Asoka: very numerous traces left by the Four Past Buddhas: topes (or a tope) for the relics of the following holy disciples of Sakya Ju-lai, viz. Sāriputra, Mudgalaputra, Pūrṇamaitriyāniputra, Upāli, Ānanda, and Rāhula: topes for Mañjuśrī and the other P'usas. In the "Three Longs" of every year, and on the six Fastdays of every month, the Brethren with mutual rivalry make up parties, and taking materials of worship with many valuables, repair to the images of their special patrons. The Abhidharma Brethren offer worship to Sāriputra, the Samādhists to Mudgalaputra, the Sūtraists to Pūrṇamaitriyāniputra, the Vinayists to Upāli, the bhikshunis to Ānanda, and the śrāmaṇeras to Rāhula: and the Māhāyanists to the various P'usas. On these days the topes vie with each other in worship: banners and sunshades are displayed, the incense makes clouds and the flowers are scattered in showers, sun and moon are obscured and the mountain-ravines convulsed: the king and his state'smen devote themselves to good works.

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The difficulties of this passage begin with the first sentence, and a native scholar took from the paragraph a very different meaning from that here given. He understood the author to state that there were three Asoka topes, viz. one for the numerous traces left by the Four Past Buddhas, one for the holy disciples of the Buddha, and one for the P'usas. There is something to be said in favour of this interpretation, but it does not quite suit either the construction or the context. With the present interpretation we have the bald statement that there were three Asoka topes. The Fang-chih places these within the capital; but our text does not give any information as to their situation, or structure, or the purposes for which they were erected. So also the next clause—"very many traces of the Four Past Buddhas"—seems to require at its head either the — "viz. a tope for" of the Chinese scholar, or the "On montre" which Julien prefixes. Then as to the topes for the relics of the great disciples the term for relics is *i-shên* (遺身) lit. "left bodies", and Julien translates *i-shên stūpa* by "Divers stoūpas renfermant les corps". But *i-shên* here, as in other passages, means only the ashes, bones or other relics left after cremation, *shên* being used as the equivalent of the Sanskrit word for *body*, *Śarīra*, which is also used in the sense of a "bodily relic". Then we have this difficulty, that not only was no one of the great disciples here named buried at Mathura, but also there is no authority for stating that the relics of any one of them were conveyed to this district. Moreover, as the Fang-chih points out, Rāhula was supposed not to have tasted death. This treatise, accordingly suggests that the word for *body* (*shên*) should not be taken here in its ordinary sense, but should be understood as meaning a visible symbol, such as an image or other likeness. The reader will observe that our pilgrim represents the worshippers as paying reverence, not to the topes, but to images or pictures apparently set up for the occasion. Fa-hsien in his general survey of "Mid-India" including the Mathurā district, tells us that at the Buddhist vihāras there were topes to Śāriputra, Madgalyāyana (Yuan-chuang's Mudgalaputra), Ananda, and to the Sūtras, the Vinaya, and the Abhidharma. To some of these topes services were offered, but he describes the Śrāmaṇeras as making offerings to Rāhula not to his tope, and he describes the Mahāyānists as offering worship to "Prajñāparamitā, Mañjuśrī, and Kuan-shi-yin".¹

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¹ Fo-kuo-chi.

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Then our pilgrim is perhaps wrong in representing the Abhidharmists as worshipping Śāriputra, the Samādhists as worshipping Mudgalaputra, and the Sūtra Brethren as worshipping Pūrṇa-Maitriyāniputra. Śāriputra was distinguished among the disciples for his great spiritual wisdom or *prajñā*, but he had nothing to do with the Abhidharma, which did not come into existence until after his death. So Mahāmaudgalyāyana was great in magic, in his superhuman powers, but not in *samādhi*. Maitriyāniputra is sometimes praised as a good expounder of the Master's teaching but he is not specially associated with the sūtras.

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Julien takes Manjuśrī to be one of the holy disciples of the Buddha, and the author of Fang-chih; and others have taken the same meaning out of the text. But Manjuśrī was not a human being: he was one of the great Bodhisattvas, often figuring as first or chief of all these Mahāyāna creations.

