Pramāṇa · Search · About · API

On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, 629–645 A.D. v2.c21: Chapter XVI. Chuan X: I-Lan-Na-Po-Fa-To Country

On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, 629–645 A.D. v2.c21

Language
English

Contents

Chapter XVI. Chuan X: I-Lan-Na-Po-Fa-To Country

v2.c21.1

CHUAN X.

v2.c21.3

The narrative in the Records relates that from the monastery of the town *Loh-pan-ni-lo* (Lavaṇanīla?) the pilgrim journeyed east through a mountain forest for more than 200 *li* to the *I-lan-na-po-fa-to* country. This country was above 3000 *li* in circuit, and its capital, which was 20 *li* in circuit, on its north side was close to the Ganges. The region was fertile with a genial climate and inhabitants of honest ways; there were above ten Buddhist monasteries and more than 4000 Brethren the most of whom were Hīnayānists of the Sammitīya school; there were above twenty Deva-temples and the adherents of the various religions lived pell-mell. In recent times the king of a neighbouring state had deposed the ruler and given the capital to the Buddhist Brethren, erecting in the city two monasteries each of which had about 1000 Brethren of the Sarvāstivādin school. Beside the capital and close to the Ganges was the *I-lan-na* mountain, the dark mists of which eclipsed sun and moon; on this an endless succession of rishis had always lodged and their teachings were still preserved in the Deva-temples; moreover the Buddha had lived here, and preached his religion to devas and men. To the south of the capital was a tope where Buddha had preached, and to the west of this was the tope of the bhikshu *Shi-lu-to-pin-shê-ti-kou-ti* (Śrotavimśatikoṭi) at the place where he was born. The pilgrim then relates the well-known legend about this disciple. He then goes on to describe that in the west of this country to the south of the Ganges was a small isolated mountain with two tall summits one above the other. Here the Buddha once kept the Summer Retreat, and reduced to submission the yaksha *Po-ku-lo* (Bakula); at the foot of the south-east ledge were traces of Buddha's sitting on a large rock, above which was a tope. On a rock adjoining this on the south side were traces of the Buddha's water-jar which he had placed on it, the traces being above an inch deep and forming an eight-whorled flower. A short distance to the south-east of the Buddha's sitting-place was a footprint of Bakula, one foot five or six inches long, by seven or eight inches wide and nearly two inches deep. Behind this was a stone sitting image of the Buddha about six feet high; and on the west side of this was an exercise-place of Buddha. On the top of this mountain was the old house of the Yaksha. and to the north of this was a foot-print of Buddha at which was a tope. The Yaksha Bakula when overcome by Buddha promised to give up the killing of human beings and the eating of flesh, he then became a Buddhist, and on his death was reborn in Heaven. To the west of this mountain were six or seven springs the water of which was very hot. In the woods among the mountains in the south of this country were numerous large wild elephants.

v2.c21.4

The name given by our pilgrim to the country here described, viz— I-lan-na-po-fa-to has been restored by Julien as Hiraṇyaparvata, or "Golden Mountain", and the restoration has been blindly accepted. The latter part of this restoration is apparently correct, but I-lan-na cannot be taken to represent Hiraṇya, nor is there anything golden in the country or mountain in the pilgrim's description. The syllables I-lan-na apparently stand for īraṇa which denotes a piece of wild or barren land. We find the word used by Nāgārjuna who compares a Brother living in violation of the Vinaya to an īraṇa (i-lan) in a wood of sandal trees.¹ In the Life I-lan-na, or as we may provisionally restore the word, Īraṇa is used to designate the country. St. Martin, followed by Cunningham and Fergusson, identifies this region with the modern district of Monghyr.² In the statement that the capital "on its north side was close to the Ganges" I have followed the D text which has lin (臨), near to. Instead of this the other texts have lu (路), a road, which does not seem to make good sense. Our pilgrim, we learn from the Life, remained at the capital a year studying the “Vibhāsha-lun” (No. 1279) and the “Abhidharma-shun-chêng-li-lun”, (No. 1265). His teachers were apparently Tathāgatagupta and Kshāntisimha, two prominent Brethren of the Sarvāstivādin Monasteries of which he makes mention. In the notice of the Īraṇa mountain in the above passage the pilgrim describes it as “having dark mists” which eclipsed sun and moon. For the words within inverted commas the original is *han-t'u-yen-hsia* (含吐煙霞) literally “holding ejecting smoke-mists”. Julien’s translation is “d'ou sortent des masses de fumée et des vapeurs”. This is much more than is in the text, which is merely a poetic expression for “over the mountain hang dark clouds which efface sun and moon”. As the mountain had always been inhabited it could not have been an active volcano.

v2.c21.5

¹ Ta-chih-tu-lun, ch. 13. But in this, as in some other passages, i-lan-na is probably the name of a tree disliked and avoided on account of its offensive odour.

v2.c21.6

² Julien III, p. 386; A. G. I. p. 476; Fergusson op. c. p. 234.

v2.c21.7

The bhikshu whom Yuan-chuang in the above passage calls Śrotavimśatikoṭi, translated by him “Heard 200 *yi*”, and of whose life he gives a few wellknown particulars, was a famous arhat among the disciples of the Buddha. In the canonical books he is a native of Champā and his death, according to Yuan-chuang, took place in the Kon-kanapur country. The “200 *yi*” of our author is a mistake for twenty *yi*, that is, twenty Koṭi, and for Śrota we should have Śroṇa apparently, the name of the constellation under which the bhikshu was born.¹ The chief circumstances of his life are given in the Vinaya, and he is to be distinguished from another disciple named Śroṇakoṭikarṇa (Soṇakūṭikaṇṇa) also mentioned in the Vinaya.²

v2.c21.8

¹ M. B. p. 254; Pali Vinaya 1. 179; Ssŭ-fên-lü, *ch.* 38; Rockhill, ‘Life’, p. 72; Tsêng-yi-a-han-ching, *ch.* 13 where the name given is that of the other disciple.

v2.c21.9

² Pali Vinaya 1. 194; Sar. Vin. P'i-ko-shih; Ssŭ-fên-ly 1. c.

v2.c21.10

The small isolated hill of the present passage which was in the west of Īraṇa was identified by Cunningham with the hill now called Mahādeva. But Dr. Waddell has given reasons, which seem to be conclusive, against this identification and in favour of his own suggestion that the hill is Mount Uren.¹ Is it possible that in the latter name we have a corruption of Īraṇa? The Fang-chih makes the small isolated hill to have been one *li* or about 1/5 of a mile in length. The Yaksha Bakula (or Vakula) of this hill does not seem to be known to the Buddhist scriptures. But in these we read of a carnivorous anthropophagous Yaksha whom Buddha reduced to submission, converted, and received into his religion.² In the Chinese translations this Yaksha lived in Kuang-ye (曠 or 曠野) that is, the wild wilderness or uninhabited country. The Sanskrit original for Kuang-ye is Aṭavi, and this is apparently the Alawee of Bigandet and the Alawaka of Hardy. But it cannot be the Īraṇa-parvata country of our pilgrim, which was to the east of Rājagaha, whereas the Kuang-ye was to the west of that city.

v2.c21.11

¹ A. G. I. p. 476; J. A. S. Ben. 1892 Pt. I, p. 1.

v2.c21.12

² Ta-pan-nie-p'an-ching, *ch*. 15 (No. 114).

