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Life in Ancient India as Depicted in the Jain Canons, with Commentaries: An Administrative, Economic, Social and Geographical Survey c5: Section I: Introduction to the Jain Canon

Life in Ancient India as Depicted in the Jain Canons, with Commentaries: An Administrative, Economic, Social and Geographical Survey c5

Language
English

Contents

Section I: Introduction to the Jain Canon

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CHAPTER I THE HISTORY OF THE JAIN CHURCH

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CHAPTER II THE CANONS OF THE JAINS

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The first of these, the *Gospel of the Hebrews*, was used by the Jewish Christians of Palestine, and was probably a version of the Gospel of Matthew, though it contained some traditions not found in our canonical books. The *Gospel of the Egyptians* was used by the ascetic sects of Egypt, and was marked by a strong tendency towards mysticism and asceticism. The *Gospel of Peter* was used by the Docetists, and taught that Christ did not really suffer, but only appeared to do so.

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These gospels, and others like them, were not accepted by the Church as a whole, and were gradually lost or suppressed. The Church, however, felt the need for a standard collection of writings that would serve as a guide for faith and practice. This led to the formation of the New Testament canon, a process that took several centuries to complete.

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The first step in this process was the collection of the letters of Paul, which were widely circulated among the churches. Then came the four Gospels, which were accepted as the authoritative accounts of the life and teachings of Jesus. The Acts of the Apostles and the other epistles were gradually added, and finally the Book of Revelation.

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By the end of the second century, the core of the New Testament was generally accepted by the Church. The process of canonization was not a formal act of a council, but rather a gradual recognition by the churches of the writings that were most valuable for their life and worship. It was only in the fourth century that the canon was formally closed by the councils of the Church.

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The formation of the New Testament canon was a crucial event in the history of the Church. It provided a standard of faith and practice that helped to unify the Church and to protect it from the influence of heretical sects. It also ensured that the teachings of Jesus and the apostles would be preserved for future generations.

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CHAPTER I

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THE HISTORY OF THE JAIN CHURCH

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According to the Jain tradition, Usabha or Rsabha was the first Jina and the first Tirthankara who was born in a very primitive age when people were illiterate and did not know any art. In fact, it was Usabha who is said to have taught the arts of cooking, writing, pottery, painting and sculpture for the first time. At this time came into existence the institution of marriage, the ceremony of cremating the dead, building of the mounds (thūbhas) and the festivals in honour of Indra and the Nāgas. It is said that Usabha was born in Ikkhāgabhūmi (Ayodhyā), the first capital of India, and is said to have lived for an immeasurable length of time. He attained Nuvāna on the mountain Atthāvaya (Kailāsa), where temples in his honour were built by his son, Bharata¹.

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¹ Kalpa Sū 7 206 228, Jambu 2 18 40

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Then the traditional list is given of the twenty three Tirthankaras². It is curious to note, however, that most of the Tirthankaras have been assigned to the Ikṣvāku family and are said to have attained salvation at the mountain Sammeya (modern Parasnath Hill in Hazaribagh District). So far no historical evidences have come forth to warrant the historical existence of the first twenty two Tirthankaras, on the other hand, taking into consideration the long duration of their careers and the intermediate periods between each Tirthankara, they appear to be legendary figures introduced perhaps to balance the number of Jinas with the number of the Buddhas.

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² Cf The twenty four Buddhas, who immediately preceded the last Buddha, Buddhavamsa. cf also Dīgh II P 2 where the seven Buddhas are mentioned

Pārśvanātha—The Historical Personality

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Pāsa or Pārsvanātha, who was the immediate predecessor of Mahāvīra, is said to have flourished some 250 years before the advent of the latter. He was born in Vārānasi (Benares) and was the son of the king Asasena by his queen Vāmā. He lived thirty years as a lay man, and after leading a life of an ascetic for seventy years, attained salvation at the mountain Sammeya³. Pārsvanātha is said to have visited a number of cities, the prominent among which were Ahicchatta⁴, Āmalakappā,⁵ Sāvatthi, Hatthināpura, Kampillapura, Sāgeya,⁶ Rāyagiha and Kosambi.⁷ He was known as Purisādāniya (purisājāniya in Pali)⁸ or the distinguished man⁹.