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This passage tells us that the Brethren went in parties to offer worship to their respective patrons in the "Three Longs" of the year and the Six Fast-days of each month. By the "Three Longs" we are probably to understand the first, fifth, and ninth months of each year which were called the "Three Long Months" and the "Three Long Fasts". The Six Fast-days were the 8th, 14th, 15th, 23rd, 29th, 30th of each month. This has been made known to us by Julien who obtained his information from a late Chinese Buddhist compilation. In this work under the heading "Nine Fast Days" we find the above three month-fasts and six monthly day-fasts given as making up the "Nine Fast-days". This seems to be rather a peculiar way of reckoning, and Julien gets over the difficulty by changing month into "in the month", and making the "nine Fast-days" literally nine days. But then, what is to be done with the Fasts called the "Three long months" or "Three long Fasts"? The reason for the religious observance of these periods by the Buddhist clergy and laity is given in several books. In the three months specified Indra (or according to some Visvamitra, or according to others the four Devarājas) by means of secret emissaries made a careful examination into the conduct and modes of life of the inhabitants of Jambudvīpa (India). So all the people of that continent were on their best behaviour in these months, they abstained from flesh and wine, and even from food lawful in ordinary times, and they offered worship and practised good works. They also kept holiday and visited the shrines of their divinities to pray for earthly blessings. In these months there were no executions of criminals and no slaughter of animals was allowed.¹ Thus the "Three Long Fasts" were evidently in their origin a popular rather than a Buddhistic institution, and Buddhism may have adopted them to a certain extent as a matter of expediency. They are never mentioned, however, in the canonical treatises.

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¹ Fo-shuo-chai-ching (No. 577): Shih-shih-yao-lan, ch. 3: Fo-tsu-t'ung-chi, ch. 33 (No. 1661).

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The "Six Fast-days of every Month" were also popular religious holidays before the time of the Buddha. According to some accounts these days, like the three months, were devoted by Indra's messengers to a roving inspection of the moral and religious conduct of the people of India¹. The people on their part were careful on these days to fast, and offer worship, and do good works, in the hope of receiving material recompense such as fine weather and good crops. This sort of observance was called the "Cowherd's Fast". But the Parivrājakas of the Tīrthikas devoted these six days to the public reading of their scriptures, and the Buddha followed their example. He ordained that on these days the Pratimoksha should be recited in a select congregation of the Brethren; and he seems also to have appointed the reading of the Dharma on these days, the Uposatha days, to the people²

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¹ Ssŭ-t'ien-wang-ching (No. 722): Tsêng-yi-a-han-ching, ch. 16

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² 'Vinaya Texts' (S. B. E.) Vol. 1. pp. 239, 240.

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Our pilgrim is apparently wrong in representing the Buddhist Brethren as spending the first, fifth, and ninth months in the manner here indicated. The fifth month was part of the Retreat from the rains, and the Brethren could not break up Retreat for a whole month and go away to a tope or a monastery to pay respect to their special patrons and enjoy themselves with their companions. Fa-hsien makes the festival of Patron-worship occur once a year after Retreat, each set having its own day, and this is more likely to be correct than Yuan-chuang's account. According to Fa-hsien also it was the people who provided the illuminations and flowers for the topes while the clergy preached. These topes, moreover, in his narrative throughout the region of which he is writing were apparently attached to or near monasteries, but the topes of our pilgrim's account do not seem to have been connected with any Buddhist establishment.

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Returning to our pilgrim's description of this district we read that—

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going east from the capital five or six *li* one comes to a "hill-monastery" the chamber of which was quarried in a steep bank, a narrow defile being used to form its entrance. This monastery had been made by the venerable Upagupta and it enclosed a tope with a finger-nail relic of the Buddha. Through the north rock-wall of the monastery was a cave above 20 feet high by 30 feet wide, within which were piled up fine four-inch slips of wood (that is, tallies). When the Venerable Upagupta was preaching and converting, every married couple which attained arhatship put down a tally here, but for single members of families although they became arhats no record of the fact was kept.