Champā

v2.c21.s1.1

The pilgrim, continuing his narrative, relates that from the Īraṇaparvata country he proceeded east, following the south bank of the Ganges, and after a journey of above 300 *li* he came to the *Chan-p'o* (Champā) country. This the pilgrim describes as above 4000 *li* in circuit, with its capital more than 40 *li* in circuit, situated on the south side of the Ganges. There were some tens of monasteries mostly in ruins, and there were above 200 Brethren all Hīnayānists. At the beginning of this kalpa, he relates, when men were homeless savages, a goddess came down from Heaven, and after bathing in the Ganges became pregnant. She bore four sons, who divided the world among them, and built cities, and the first city built was Champā. To the east of the capital about 140 *li* on the south side of the Ganges was a high islet on which was a Deva-temple, a place beautiful and enchanting.

v2.c21.s1.2

The statement here made by Yuan-chuang that Champā was the first city built on the renovation of the world is found in several of the Buddhist scriptures, but without the story of the goddess.¹ In the scriptures we find the Buddha often visiting this city, and lodging at the tank called Gaggarā, in Chinese transcriptions Ka-ga or Ga-ga (揭伽 or 伽伽).² The country was ruled for a time by the Aṅga dynasty, and it is called the Aṅga country, but in the Buddha’s time was subject to Magadha.³ Fa-hsien makes Champā to have been 18 yojanas east from Pāṭaliputra down the Ganges, and on the south side of that river; he calls it a large country; he mentions topes at the site of Buddha’s ching-shê, that is, vihāra, and exercise ground, and at the sitting-place of the Four Buddhas with resident Brethren.⁴ In several of the Buddhist scriptures the capital of this country is represented as a large and flourishing city. The transcription of the name given here by our pilgrim, Chanp'o (瞻波 or 婆), is that used by Fa-hsien; another way of transcribing the name is Chan-p'o (占波). Cunningham has identified the city Champā of this passage with the modern Bhāgalpur, and this identification has been accepted.⁵ But Champā was the name given also to a large district which apparently included our pilgrim’s Iraṇaparvata as we find the scene of the story of the Buddha and Śroṇaviṃśatikoṭi laid in Champā. Iraṇa and Champā are also mentioned together as having a great supply of war elephants.

v2.c21.s1.3

¹ Ta-lu-t'an-ching, ch. 6 (No. 551).

v2.c21.s1.4

² Digh. Nik. Vol. I, p. 111 (P. T. S.); Sam. Nik. Vol. I, p. 195; Chang-a-han-ching, ch. 15; Sar. Vin. Yao-shih, ch. 2.

v2.c21.s1.5

³ Chang-a-han-ching, ch. 5; Vinaya Texts Vol. II, p. 1 and note; Sar. Vin. P'o-sêng-shih, ch. 16, 17. Rhys Davids, ‘Buddhist India’, p. 24.

v2.c21.s1.6

⁴ Fo-kuo-chi, ch. 37.

v2.c21.s1.7

⁵ A. G. I. p. 477; Fergusson J. R. A. S., Vol. VI. 1873. c. p. 235.

Ka-Chu-Wên(?)-K'I-Lo

v2.c21.s2.1

From Champā, the pilgrim proceeds to relate, he travelled east above 400 li to the kie(ka)-chu-wên(?)-k'i-lo Country. This country was above 2000 li in circuit, low and moist, yielding good crops; the climate was warm and the people were straight forward; they esteemed superior abilities and held learning in respect. There were six or seven Buddhist Monasteries and above 300 Brethren; the Deva-Temples were ten in number and the various systems lived pell-mell. The native dynasty had been extinguished some centuries before the time of the pilgrim's visit, and the country had come under a neighbouring state, so the capital was deserted and the people lived in towns and villages. Hence when king Śīlāditya in his progress to "East India" held his court here, he cut grass to make huts, and burned these when leaving. There were many wild elephants in the south of this country. In the northern part of the country, not far from the Ganges, was a lofty belvedere built of stone and brick; its base was broad and high, and its artistic ornamentation was exquisite; on each of its sides were carved images of holy beings, the Buddhas and the devas being made different in appearance.

v2.c21.s2.2

The name of the country here described by our pilgrim is "Kie-schou-ou-khi-lo" in Julien's transcription. This agrees with the reading in the D text which is 羯朱喝祇羅, but instead of the third character of this transcription (read wu or wo) the other texts have 竭, which is properly pronounced wên or mên. The Fang-chih agrees with the D text; and in one text of the Life we have mo (末) instead of chu and the name is given as Ka-mo-wu-k'i-lo. As we are told to pronounce the character for wên here as wo, and as this character is used in another place to transcribe the syllable ut or ū, we should perhaps read the name here Ka-chu-wo-k'i-lo. Julien restores the Indian original as Kajughira, and this restoration has been generally followed, although it seems to leave out the third character. In a note to our text we are told that the popular name for the country was Ka-ying-kie-lo. Julien's reading here was apparently Ka-shêng-kie-lo which may be the correct reading. This would give us an original like Kajangala, and Kajangala or Kajangalā is the name of a place in this neighbourhood mentioned in very early Buddhist Pali texts.¹

v2.c21.s2.3

¹ [See J. R. A. S. 1904 pp. 86-88.]

v2.c21.s2.4

Cunningham makes the country of our passage to be Kānkjol now Rājmahal, and Fergusson fancies that "the place must be sought for either at Sicligully or Rajmahal, or somewhere between these places". In the T'ang-Shu we have the name of a country given as in our text except for the omission of the character for *khi*, probably a slip of the copyist. There this country is described as being 400 *li* south-west from *Pun-na-fa-tan-na*, in the east of "Mid-India", and on the south of the Ganges.¹

v2.c21.s2.5

¹ A. G. I. p. 478; Fergusson op. c. p. 238; T'ang-Shu, *ch*. 43.

v2.c21.s2.6

For the last clause of the above passage Julien has—"Sur les quatre faces de la tour, on a exécuté en bas relief, dans des compartiments séparés, les images des saints, des *Bouddhas* et des *Dêvas*". This does not seem to express the author's meaning, which seems to be that the images of the Buddhist worthies, or of the Buddha, were of a different character from those of the devas. The phrase *chü-pie* (區別) which we have met already, is explained as meaning *yi-chung* or "of different kinds", and we read of the *chü-pie*, distinctive differences of the 80 000 axioms of Buddhism.