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³ Kalpa Sū 6 149 169

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⁴ Ācā Nu 335

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⁵ Nāyā II p 222

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⁶ ibid, p 229

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⁷ ibid, p 230

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⁸ Purisājāneya is mentioned in the Anguttara I 290, II, 115.

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⁹ Kalpa Sū 6 149 also see Schubring, Die Lehre Der Jainas p 24.

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Pārśva and his disciples (*pāsāvaccijja*) are referred to in various Jain Canons. We learn from the *Ācārāṅga*¹⁰ that the parents of Mahāvīra followed the faith of Pārśva and were the adherents of the *Samaṇas*. The *Āvaśyaka Cūrṇi* mentions several ascetics of the Pārśva sect, who were present during the course of Mahāvīra’s wanderings as an ascetic. Uppala was a *pāsāvaccijja*, who after giving up the monastic order had entered the house-holder’s life (*pacchākaḍa*) and followed the profession of a fortune-teller (*nemitta*) in Atthiyagāma.¹¹ His two sisters named Somā and Jayantī had joined the order of Pārśva but being unable to continue the rigid ascetic life of his order they became *Parvrājikās* of the Brahmanic order. Later on, when Mahāvīra and Gosāla got into trouble in Corāya Sannivesa, they came to their rescue.¹² Then we meet thera Municanda, a follower of Pārśva, who dwelt in a potter’s shop in Kumārāya Sannivesa in the company of his disciples. When questioned by Gosāla, Municanda replied that they were *Samaṇa Nigganthas*. Gosāla asked as to how they could be called *Nigganthas* since they were possessed of so many personal assets, and he threatened to burn their place of residence (*padissaya*). Gosāla approached Mahāvīra and narrated this incident to him whereupon the latter remarked that these ascetics were the followers of Pārśva and he could do no harm to them.

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¹⁰ II 3 401, p 389

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¹¹ p 273.

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These ascetics indulged in certain activities which according to the principles of Mahāvīra constituted preliminary sin (*sārambha*); they put on clothes (*sapariggaha*) and also practised *Jiṇakappa* (adopting the standard of *Jina*) towards the end of their life. We are told that thera Municanda placed his disciple at the head of the *gaccha* and went to practise *Jiṇakappa* outside the town. Good feeling towards all beings (*satta-bhāvanā*) and five kinds of meditations (*bhāvanā*) are prescribed for the ascetic who wanted to practise *Jiṇakappa*. The five meditations are penance (*tava*), fearlessness (*satta*), study of scriptures (*sutta*), concentration (*egatta*) and spiritual strength (*bala*) which should be practised inside and outside the monastery (*uvasaya*), a square road (*caukka*), a solitary house (*sunnaghara*) or in a cemetery.¹³ Then we hear of Vijayā and Pagabbhā, the two female disciples of Pārśva (*pāsantevāsiniō*), who saved Mahāvīra and Gosāla in Kūviya Sannivesa.¹⁴

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¹³ Āva cū., pp 285, 291, cf. also Brh. Bhā. 1. 1328-57.