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The words for "a hill-monastery" in this passage are *yi-shan-ka-lan* and Julien translates them "un *kia-lan* situé sur une montagne". As has been seen a "hill-ka-lan" was a rural non-descript vihāra not attached to any superior establishment. Then Julien makes the pilgrim locate the Tally-cave "dans une caverne qui est au nord de ce *kia-lan*". The text has *ka-lan-pei-yen-hsien-yu-shih-shih* (伽藍北巖有石室) that is, in the steep rock on the north of the ka-lan is a cave. The word *yen* does not mean *une caverne* but a steep wall of rock, and the entrance to the Tally-cave was through the rock which formed the north side of the Vihāra-Cave. This interpretation of the text will be found to agree with descriptions given in other treatises.

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The site of the Upagupta monastery, as we may call the Hill *ka-lan*, of our author's narrative was apparently the place called the Urumuṇḍa (or Urumaṇḍa or Ruru-maṇḍa) Hill, and the Rimurunda of Mr. Rockhill's Tibetan text. The name Urumuṇḍa is rendered in Chinese by "Great Cream" (大醍醐), its literal signification¹, and near the hill there was a "Great Cream" town or village. To describe or indicate this hill various forms of expression are used. Thus seen from a distance it was "an azure streak"; it was also a "line of green forest", and a "wood of green trees". On or at this hill, according to some authorities, the brothers Naṭa and Baṭa constructed the Naṭabaṭa-vihāra, to which they afterwards invited Upagupta when he came to live at Mathurā. This is supposed to be the "Hill ka-lan" of our pilgrim but it may have been a separate establishment. This "Hill ka-lan" was evidently the house or vihāra of Upagupta on the Urumaṇḍa hill, and it was probably a large natural cave improved by art to constitute a monastery. Connected with the monastery was the cave in which the disciples converted by Upagupta’s teaching, on their attainment of arhatship deposited each a slip of wood or bamboo.¹ This cave is also represented as a "made house" but this is evidently a mistake.² Its dimensions vary in different books, one authority making it 18 *chou* long, by 12 *chou* wide, and 7 *chou* high.³ In our pilgrim’s description we should probably regard "above 20 feet high" as a mistake for "above 20 feet long" other writers giving the length as 24 or 27 feet, the height being about 9 or 10 feet. Then Yuan-chuang’s statement, that tallies were kept only of married couples attaining arhatship is very silly and does not agree with the accounts in other Chinese books. According to these every one who through Upagupta’s teaching and guiding became an arhat added his tally to the pile. Upagupta had marvellous success as a Buddhist missionary at Mathurā: he converted many thousands of lay people, and through him 18 000 disciples attained arhatship. When he died all the tallies deposited by these arhats were taken away and used at his cremation.⁴ Yet Yuan-chuang would have us believe that he saw them still filling up the cave.

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¹ A-yü-wang-ching, ch. 9.

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¹ Sar. Vin. Yao-shih, *ch*. 9.

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² A-yü-wang-chuan, *ch*. 5.

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³ Sar. Vin. l. c. The *sh'ou* (尺) was about 1 1/2 foot. See also A-yü-wang-ching, *ch*. 6.

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⁴ Sar. Vin. l. c.: Tār. S. 14 f.

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In some books the hill on which was the Naṭabaṭa-vihāra occupied by Upagupta is called Śira or Uśira, although we also have mention of the Uśira hill without any reference to a cave or monastery¹. This Uśira hill was at the side of the "Urumaṇḍa Hill" and the latter name may have included the two hills and the wood or forest adjoining.

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¹ Tār. l. c.: Ta-pei-ching (No. 117).

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General Cunningham considered the site of Upagupta’s monastery to be that of the Id-gah or Katra of the present Muttra, and this opinion has been adopted by others. But it is undoubtedly wrong. A later investigator, Mr Growse, writes: "General Cunningham, in his Archæological Report, has identified the Upagupta monastery with the Yasa vihāra inside the Katra: but in all probability he would not now adhere to this theory; for, at the time when he advanced it, he had never visited the Kaṅkālī Ṭīlā, and was also under the impression that the Fort always had been, as it now is, the centre of the city. Even then, to maintain his theory, he was obliged to have recourse to a very violent expedient, and in the text of the Chinese pilgrim to alter the word ‘east’ to ‘west’, because, he writes, “a mile to the east would take us to the low ground on the opposite bank of the Jamunā, where no ruins exist”, forgetting apparently Fa Hian’s distinct statement that in his time there were monasteries on both sides of the river, and being also unaware that there are heights on the left bank at Isapur and Mahāban, where Buddhist remains have been found. The topographical descriptions of the two pilgrims may be reconciled with existing facts without any tampering with the text of the narrative. Taking the Katra, or the adjoining shrine of Bhūtesvar, as the omphalos of the ancient city and the probable site of the great stupa of Śāriputra, a short distance to the east will bring us to the Kaṅkālī Ṭīlā, i. e. the monastery of Upagupta"². This is very positive but not quite convincing, and where did Mr Growse get his “great stupa of Śāriputra”?