Pun-Na-Fa-Tan-Na

v2.c21.s3.1

Our pilgrim's narrative proceeds to relate that from *Ka-chu-wu-khi-lo*, travelling east, he crossed the Ganges, and after a journey of above 600 *li* reached the *Pun-na-fa-tan-na* country. This country, he tells us, was above 4000 *li* in circuit, and its capital was more than thirty *li* in circuit. The country had a flourishing population. Tanks, hospices, and flowery groves alternated here and there; the land was low and moist, and crops were abundant. The Jack-fruit was plentiful but still held in esteem, and we have a description of the fruit. The climate of the country was genial; the people respected (in one text, liked) learning. There were twenty Buddhist Monasteries and above 3000 Brethren by whom the "Great and Little Vehicles" were followed; the Deva-Temples were 100 in number, and the followers of the various sects lived pell-mell, the Digambara Nirgranthas being very numerous. Twenty *li* to the west of the capital was a magnificent Buddhist establishment the name of which is given in some texts as *Po-shih-p'o* (跋始婆), while the D text of the Life has *Po-kih-p'o* (跋結婆) and the other texts have *Po-kih-sha*. In this monastery, which had spacious halls and tall storeyed chambers, were above 700 Brethren all Mahāyānists; it had also many distinguished monks from "East India". Near it was an Asoka tope at the place where Buddha had preached for three months; and near that were traces of the Four Buddhas having sat and walked up and down. Not far from this spot was a temple with an image of Kuan-tzŭ-tsai P'u-sa which gave supernatural exhibitions, and was consulted by people from far and near.

v2.c21.s3.2

The name of the country here described, *Pun-na-fa-tan-na*, has been restored as Puṇḍravardhana, but the word which Yuan-chuang heard and transcribed was evidently Puṇṇavaddhana or Puṇyavardhana. The country so called is apparently the Puṇḍavardhana of the Asokāvadāna in which Asoka put to death a great multitude of naked sectarians for doing despite to Buddhist worship.¹ In the Chinese translation the name is transcribed as *Fun-na-p'o-t'ê-na*, that is, Puṇṇavaddhana, but it is translated *Chêng-tsêng-chang* (正增長) that is, Puṇyavardhana, "Correct increase".² We also find mention of a town and wood called *Tsêng-chang*, but these were in Kosala.³ According to the T'ang-Shu Puṇṇavardhana was 1200 *li* south-west from Kāmarupa, and 400 *li* north-east from *Ka-chu-wu-khi-lo*.⁴ Cunningham proposed to identify the country of the present passage with the modern district of Pubna (Pabna); but Fergusson dissents from this view, and regards the country as corresponding rather to the modern Rungpur (Rangpur), both places being in the Bengal Presidency.⁵

v2.c21.s3.3

¹ Divyāv. p. 427.

v2.c21.s3.4

² A-yü-wang-ching, *ch*. 3.

v2.c21.s3.5

³ Sar. Vin. Yao-shih, *ch*. 8.

v2.c21.s3.6

⁴ *Ch*. 43.

v2.c21.s3.7

⁵ A. G. I. p. 480; Fergusson op. c. p. 238.

Ka-Mo-Lu-P'O (Kāmarūpa)

v2.c21.s4.1

The description in the Records proceeds to relate that from *Pun-na-fa-tan-na* the pilgrim travelled east above 900 *li*, crossed a large river, and came to *Ka-mo-lu-p'o*. This country was more than a myriad *li* in circuit, and its capital above thirty *li*. The country was low and moist; the crops were regular; the Jack-fruit and Cocoa were in great esteem though plentiful; there were continuous streams and tanks to the towns; the climate was genial. The people were of honest ways, small of stature and black-looking; their speech differed a little from that of "Mid-India"; they were of violent disposition, and were persevering students; they worshipped the devas, and did not believe in Buddhism. So there had never been a Buddhist monastery in the land, and whatever Buddhists there were in it performed their acts of devotion secretly; the Deva-Temples were some hundreds in number, and the various systems had some myriads of professed adherents. The reigning king, who was a brahmin by caste, and a descendant of Nārāyaṇa Deva, was named Bhāskaravarma ("Sun-armour"), his other name being Kumāra ("Youth"); the sovereignty had been transmitted in the family for 1000 generations. His Majesty was a lover of learning and his subjects followed his example; men of ability came from far lands to study here; though the king was not a Buddhist he treated accomplished śramaṇas with respect. The narrative next relates how the pilgrim while at Nālandā on his return journey accepted king Kumāra's invitation to pay him a visit, the circumstances of which are related in Chapter XI of this work.

v2.c21.s4.2

To the east of Kāmarūpa, the description continues, the country was a series of hills and hillocks without any principal city, and it reached to the south-west barbarians [of China], hence the inhabitants were akin to the Man and the Lao. The pilgrim learned from the people [of Kāmarūpa] that the south-west borders of Szüchuan were distant about two months' journey, but the mountains and rivers were hard to pass, there were pestilential vapours and poisonous snakes and herbs. In the south-east of the country were wild elephants which ravaged in herds, and so there was a good supply of elephants for war purposes.