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¹⁴ Āva cū., p. 291

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The *Bhagavatī*¹⁵ records the discussion that took place between Mahāvīra and the samaṇa Gāṅgeya, a follower of Pārśva, in Vāṇiyagāma. Gāṅgeya gave up the *Caujjāmadhamma* (the doctrine of the four-fold restraint) and embraced the *Pañcamahavvaya* (the five greater vows) of Mahāvīra. Kālāsavesiyaputta was another follower of Pārśva who became a follower of Mahāvīra.¹⁶ Then the *Nāyādhammakahā* refers to Puṇḍarīya who plucked out his hair and accepted the four vows.¹⁷ The city of Tuṅgiyā is stated to have been the centre of the theras, the followers of Pārśva, who moved in a congregation of five hundred monks. It is said that the lay adherents of the town went to attend to their religious sermons and were highly delighted. The names of the theras Kāliyaputta, Mehila, Ānandarakkhiya and Kāsava are particularly mentioned here.¹⁸ Further, the Nāyādhammakahā¹⁹ and the Niryāvaliyāo²⁰ refer to a number of lay women who joined the order of Pārśva. We hear of the renunciation ceremony of the old maiden (vaddakumārī), Kālī, who joined the ascetic order of Pārśva and was entrusted to Pupphacūlā, the head of the nuns.²¹

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¹ p 286

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¹⁵ 9 32

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¹⁶ ibid., I 9

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¹⁷ 19, p 218.

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¹⁸ Bhag 2. 5.

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¹⁹ II 10.

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²⁰ 4

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²¹ Nāyā II 1, p 222 f.

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Further, the Sūyagaḍaṅga²² mentions Udaya Peḍhālaputta, a Nigaṇtha follower of Pārśva of the Meyajja (Skr Medārya) gotta. There were religious discussions between him and Goyama Indabhūi, after which the latter took him to Mahāvīra, where he gave up the doctrine of four restraints and took up the five great vows, as ordained by the Teacher. The Rāyapaseniya²³ refers to a young monk (kumārasamaṇa)²⁴ named Kesī, who was a follower of Pārśva and knew fourteen Pūrvas. Once he visited the town of Sāvatthī in a congregation of five hundred monks. The charioteer Citta attended his religious sermons and invited him to Seyaviyā. In course of time, Kesī visited Seyaviyā where a discussion took place between him and king Paesī, and the latter being convinced of his opponent's doctrine became an adherent of the Samanas. Kesī is also referred to in the Uttarādhyayana Sūtra where an important historical meeting is recorded to have taken place between him and Goyama, the representatives of the two branches of the Jain Church, in Sāvatthī. In this council many important questions were discussed and finally Kesī accepted the five-fold vows preached by Mahāvīra.²⁵

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²² II 7.

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²³ Sū 147 f.

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²⁴ Prof Bagchi refers to the Sūtra of Pāṇini (II 1 70) "Kumāraḥ Śramaṇādibhiḥ" pointing out that the author might have had the followers of Pārśva in view, The Historical beginning of Jainism, p. 74, Sir Asutosh Mookerjee Silver Jubilee, Vol III

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²⁵ 23

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It must be mentioned that the credit of proving the existence of the Nigaṇthas before Nātaputta Mahāvīra on the strength of references in Pali literature belongs to Professor Jacobi.²⁶ It is stated in the Sāmaññaphala sutta of the Dīgha Nikāya that a Nigaṇtha is restrained with a four-fold restraint (cātuyāma-samvara). 'He is restrained as regards all water, restrained as regards all evil, all evil has he washed away, and he lives suffused with the sense of evil held at bay.'²⁷ Because of this four-fold restraint, he is called a *Nigantha* (free from bonds), *gatatta* (one whose heart has been in the attainment of his aim), *yatatta* (one whose heart is under command) and *thitatta* (one whose heart is fixed). The Pali texts contain the names of several disciples of Nātaputta, who are said to have entered into discussion with Buddha and at the end become his followers. Vappa, a Sākyan king and an uncle of Buddha, was a disciple of the *Niganthas*, who, convinced of the superiority of Buddha’s teachings, became his follower.²⁸ Similarly, could be cited the names of Asibandhakaputta,²⁹ Abhayarājakumāra,³⁰ Siha,³¹ Upāli,³² Dighatapassi,³³ Saccaka,³⁴ Sirigutta³⁵ and the women disciples such as Saccā, Lolā, Avavādakā, Patācarā³⁶ and others. The Devadaha Sutta in the *Majjhima Nikāya* contains a detailed analysis and criticism, attributed to Buddha, of the beliefs and teachings of the *Nāganthas*³⁷