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² Growse op. c. p. 112.

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This Upagupta monastery is apparently the “Cream-village” vihāra of a Vinaya treatise, one of the many Buddhist establishments mentioned as being in the Mathurā district.¹ It may also perhaps be the Guha vihāra of the Lion Pillar inscriptions.² We find it called the Naṭika saṅghārāma, and the Naṭabaṭa (or Naṭibaṭi)-vihāra, as already stated, and the Naṭabhaṭikāraṇyāyatana of the Divyāvadāna.³ It was evidently in a hill among trees and not far from the city of Mathurā, but Yuan-chuang seems to be the only authority for placing it about a mile to the east of the city. This would apparently put the Urumaṇḍa hill on the east side of the Jumna, and the situation assigned to the Monkey Tope in the next paragraph agrees with this supposition.

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¹ Sêng-chi-lü, *ch.* 8.

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² J. R. A. S. for 1894 p. 526.

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³ Divyāv ch. XXVI and p. 385: Bur. Int. p. 378: Ta-pei-ching.

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The pilgrim's narrative proceeds to state that to the south-east of the cave (that is, the Cave monastery) and 24 or 25 *li* (about five miles) from it was a large dried up pond beside which was a tope. This was the place, Yuan-chuang tells us, at which when the Buddha was once walking up and down a monkey offered him some honey. The Buddha caused the honey to be mixed with water and then distributed among his disciples. Hereupon the monkey gambolled with delight, fell into the pit (or ditch) and died, and the religious merit of this offering was born as a human being.

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The story of a monkey or a flock of monkeys (or apes) presenting wild honey to the Buddha is told with variations in several Buddhist scriptures. In some the scene of the story is laid near Vaiśālī⁴ (and our pilgrim, it will be seen, tells of a troop of monkeys offering honey to the Buddha at this place), in some at Śrāvastī⁵, and in some at the Natika village¹. The following account of the whole matter is taken chiefly from the "Hsien-yü-ching". The Buddha was once visited at Śrāvastī by a Brahmin householder who was son-less and wished to know whether he was to die so. Buddha consoled him with promise of a son who should become a distinguished member of the church. In due time the son was born, and because it was observed that about the time of his birth the honey-vessels in the house became full of honey, he received the name "Honey-prevailing". In Chinese the name is Mi-shêng (蜜勝) and the Sanskrit original is written Mo-t'ou-lo-se-chih, that is, Madhuraśachi or "Sweet Influence", viz. born with the good omen of honey. This boy in time became a disciple of the Buddha who explained to Ananda that Mi-shêng in a long-past previous existence had been a bhikshu, that he had then once been disrespectful to a senior Brother. The senior rebuked him gently and Mi-shêng was penitent, but he had to suffer punishment for his thoughtless rude language by 500 births as a monkey. It was in the last of these births that the incident of the honey-offering occurred. The Buddha and his disciples had halted for rest one day under some trees by a tank not far from Śrāvastī. Here a monkey came and took Buddha's bowl and soon after returned with it full of honey and offered it to the Buddha. The latter sent the monkey back first to remove the insects from the honey and afterwards to add water to it. When the honey was thus "pure", that is, fit for bhikshus' use Buddha accepted it and distributed it among his disciples. The monkey was now up a tree again, and seeing his honey accepted and distributed he frisked about with delight until he fell and was drowned in the pit below. But by the merit of the gift of honey he was immediately born again as a human creature and became the disciple Mi-shêng. In another treatise the name of the bhikshu is given as Madhu-Vasisṭha, his family name being Vasisṭha¹, and in another work he is called Mi-hsing or “Honey-nature”.² In one book the monkey skips with delight but does not fall into the water³, and in another he dies and is born again in Paradise.⁴

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