v2.c21.s4.3

The *Ka-mo-lu-p'o* restored as Kāmarūpa of this passage is represented, it is agreed, by the modern Kamrup or Western Assam with its capital Gohati.¹ In the *T'ang-Shu* this country, called according to some texts *Ka-mo-p'o*, is described as being 1600 *li* to the west of Upper Burma, beyond the Black Mountains, and in East India; also as lying 600 *li* to the south-east of Puṇḍavardhana with the river *Ka-lo-tu* between that country and Kāmarupa.² We find also in the *T'ang-Shu* a country called *Ko-me-lu* (箇沒盧) or Kāmru(?) which was in the north confines of "East India", and 1200 *li* to the north-east of Puṇḍavardhana. The river *Ka-lo-tu* of the T'ang-Shu may be the "large river" of the present passage which is possibly the Brahmaputra. Alberuni places far to the east of Kanoj a country called Kāmrū, the mountains of which stretch away as far as the sea.¹ This is supposed to be Kāmarūpa but the description is not satisfactory. The country bearing this name was not, as the Chinese place it, in "East India", but was, as it is called in a Samudragupta inscription, a frontier country.² We need not suppose that the pilgrim made the journey indicated in the text of our present passage, and his statements as to distance and bearing are not necessarily to be treated as authoritative. There is nothing, however, in the text of our passage to indicate that the pilgrim did not actually visit the country here described.

v2.c21.s4.4

¹ 'Anc. Geog. of India' p. 500; Fergusson op. c. p. 238.

v2.c21.s4.5

² *T'ang-Shu* l. c.

v2.c21.s4.6

¹ Alberuni Vol. I, p. 201.

v2.c21.s4.7

² Cor. Ins. Ind. Vol. III, p. 14.

Samataṭa

v2.c21.s5.1

The narrative in the *Records* proceeds to relate that from Kāmarūpa Yuan-chuang went south, and after a journey of 1200 or 1300 *li*, reached the country of *San-mo-ta-t'a* (Samataṭa). This country, which was on the sea-side and was low and moist, was more than 3000 *li* in circuit, and its capital was above twenty *li* in circuit. It had more than 30 Buddhist Monasteries and above 2000 Brethren all adherents of the Sthavira School. There were 100 Deva-Temples, the various sects lived pell-mell, and the Digambara Nirgranthas were very numerous. Near the capital was an Asoka tope where the Buddha had preached seven days for devas and men. Beside this were vestiges of a sitting and an exercise place of the Four Buddhas. In a monastery near this spot was a dark-blue jade image of the Buddha, eight feet high, showing all the distinctive characteristics and exercising marvellous powers. The pilgrim then names in succession six countries beyond Samataṭa; these were not visited by him but he gained information about them at Samataṭa. These six countries are—(1) *Shih-li-ch'a-ta-lo* to the north-east among the hills near the sea, (2) south-east from this on a bay of the sea *Ka-mo-lang-ka*, (3) *To-lo-po-ti* to the east of the preceding, (4) east from To-lo-po-ti was I-shang-na-pu-lo, (5) to the east of this was Mo-ha-chan-p'o, the Lin-yi (林邑) of the Chinese, and (6) to the south-west of this was the Yen-mo-na-chou country.

v2.c21.s5.2

Cunningham regarded the Samataṭa of this passage as being the district of "the Delta of the Ganges and its chief city which occupied the site of the modern Jessore".¹ Fergusson considers it to be the Dacca district the former capital of which was Sonargaon.² We should probably place it south of Dacca, and in the district of the modern Faridpur. I-ching, who uses our pilgrim's transcription of the name, merely places the country in East India.³ He calls the king at his time Hoh-lo-she-po-t'a (曷羅社婆吒) which M. Chavannes restores as Harshabhaṭa. But the first three characters are, as he states, used to express Rāja, and the King's name was probably Rājabhaṭa. This king was an enthusiastic adherent and patron of Buddhism, and the number of Brethren in the capital had risen, from the 2000 in our pilgrim's time, to 4000 who were all maintained by the king. Yuan-chuang tells us that the Brethren in the capital were of the Sthavira School, and at the time of I-ching's visit they were evidently Mahāyānists, but, as our pilgrim uses these terms, there is nothing conflicting in the two accounts.⁴

v2.c21.s5.3

¹ A. G. I. p. 501.

v2.c21.s5.4

² op. c. p. 242.

v2.c21.s5.5

³ Hsi-yü-ch'iu, ch. 2 and Chavannes, ‘Mémoire’, p. 128 and note.

v2.c21.s5.6

⁴ See above p. 138.

v2.c21.s5.7

Of the six countries mentioned in the passage under notice as heard of, but not visited by our pilgrim, Shih-li-ch'a-to-lo, which has been restored as Śrīkshetra or Śrīkshatra, is the Shih-li-cha-to-lo of I-ching. This has been identified with the Burmese Tharekhettara or the district of Prome.⁵ But this identification requires the substitution of south-east for the pilgrim's north-east which is the reading of all the texts, of the Life, and of the Fang-chih. For this reason and because Prome is far from the sea the identification cannot be accepted. Śrīkṣatra according to the pilgrim's information should correspond roughly to the Tipperah district. The *Ka-mo-lang-ka*, restored as Kāmalankā, is supposed to be I-ching's *Lang-ku-su*, and it is said to be "Pegu and the Delta of the Irawadi". *To-lo-po-ti* is the city with this name to which Shan-ts'ai went in order to consult Mahādeva its patron god.¹ It is also supposed to be I-ching's *She-ho-po-ti* (社和鉢底). M. Chavannes gives the first character the exceptional sound *tu*, and Mr. Takakusu has apparently done the same.² Our pilgrim's *To-lo-po-ti* has been restored as "Darapati?", and as Dvārapati or Dvāravati, "the Sanskrit name for Ayuthya or Ayudhya the ancient capital of Siam", but the characters seem to stand for Tālapati, that is, Mahādeva.³ I-ching's *She-ho-po-ti* may be for a name like Javapati. The *I-shang-na-pu-lo* of our text, restored as Īśānapura, has been identified with Cambodia and with the *Poh-nan* or *Fu-nan* of I-ching. *Mo-ha-chan-p'o* or Mahā-champā is the *Chan-p'o* of I-ching corresponding to the modern Cochin-China and part of Annam. *Yen-mo-na-chou* is evidently for Yamana-dvīpa, but no probable identification has yet been proposed, for it cannot possibly have been the island of Java.

v2.c21.s5.8

⁵ Nan-hai-ch'i-kuei, ch. 1: Takakusu, Int. p. LI and note, and p. 9;

v2.c21.s5.9

¹ Hua-yen-ching (No. 88), *ch*. 68.

v2.c21.s5.10

² Hsi-yü-ch'iu, *ch*. 1; Chavannes, 'Mémoire', p. 58 note.

v2.c21.s5.11

³ The *Tu* (or *Shê*)-ho-lo-po-ti of another passage of the Hsi-yü-ch'iu is restored by Chavannes as Dvāravati, and the *she* 社 of the texts may be for *tu* (杜). Chavannes, 'Mémoire', p. 57 note. See also Phayre's History of Burmah p. 32 note.