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²⁶ See Jain Sūtras, Vol xlv, pp xiv-xxi, cf also Prof P C Bagchi op cit, pp 76 f

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²⁷ Cf the corresponding four-fold restraint taught by Buddha which consisted of ouser-ving the four precepts against injury stealing unchastity and lying Dīgha, III, p 181,

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²⁸ Anguttara, II, p 196 f, III, p 199

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²⁹ Samyutta, IV 317 ff

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³⁰ Majjhima, I, Abhayarājakumāra Sutta.

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³¹ Mahāvagga, VI, 31, Anguttara, IV, 180 ff

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³² ibid

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³³ ibid., Cūlasaccaka and Mahāsaccaka Sutta.

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³⁴ Dhammapada A, I, pp. 434 ff

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³⁵ Jātaka, III, I

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³⁶ Also cf Anguttara, I 205 f where the *Niganthas* are condemned in ten respects; Dhammapada A, III, pp 200 f See also Chapter on Buddha and Niganthas, B C Law, Historical Gleanings

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³⁷ Cf the Veda should not be recited in a village where a Cāndāla lives (Āpastamba I 3 9. 15); his ears shall be filled with (molten) tin or lac, if he listens intentionally to (a recitation) of the Veda, his tongue shall be cut out if he recites Vedic texts, his body shall be split in twain if he remembers them (Gautama XII 4 6), also cf Mātanga Jātaka (No 497., IV, p 376 where the daughter of a merchant washes her eyes with perfumed water after seeing a Mātanga

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These literary evidences in Jain and Buddhist texts presuppose the existence of a *Nigantha* order founded by Pārśvanātha before the advent of Mahāvīra and there is much to be said in favour of the Jain tradition that Mahāvīra was no more than a reformer of an older *Nigantha* order.

The Contribution of Pārśvanātha

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Pārśvanātha flourished towards the end of the ninth century B C, 250 years before Mahāvīra He was a powerful religious teacher, who fought against the Brāhmanic tyranny of caste system³⁸ and the merciless slaughter of animals³⁹ in the Vedic sacrifices. The religion of Pārsva was meant for one and all without any distinction of caste or creed. He was a well-wisher of women and gave them freedom by admitting them into his order.⁴⁰

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³⁸ Cf Viṣṇusmṛti (The Institutes of Vishnu, S B E, Vol VII, LI 61-63) where it is stated that the slaughter of beasts for a sacrifice is no slaughter and the animals destroyed for the purpose of sacrifice, obtain exaltation in another existence, also see Gautama, XVII, 37, Vasiṣṭha, (XI 46); Manu V 39.

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³⁹ Cf Āpastamba (I 5 14) where purification is prescribed on touching a woman, they were also not allowed to perform religious sacrifices (II 6. 17), also cf Baudhāyana (I 5 11 7) where women are considered to have no business with the sacred texts Cf Buddha who after repeated refusals and with great reluctance allowed women to enter the Sangha and that too on the acknowledgement of their inferiority (Cullavagga, X, I)