Tan-Mo-Lih-Ti

v2.c21.s6.1

The narrative in the Records proceeds to relate that from Samataṭa the pilgrim journeyed west for over 900 *li* to *Tan-mo-lih-ti*. This country was about 1400 *li* in circuit; its capital, above ten *li* in circuit, was near an inlet of the sea; the land was low and moist, farming was good, fruit and flowers abounded, the climate was hot, the customs of the people were rude, the inhabitants were courageous, and they were believers in Buddhism and other systems. Of Deva-Temples there were more than 50, and the Non-Buddhists lived together pell-mell. There were above ten Buddhist Monasteries and more than 1000 Brethren. The country formed a bay where land and water communication met; consequently rare valuables were collected in it and so its inhabitants were generally prosperous. Beside the capital was an Asoka tope and near this were vestiges of the Four Past Buddhas' sitting and exercise grounds.

v2.c21.s6.2

The *Tan-mo-lih-ti* of this passage is for Tammalipti which corresponds to the Tāmralipti of other writers and perhaps also to the modern Tumluk. Fa-hsien travelled east to this place from Champā, and he estimated the distance as fifty yojanas.¹ I-ching, who remained here for some time, describes the Port as being 60 or 70 yojanas east from Nālanda.² Tāmralipti was the place of disembarkation for travellers to India from China by sea, and it was here that I-ching and other Chinese pilgrims landed, and from it voyagers started on their return to the south and to China.³ Fergusson gives reasons for dissenting from the common opinion that Tumluk is the modern representative of Tāmralipti, and considers that Satgaon answers better to the requirements.⁴ But a more recent investigator, Śri Rajendra Lal Gupta, has traced the history of the old Tāmralipti and its modern continuation Tumluk.⁵ There seems to be little reason for doubting that this latter is on or near the site of the Tammalitti or Tāmralipti of the Chinese pilgrims and other old writers,⁶ the physical features of the district having in the course of centuries undergone some changes.

v2.c21.s6.3

¹ Fo-kuo-chi, *ch.* 37.

v2.c21.s6.4

² Chavannes, ‘Mém.’, p. 97; Hsi-yü-ch‘iu, *ch.* 1.

v2.c21.s6.5

³ Takakusu pp. 185, 211; Nan-hai-ch‘i-kuei, *ch.* 34 and 40; Chavannes, ‘Mém.’, p. 71; Hsi-yü-ch‘iu, *ch.* 1.

v2.c21.s6.6

⁴ op. c. p. 243.

v2.c21.s6.7

⁵ J. Bud. Text S. Vol. V. Pt. II, p. 4.

v2.c21.s6.8

⁶ See ‘Anc. Geog. of India’ p. 504; J. A. S. Ben. Vol. LXVI, p. 102.

Karṇasuvarṇa

v2.c21.s7.1

The pilgrim goes on to tell that from Tāmralipti he travelled north-west for over 700 *li* to the Kie(ka)-lo-na-su-fa-la-na (or Karṇasuvarṇa) country. This was about 4450 *li* in circuit and its capital was above 20 *li* in circuit. The country was well inhabited and the people were very rich. The land was low and moist, farming operations were regular, flowers and fruits were abundant; the climate was temperate, and the people were of good character and were patrons of learning. There were more than ten Buddhist monasteries, and above 2000 Brethren who were all adherents of the Sammatiya School; there were 50 Deva-Temples and the followers of the various religions were very numerous. There were also three Buddhist monasteries in which in accordance with the teaching of Devadatta milk products were not taken as food. Beside the capital was the Lo-to-wei (or mo)-chih Monastery, a magnificent and famous establishment, the resort of illustrious Brethren. It had been erected by a king of the country before the country was converted to Buddhism to honour a Buddhist śramaṇa from South India who had defeated in public discussion a boasting disputant of another system also from South India. This bullying braggart had come to the city and strutted about with his stomach protected by copper sheathing to prevent him from bursting with excessive learning, and bearing on his head a light to enlighten the ignorant and stupid. He prevailed until the king urged the stranger śramaṇa to meet him in discussion, the king promising to found a Buddhist monastery if the śramaṇa were victorious. Near this monastery were several topes built by Asoka at spots where the Buddha had preached and also a shrine (ching-shê) where the Four Past Buddhas had sat and walked for exercise.

v2.c21.s7.2

This passage presents some serious difficulties. According to the narrative in the Life our pilgrim did not go from Puṇḍavardhana east to Kāmarūpa, thence south to Samaṭaṭa, thence west to Tāmralipti, and thence north-west to Karṇasuvarṇa, but he went straight from Puṇḍavardhana south-east 900 *li* to Karṇasuvarṇa, from that on south-east to Samaṭaṭa, and thence west above 900 *li* to Tāmralipti. But there is nothing in the text of the Records to indicate that the pilgrim did not actually proceed by the route which he has described in the text of our passage.

v2.c21.s7.3

Notwithstanding the statements of our text, however, we must consider him to have travelled in the manner indicated in the Life. His location of Karṇasuvarṇa in the passage before us is not in agreement with the rest of the narrative, and we must apparently regard that place as 700 *li* to the north-east instead of north-west of Tāmralipti. The name of the country, wrongly rendered by the pilgrim "Gold ear", and the name of its wicked king Śaśāṅka, with whom we have met already, are found in the Gupta Inscriptions.¹ The country was evidently at one time a large and powerful kingdom, and a rival of Magadha.

v2.c21.s7.4

¹ Fleet's 'Gupta Inscriptions', p. 283. Here he is a Mahāsāmanta or Mahārāja.

v2.c21.s7.5

With reference to the Brethren who abstained from the use of milk, curds, and as articles of food our pilgrim's statement that they did so as followers of Devadatta may have been the suggestion of a Mahāyānist Brother. All Mahāyānists were supposed to abstain from milk food, and I-ching states expressly that it is unlawful food.²

v2.c21.s7.6

² Nan-hai-ch'i-kuei, *ch*. 1; Takakusu, p. 43.