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Pārśva emphasised the doctrine of *Ahiṃsā*. Since he had to raise a protest against the Brāhmanic sacrifices which inculcated slaughter of animals, this step was quite essential⁴¹ Later on, he added three more precepts to this, *viz.*, abstinence from telling lies (*musāvādā veramaṇī*, Palī), from stealing (*adinnādānāo veramaṇa; adinnādānā veramaṇī*, Palī) and from external possessions (*bahiddhāo veramaṇa*). These four precepts were called by the name of *Cāujjāmadhamma*, which constituted an important feature of the immediate background of Mahāvīra's Jainism. Pārśvanātha also enjoined strict asceticism⁴² as the only way for the attainment of salvation. As a matter of fact, the fundamental principles of the two *Niggantha* orders were not at all different and the religion preached by one was substantially the same as preached by the other. The description of the rules of conduct of Kesi Kumāra, a disciple of Pārśva,⁴³ tallies *verbatim* with those of the disciples of Mahāvīra⁴⁴ with the difference that the former preached the four great vows, while the latter preached five. It is said that the first saints were simple but slow of understanding, the last were prevaricating and slow of understanding and those between the two were simple and wise, hence there were two forms of Law.⁴⁵ Another important difference between the doctrine of Pārśva and Mahāvīra was that the former allowed an under and upper garment (*santaruttaro*) whereas the latter forbade clothing altogether.⁴⁶ Questioned by Kesi as to what caused this difference between the two law-givers pursuing the same end, Goyama replied that the various outward symbols were introduced because they were useful for religious life; as a matter of fact, knowledge, faith and right conduct, were the only true causes of liberation and not the outward symbols.⁴⁷ The order of Pārśva seems to have undergone some changes in the period between the death of Pārśvanātha and the advent of Mahāvīra and that might have been the cause of the latter's alienation.⁴⁸

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⁴¹ Cf however that even at the time of the Brāhmanas a section of people regarded *Ahiṃsā* as a great virtue and sacrifice a source of sin. See *Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa* I 11 3. 6-9, I. 2. 5 19; *Vasiṣṭha*, 10. 2; also cf *Kena Up.*, 1, 3, *Chāndogya*, 3, 17, 4, *Mahābhārata*, *Śānti*, P. 143-148, 174, 268 271, 274

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⁴² *Tapas* is also praised in the Brāhmanic literature. See *Śatapatha Br.*, 9 5. 1 8; *Āpastamba*, 2 9 23 1-6, also cf. *Chāndogya*, 3 17 4; *Jābāla* 6, *Mahābhārata*, *Śānti* P. 159, 251, 294.

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⁴³ Cf *Rāya Sū.* 147

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⁴⁴ Cf *Oīā Sū* 16, p 61.

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⁴⁵ *Uttarā*, 23, 26

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⁴⁶ *Ibid.*, 26, 29.

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⁴⁷ *ibid.*, 32 f.

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⁴⁸ Cf *Jain Sūtras*, Vol. XIV, p. 122 n 3; Prof. P. C. Bagchi, *op cit.*, p. 81 f.

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Pārśvanātha founded the four orders (*gaṇas*) with their Gaṇadharas⁴⁹ which shows that possibly the arrangement for the organization of the Jain Church was the best which could be had in those early days. Reference has already been made to the ascetics belonging to the order of Pārśva moving about in a congregation during the course of Mahāvīra's ascetic life. Thus it is evident that Jainism was not a new phenomenon in the history of Indian religion of the sixth century B.C., as is popularly supposed, but it goes back to the period of Pārśvanātha, the 23rd *Tīrthankara* of the Jains, as early as the ninth century B.C.

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⁴⁹ *Kalpa, Sū.* 6, 16p,

Mahāvīra

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After Pārśva Mahāvīra became the leader of the Jain community. He was born in Khattiyakundaggāma, a suburb of Vaisālī, in the house of king Siddhattha by his queen Tisalā. Mahāvīra retired from the world at the age of thirty and leading a life of severe asceticism, attained *kevalinship* on the bank of the river Ujjuvāliyā near the town of Jambhiyagāma. Mahāvīra roamed about as a *Tīrthankara* for thirty years, and at the age of seventy-two, after two hundred and fifty years of Pārśva's death, died in Pāvā about 467 B.C.⁵⁰

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⁵⁰ According to Muni Kalyan Vijaya, Mahāvīra attained liberation in 528 B.C. after fourteen years of Buddha's *Parinirvāna*. For his learned article "Vira Nirvāna Samvat aur Kāl gananā," see N. P. Patrikā, Vols. X-XI; also see Jacobi's article "Buddhas und Mahāvīras Nirvāna" etc. a Gujarati translation of which is published in the *Bhartiya Vidyā*, Singhi Smāraka, also Schubring, *op. cit.*, pp. 5, 30, also Keith's article in the *Bull School of Or. Studies* 6, 859-866