v2.c21.s7.7

The magnificent monastery near the capital, of which the pilgrim gives some account, is called by him in some texts *Lo-to-wei-chih* (絡多未支) explained as meaning "Red clay", and Julien restores the original as Raktaviṭi. But the correct reading is *Lo-to-mo-chih* (末 instead of 支), that is Raktāmṛita, in Pali Rattamattikā, which means "Red clay". The haughty conceited pundit with copper sheathing to keep his learning in his stomach, and the light on his head in pity for the ignorant people who lived in darkness, occurs in several Buddhist works. One of the best known of these men is the father of Śāriputra, the description of whom recalls in several points the passage in our text, but Śāriputra's father overcomes his competitor in discussion.³

v2.c21.s7.8

³ Ta-chih-tu-lun, *ch*. 10.

v2.c21.s7.9

Cunningham thought that the chief city of this country "must be looked for along the course of the Suvarna-riksha river, somewhere about the districts of Singhbhūm and Barabhūm”, and he adds—“Bara Bāzār is the chief town in Barabhūm, and as its position corresponds very closely with that indicated by Hwen Thsang, it may be accepted as the approximate site of the capital in the seventh century”.¹ Fergusson does not accept this identification and writes—“The kingdom of Karna Souvarna, I take it, comprehended the northern part of Burdwan, the whole of Birbhūm, and the province of Murshidabad, including all those parts of the districts of Kishnaghur and Jessore which were then sufficiently raised above the waters of the Ganges to be habitable”.²

v2.c21.s7.10

¹ See ‘Anc. Geog. of India’ p. 505.

v2.c21.s7.11

² op. c. p. 248. See also Dr. Waddell's Note on king Śaśānka in his “Discovery of the exact site of Asoka's classical capital of Pāṭaliputra”.

Wu-T'U (Ota)

v2.c21.s8.1

Continuing his narrative Yuan-chuang tells us that from Karṇa-suvarṇa he travelled south-west above 700 *li* and came to the *Wu* (or *U*)-*t'u* (烏 荼) country. This, he states, was above 7000 *li* in circuit, and its capital above twenty *li* in circuit; the soil was rich and fertile yielding fruits larger than those of other lands, and its rare plants and noted flowers could not be enumerated; the climate was hot; the people were of violent ways, tall and of dark complexion, in speech and manners different from the people of “Mid India”; they were indefatigable students and many of them were Buddhists. There were above 100 Buddhist monasteries, and a myriad Brethren all Mahāyānists. Of Deva-Temples there were 50, and the various sects lived pell-mell. There were more than ten Asoka topes at places where the Buddha had preached. In the south-west of the country was the *Pu-sie-p'o-k'i-li* (restored by Julien as “Pushpagiri”) monastery in a mountain; the stone tope of this monastery exhibited supernatural lights and other miracles, sunshades placed by worshippers on it between the dome and the amalaka remained there like needles held by a magnet. To the north-east of this tope in a hill-monastery was another tope like the preceding in its marvels. The miraculous power of these topes was due to the topes having been erected by supernatural beings. Near the shore of the ocean in the south-east of this country was the city *Che-li-ta-lo* (Charitra?), above twenty *li* in circuit, which was a thoroughfare and resting-place for sea-going traders and strangers from distant lands. The city was naturally strong and it contained many rare commodities. Outside it were five monasteries close together, of lofty structure and with very artistic images. Far away, 20 000 *li* distant in the south was the *Sêng-ka-lo* (Ceylon) Country, and from this place on calm nights one could see the brilliant light from the pearl on the top of the tope over the Buddha's Tooth-relic in that country.

v2.c21.s8.2

In the *Life* the pilgrim is represented as going south-west not from Karṇasuvarṇa but from Tāmralipti to *Wu-t'u*, and the distance between these two places is not given. If we understand Karṇasuvarṇa to have been to the north-east of Tāmralipti the difference between the statement in the *Records* and that in the *Life* is not important, as Tāmralipti would be south-west from Karṇasuvarṇa and between it and *Wu-t'u*. The country which Yuan-chuang calls by this name, pronounced Uḍa or Oḍa, has been identified with Uḍra or Oḍra, the modern Orissa. Fergusson thinks that the capital may have been on the site of the present Midnapur. The *Che-li-ta-lo* of this passage is apparently, as Julien restores it, Charitra. It is translated in a note to the text by *Fa-hsing* (發行), which may mean "setting out", that is, on a voyage or journey; and the city is supposed to have received this name because it was a starting place for navigators and land-travellers. But the *Fang-chih* gives as the translation of the word *Chiao-hsing-che* (教行者) which may mean "having religious observances", and this seems to agree with the common use of the word *Charitra*. Moreover the pilgrim apparently does not describe the city as a starting-point or terminus of a journey; his words seem rather to indicate that it was a dêpot and caravanseray for traders and travellers to and from the seaports and also by land. Cunningham thinks that "Charitrapura was probably the present town of Puri, or "the city", near which stands the famous temple of Jagannāth". Fergusson regards the city as represented by the modern Tumluk which is generally taken to be the old city of Tamralipti.¹ Dr. Waddell writes that at the time of our pilgrim's visit to this part of India "Yajapur was undoubtedly the capital of the country of 'U-cha'—the northern portion of Orissa". He adds—"Indeed the 'U-cha' of the pilgrim seems intended to represent the Sanskrit Yaja". This, however, is quite impossible as Wu-tu or U-t'a (or -ch'a) could not be taken to transcribe Yaja. Wu-tu is the reading of all the texts of the Records, and of one text at least of the Life. In the C text of the Life we have -ch'a which is often used for t'u, the characters represented by these sounds having formerly had a similar pronunciation. There can be little doubt that the name transcribed by Wu-t'u or Wu-ch'a was Odda or Otta.

v2.c21.s8.3

¹ 'Anc. Geog. of India' p. 510. Fergusson op. c. p. 249.

v2.c21.s8.4

As to the Che-li-to-lo of our text Dr. Waddell, after quoting Burnouf's translation of Yuan-chuang's description of the city, writes—"In the locality here indicated—in exact keeping geographically with the distances and directions noted by the pilgrim—in the Mahanadi delta, about 15 miles below Cuttack, we find the older channel of the great Mahanadi River is still known as the "Chitratola River", although no village or town of that name now exists on its banks. But at the highest point of this part of the Mahanadi channel, where the name of Chitratola still clings to this branch of the Mahanadi, at the village of Nendra, opposite Kendwapatana lock of the Kendrapara canal, the villagers point out the site of the old port on what is now a vast expanse of sand in the river bed". Dr. Waddell brings further evidence in support of his view that this vanished town of Chitratola was the Che-li-to-lo of the Records. He also thinks that Julien's restoration of Charitra is "doubtfully correct", and adds—"The original name seems more nearly to resemble or be identical with the still current name Chitratola". We may provisionally accept the site described by Dr. Waddell as that of our pilgrim's Che-li-to-lo, but while this transcription may possibly and probably stand for Charitra it cannot possibly be taken to represent a word like Chitratola.¹

v2.c21.s8.5

¹ Dr. Waddell in ‘Proceedings A. S. Ben.’ Dec. 1892.