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During his *Tīrthankara* career Mahāvīra travelled a number of places and ordained various kings, princes, tradesmen and high officials. Like Pārśva, he too divided his community (*sangha*) into four orders, viz., monks, nuns, lay men and lay women, each *sangha* consisting of a super-monk. Goyama Indabhūi and Candanā were Mahāvīra's first male and female disciples respectively. Mahāvīra exercised his influence in various royal families, and the kings Cetaka,⁵¹ Seniya,⁵² Kūṇiya,⁵³ Udayana,⁵⁴ Dadhivāhana,⁵⁵ Pajjoya⁵⁶ and others are said to have become his great devotees. Mahāvīra is also said to have ordained the kings Uddāyana⁵⁷ of Sindhusovīra, Siva⁵⁸ of Hatthināpura, Sāla and Mahāsāla⁵⁹ of Pitthicampā, Cilāya⁶⁰ of Kodivarisa and others. Among women from the royal families, Jayantī⁶¹ and Miyāvai of Kosambī, eight queens of Pajjoya including Angāravatī,⁶² and ten queens of Seniya including Kālī⁶³ are stated to be prominent. Among princes may be mentioned Mehakumāra,⁶⁴ Nandisena,⁶⁵ Abhayakumāra,⁶⁶ Halla, Vihalla⁶⁷ and others.

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⁵¹ *Āva Cū* II, p 164

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⁵² *Uttarā.* 20, *Dasā* 10, *Āva Cū* p. 114.

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⁵³ *Ovā. Sū.* 12

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⁵⁴ *Bhag* 12. 2

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⁵⁵ *Āva. Cū* II, p 207

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⁵⁶ *Āva. Cū.* p 401

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⁵⁷ *Bhag.* 13 6

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⁵⁸ *Ibid.*, II, 9.

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⁵⁹ *Uttarā. Tī* 10, p 153 a

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⁶⁰ *Āva. Nir* 1305

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⁶¹ *Bhag.* 12, 2.

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⁶² *Āva. Cū.* p 91

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⁶³ *Antagada.* 7, p. 44.

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⁶⁴ *Nāyā.* 1.

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⁶⁵ *Āva. Cū.* P. 559 f

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⁶⁶ *Ibid.*, p. 115.

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⁶⁷ *Ibid.*, II, p. 174.

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During the life time of Mahāvīra, Jainism could make only a small headway and it does not seem to have spread beyond the boundaries of Aṅga and Magadha where the Teacher principally dwelt and preached but later on, after the death of Mahāvīra, his followers and successors succeeded in popularising the faith to a much greater degree, so that it did not fail to enjoin the support of kings as well as commoners.