v2.c21.s8.6

There is a remarkable contradiction between the statement in our text here, that the Brethren in this country were Mahāyānists, and the express declaration in an interesting passage in the Life that they were all Hinayānists, although in the short account which it gives of the country the Life agrees with the Records in stating that they were Mahāyānists.² Now in the next century after our pilgrim the Buddhists in this country were evidently Mahāyānists. We find their king at that time copying out with his own hand, and sending as a religious present to the Chinese Emperor Tê Tsung, the Sanskrit text of the Mahāyānist treatise called "Ta-fang-kuang-Fo-hua-yen-ching". This curious beautiful sūtra on its arrival in China was translated into Chinese by the learned Kapin Brother named Prajñā, with the assistance of several learned Chinese Brethren, and presented to the Emperor in A. D. 795.³

v2.c21.s8.7

² *Ch.* 4: Julien I, pp. 184, 220.

v2.c21.s8.8

³ It is No. 89 in Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio's Catalogue.

Kung-Yü (Gu or Ya)-T‘O

v2.c21.s9.1

The narrative in the Records proceeds to tell us that from the Oṭa country a journey south-west, through a forest, for over 1200 *li*, brought the pilgrim to the Kung-yü (or -gu or -ya)-t‘o country. This country was above 1000 *li* in circuit, and its capital was above twenty *li* in circuit. It was a hilly country bordering on a bay of the sea, with regular harvests, a hot climate. The people were tall and valorous and of a black complexion, having some sense of propriety and not very deceitful. Their written language was the same as that of India, but their ways of speaking were different, and they were not Buddhists. Deva-Temples were above 100 in number, and of Tirthikas there were more than 10 000. The country contained some tens of towns which stretched from the slopes of the hills to the edge of the sea. As the towns were naturally strong there was a gallant army which kept the neighbouring countries in awe, and so there was no powerful enemy. As the country was on the seaside it contained many rare precious commodities; the currency was couries and pearls; and the country produced large dark-coloured elephants which were capable of long journeys.

v2.c21.s9.2

The *Kung-yü-t'o* of this passage has been tentatively restored by Julien as *Konyodha* and this restoration has been accepted. But the characters (恭御陀) were pronounced *Kong-gu-t'o* or *Kong-ya-t'o* and the original was probably a word like Kongudha or Konyadha. In his translation of the text Julien makes the author state that "Les frontières de ce royaume embrassent plusieurs dizaines de petites villes qui touchent à des montagnes, et sont situées au confluent de deux mers". But there is no word for *two* in the text aud the term *hai-chiao* (海交) here means "the meeting of sea and land". The pilgrim wished his readers to understand that the towns at one extremity "continued the hills" (*chie-shan-ling* 接山嶺), and at the other were on the sea-shore (據海交). This is also the sense in which the compiler of the Fang-chih understood the description. Cunningham and Fergusson agree in identifying *Kung-yü-t'o* with the district about the Chilka Lake, and the latter investigator thought that the capital "was situated to the northward of the Chilka lake and somewhere between Kuttack and Aska, where one of Asoka's great edict tablets still exists".¹ This *Kung-yü-t'o* of our pilgrim's narrtive may perhaps be the Kūṇḍya of the Hemakūṇḍya (called also Hemakuṭya) in the south-eastern division of the Bṛihat-Saṃhitā's topography.²

v2.c21.s9.3

¹ A. G. I. p. 513: Fergusson op. c. p. 250.

v2.c21.s9.4

² Fleet in Ind. Ant. Vol. XXII, pp. 171, 179.

v2.c21.s9.5

It is strange to find Yuan-chuang here describing *Kung-yü-t'o* as a great military country without a formidable enemy. At the time of the pilgrim's arrival in these parts, as we learn from the Life, this country had been invaded by Śīlāditya, king of Kanyakubja, and it was then apparently a part of that great sovereign's kingdom. It will be noticed that the pilgrim, in this description of the country, does not tell us anything about the government.

Ka-Leng-Ka (Kalinga)

v2.c21.s10.1

Returning to the narrative in the Records we read that from Kung-yü-to the pilgrim travelled, through jungle and forest dense with huge trees, south-west for 1400 or 1500 *li*, to Kalinga. This country he describes as above 5000 *li* in circuit, its capital being above twenty *li*. There were regular seed-time and harvest, fruit and flowers grew profusely, and there were continuous woods for some hundreds of *li*. The country produced dark wild elephants prized by the neighbouring countries. The climate was hot. The people were rude and headstrong in disposition, observant of good faith and fairness, fast and clear in speech; in their talk and manners they differed somewhat from "Mid India". There were few Buddhists, the majority of the people being of other religions. There were above ten Buddhist monasteries, and 500 Brethren "Students of the Mahāyānist Sthavira school system". There were more than 100 Deva-temples, and the professed adherents of the various sects were very numerous, the majority being nirgranthas. This Country, the pilgrim relates, had once been very densely inhabited; a holy rishi possessing supernatural powers had his hermitage in it; he was once offended by a native and cursed the country; as a consequence of this curse the land became, and remained, utterly depopulated. In the lapse of many years since that event it had gradually become inhabited again, but it still had only a scanty population. Near the south wall of the city (i. e. the capital apparently) was an Asoka tope beside which were a sitting-place and exercise-ground of the Four Past Buddhas. On a ridge of a mountain in the north of the country was a stone tope, above 100 feet high, where a Pratyeka Buddha had passed away at the beginning of the present kalpa when men's lives extended over countless years.

v2.c21.s10.2

The capital of the Kalinga of this passage has been identified by Cunningham with Rajamahendri on the Godāvari river.² Fergusson was of opinion that it was not very far from the Kalingapatam of our maps.²

v2.c21.s10.3

² op. c. p. 250.

v2.c21.s10.4

The Divyāvadāna in giving the names of the kings who will be reigning when Maitreya comes places the names Kalinga and Mithilā side by side as the respective residences of different kings.¹ It must be a misunderstanding of some snch passage that lies at the root of the statement we find in some Buddhist treatises that Kalinga, with its capital Mithilā, was mentioned by the Buddha. In some Buddhist treatises we find a Kalinga with its capital Mithilā mentioned by the Buddha as one of the four places possessing inexhaustible treasures of precious substances.² But Mithilā was, of course the capital of Videha; and we find in older works such as the "Jātaka", the "Mahāvastu", and the "Digha", mention of a kingdom named Kalinga with its capital Dantapura ages before the Buddha's time.³

v2.c21.s10.5

¹ A. G. I. p. 516.

v2.c21.s10.6

¹ Divyāv. p. 61.

v2.c21.s10.7

² Tsêng-yi-a-han-ching, ch. 49; A-na-pin-ti-hua-ch'i-tzŭ-ching (No. 649).

v2.c21.s10.8

³ Jāt. Vol. II, p. 367; Mahāvastu T. III, p. 361; Dīgha II, 167, 235.

v2.c21.s10.9

Our pilgrim's statement here about the desolation of the country caused by the curse of an offended rishi is derived from a sūtra. In this the Buddha asks Upāli if he knew why Daṇḍaka, Kalinga, and Mātaṅga became uninhabited wastes, and Upāli replies that he heard the desolation was caused by an incensed rishi. When this saintly hermit cursed the land in his anger the supernatural beings blighted and wasted all the region on account of the offence against him.⁴

v2.c21.s10.10

⁴ See Nos. 1238, 1239, and 1240. Compare Majjhima I, 378.

v2.c21.s10.11

In the above passage also it is to be noted that the pilgrim represents the Buddhist Brethren of Kalinga as students of the Sthavira system of the Mahāyānists, but in the description in the Life the term for Mahāyānists is omitted. The Buddha in a Tantra sūtra gives Kalinga as one of the twelve districts in which the "attainment of perfection may be sought".⁵

v2.c21.s10.12

⁵ Fo-shuo-ta-pei-k'ung-chih-chin-kang-ta-chiao-wang-yi-kuei-ching, ch. 2 (No. 1060). See above p. 177.

The Southern Kosala

v2.c21.s11.1

The pilgrim's description next proceeds to relate that from Kalinga he went north-west by hill and wood for above 1800 *li* to Kosala. This country, more than 6000 *li* in circuit, was surrounded by mountains and was a succession of woods and marshes, its capital being above 40 *li* in circuit. The soil of the country was rich and fertile, the towns and villages were close together; the people were prosperous, tall of stature and black in colour; the king was a kshatriya by birth, a Buddhist in religion, and of noted benevolence. There were above 100 Buddhist monasteries, and about 10 000 Brethren, all Mahāyānists. Near the south of the city (that is apparently, the capital) was an old monastery with an Asoka tope where Buddha had vanquished Tirthikas by the exhibition of supernormal powers, and in which Nāgārjuna P'usa had afterwards lodged. Contemporary with this P'usa was the king styled Sha-to-p'o-ha or "Leading-right" (*yin-chêng* 引正), who treated Nāgārjuna with ceremonious respect, and kept a guard at his residence. The record then tells of the visit made by Deva P'usa from Sengkala to this monastery in order to have a discussion with Nāgārjuna. When Deva arrived and requested to be admitted the disciple in charge of the door reported the circumstance. Nāgārjuna, who had heard of the visitor's fame, merely filled his bowl with water and gave it to the disciple to show to Deva. This last silently dropped a needle into the bowl, and dismissed the disciple. On learning this Nāgārjuna exclaimed—"He is a wise man! It is for the gods to know the hidden springs, and it is the sage who searches out their minute developments; as the man has such excellence call him in at once. What do you mean, asked the disciple,—is this a case of "Silence being eloquence"? Nāgārjuna explained that the bowl full of water typified his own universal knowledge, and the dropping of the needle into it typified Deva's thorough comprehension of all that knowledge. When Deva was admitted he was modest and timid, and he expressed his views clearly and distinctly, wishing to be instructed. Nāgārjuna said to him—"You as a scholar are above your contemporaries, and your excellent discourse sheds glory on your predecessors. I am old and feeble, and meeting one of such superior abilities as you I have a pitcher into which to draw water, and a successor to whom the continuous lamp may be handed over. You can be relied on for propagating the religion. Please come forward, and let us talk of the mysteries of Buddhism". Deva was proceeding to enter on an exposition when a look at the majestic face of Nāgārjuna made him forget his words and remain silent. Then he declared himself a disciple, and Nāgārjuna having reassured him taught him the true Buddhism. Nāgārjuna had the secret of long life, and had attained an age of several centuries, with his mental faculties still flourishing, when he voluntarily put an end to his life in the following circumstances. The king Yin-chêng was also some hundreds of years old, and his life depended on that of Nāgārjuna by whom it had been prolonged. This king's youngest son became impatient to succeed, and learning from his mother the secret of his father's life, at her instigation he went to the great P'usa, and persuaded him that it was his duty to die on behalf of the young prince. Nāgārjuna, accordingly, cut his own head off with a dry blade of grass, and his death was immediately followed by that of the old king.

v2.c21.s11.2

To the south-west of this country above 300 *li* from the capital was a mountain called *Po-lo-mo-lo-ki-li*, which rose lofty and compact like a single rock. Here king *Yin-chêng* had quarried for Nāgārjuna a monastery in the mountain, and had cut in the rock a path, communicating with the monastery, for above ten *li*. The monastery had cloisters and lofty halls; these halls were in five tiers, each with four courts, with temples containing gold life-size images of the Buddha of perfect artistic beauty. It was well supplied with running water, and the chambers were lighted by windows cut in the rock. In the formation of this establishment the king's treasury soon became exhausted, and Nāgārjuna then provided an abundant supply by transmuting the rocks into gold. In the topmost hall Nāgārjuna deposited the scriptures of Sākyamuni Buddha, and the writings of the P'usas. In the lowest hall were the laymen attached to the monastery and the stores, and the three intermediate halls were the lodgings of the Brethren. The pilgrim learned that when the king had finished the construction of this monastery an estimate of the maintenance of the workmen came to nine *koṭi* of gold coins. In later times the Brethren had disagreed, and had referred their quarrels to the king; then the retainers of the monastery, fearing that the establishment would become a prey to the lawless, excluded the Brethren, and made new barriers to keep them out; since then there have not been any Brethren in the monastery, and the way of access to it was not known.

First 95 of 234 passages. Read on

Linked texts (32)