Eleven Gaṇadharas

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Mahāvīra had eleven *Ganadharas* or heads of Schools (cf. *Gaṇācariya* in Pali). The eldest was Indabhūi, then followed Aggibhūi, Vāubhūi, Viyatta, Suhamma, Maṇḍiya, Moriyaputta, Akampiya, Ayalabhiyā, Meijja and Pabhāsa. The first three *Ganadharas* were brothers and belonged to the Goyama *gotta* and were residents of Gobbaragāma. The fourth belonged to the Bhāraddāya *gotta*, and was the resident of Kollāga sannivesa; the fifth belonged to the Aggivesāyana *gotta*, and was the resident of Kollāga sannivesa; the sixth belonged to the Vasiṭṭha *gotta*, and was the resident of Moriya sannivesa; the seventh belonged to the Kāsava *gotta*, and was the resident of Moriya sannivesa; the eighth belonged to the Goyama *gotta*, and was the resident of Mihilā; the ninth belonged to the Harīayana *gotta*, and was the resident of Kosala, the tenth belonged to the Koḍinna *gotta* and was the resident of Tuṅgiya sannivesa; the eleventh belonged to the same *gotta*, and was the resident of Rāyagiha. These *Ganadharas* were all Brāhmana teachers and all except Indabhūi and Suhamma, died during the life time of Mahāvīra. They are said to have been versed in the twelve Aṅgas, the fourteen Puvvas, and the whole *gaṇipiḍaga* (the basket of the *Gaṇis*). They died in Rāyagiha after fasting for a month.⁶⁸ Goyama Indabhūi cut asunder the tie of friendship which he had for his Master and attained *kevalinship* the same night when Mahāvīra died.⁶⁹ He survived Mahāvīra for twelve years and finally achieved salvation at Rāvagīha at the age of ninety two.⁷⁰ The name of Suhamma, the fifth Ganadhara of Mahāvīra, we come across in the Jain Canons frequently. After Mahāvīra's death, he became the head of the Jain community and held that position for twenty years, till he attained *kevalinship*. He is said to have narrated the Jain Canons to his disciple Jambu in the manner he had heard from his Master. The *Niggantha samanas* of the present time are all spiritual descendants of the monk Ajja Suhamma, the rest of the *Ganadharas* left no descendants.⁷¹

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⁶⁸ See *Kalpa Sū.* 8. 1-4; *Ava. Nir.* 644 ff., 658 f.

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⁶⁹ *Kalpa Sū.* 5. 127.

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⁷⁰ *Ava. Nir.* 656.

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⁷¹ *Kalpa Sū.* 8. 4.

The Schisms

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The following Schisms are mentioned in the Jain Church:—
(1) Jamāli, who was Mahāvīra's sister's son and also his son-in-law, was the first man to start the schism in Sāvatthī during the life time of Mahāvīra, after fourteen years of his attaining omniscience. Jamāli was a prince of Khattiyakuṇḍaggāma, who renounced the world and became a follower of Mahāvīra. Difference of opinion arose between him and his teacher over a slight matter whereupon Jamāli declared that before the accomplishment of the act its results begin bearing fruits; the followers of Jamāli were known as bahurayas. Piyadaisanā, the daughter of Mahāvīra, first joined the schismatic order of her husband, but later on, she was enlightened and joined the order of Mahāvīra.

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(2) The second schism was started by Tissagutta at Usabhapura (Rāyagaha), during Mahāvīra’s life time after sixteen years of his attaining kevalahood Tissagutta was a disciple of ācārya Vasu, who was well-versed in the fourteen Pūrvas His followers were called jīvapaesiyas; they controverted the view of Mahāvīra that the soul is permeated in all the constituent atoms of the body

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(3) The third schism was led by Āṣādha at Seyaviyā after 214 years of Mahāvīra’s attaining salvation His followers were called avattiyas and they held that there is no difference between gods, saints, kings and other beings

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(4) The fourth schism was started by Assamitta in Mihilā, after 220 years of Mahāvīra’s attaining salvation His followers were called samuccheiyas and they held that since the end of all life will come some day the effects of good or bad deeds are immaterial.

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(5) The fifth schism was started by Ganga at Ullukātīra after 228 years of Mahāvīra’s attaining salvation His followers were called dokiriyas and they held that the two opposite feelings such as cold and warmth could be experienced at the same time

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(6) The sixth schism arose in Antarañjiyā and was started by Saḍūlaya otherwise known as Rohagutta after 544 years of Mahāvīra’s attaining salvation Saḍūlaya is said to have been the author of the Vaiseṣika sūtras. His followers were called terāsiyas and they held that between the life (jīva) and non-life (ajīva) there is a third state ‘no-jīva.’ According to the Kalpasūtra,⁷² the terāsiyas were founded by a disciple of Ajja Mahāgiri.

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⁷² 8, p 228 a.

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(7) The seventh schism was led by Goṭṭhamalula at Dasapura after 584 years of Mahāvīra’s attaining salvation His followers were called abaddhiyas and according to them the jīva is not bound by Karman.⁷³

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⁷³ Thā 587, Āva. Nir 779 ff, also Bhā 125 ff, Āva Cū. p 416 ff, Uttarā. Ti 3, p. 68 a-75, Ovā. Sū. 41, p 197, also Bhag. 9 33, Sama Sū. 22, Bhag. 1. I, p. 41 f (Bechardas ed).

The Śvetāmbaras and Digambaras

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Then we come to the epoch-making schism between the Śvetāmbara and Digambara sects of the Jains. The Digambaras maintained that absolute nudity is a necessary condition of sainthood which the Śvetāmbaras denied and held that the use of clothes does not impede the highest sanctity It may be noted that the history of the division in the Jain order into Śvetāmbaras and Digambaras is traceable to an early period of Jain religion. We have seen as to how Pārśvanātha allowed his monks to wear an under and upper garment,⁷⁴ whereas Mahāvīra preferred to go about naked, and this difference of opinion between the two Jinas probably developed into two great sects.

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⁷⁴ Cf the ‘tecīvara’ of a Buddhist Bhikkhu consisted of an upper cloak (uttarāsaṅga), a waist cloth (saṅghāṭī) and an under garment (antaravāsaka), all being oblong in shape (Mahā-vagga, VIII, 14 2)

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It is stated in the Ācārāṅga⁷⁵ that “a mendicant who moves about naked (acela) and is firm in control, it will not occur to him ‘my clothes are torn, I shall beg new ones, I shall beg for thread, I shall beg for a needle, I shall mend them, I shall repair them’,” which shows that in the early days both kinds of monks, viz, Jinakalpa and Sthavirakalpa⁷⁶ were allowed to remain in the Jain Sangha, and there were no strict rules about one’s wearing clothes or going undressed. The injunction that “‘my clothes being torn, I shall soon go naked,’ or ‘I shall get new one’s’ such thoughts should not be entertained by a monk”⁷⁷ also testifies the above assertion What we gather from the Jain texts Mahāvīra seems to be the first exponent of nudity, as a cult feature in the Jain Church, although as we have seen even the monks of the order of Pārsava practised Jinakappa After Mahāvīra the name of Mahāgiri, a disciple of Thūlabhadda is cited who towards the end of his life entrusted the gana to Suhatthi and practised Jinakappa at Dasannapura⁷⁸ The practice of Jinakappa was also prevalent at the time of Ajja Rakkhiya. We learn from the *Āvaśyaka Cūrṇi*⁷⁹ that when Ajja Rakkhiya initiated his family, his father was not willing to discard clothes due to modesty; he felt shy to move about naked in the presence of his daughters and daughters-in-law. Later on, with great persuasion he accepted a *kaḍipatta* which was replaced by a *colapaṭṭa* in course of time.

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⁷⁵ 6 3 182 trans by Jacobi, p 57

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⁷⁶ The Jinakalpa monks are of two kinds (1) Those who use the hollow of their hand for an alms-bowl (pāṇipātra) and (2) those who use alms-bowl (pātrigrahadhārī) Each is further sub-divided into two (a) those who go without clothes (amāvarana) and (b) those who wear clothes (sapāvarana) The former have the broom (rajoharaṇa) and a piece of cloth before their mouth (mukhavastrikā), whereas the latter have one, two or three garments (kela) besides the rajoharaṇa and the mukhavastrikā Those who use the alms-bowls and go without clothes possess twelve religious articles as follows vāri, pātrabhandhaka, pārasthe-ori, pāhakes-uṅka, patalaka, rajastīra and gocchaka and rajoharaṇe and mukhavastrikā and on two or three garments mentioned above (Brh Bhā 3, 3962 f) About the Sthavirakalpa monks it is said in the Āyā Sū (7 4 208 f) that a mendicant who possesses three robes and a bowl is truth under should not think of begging a fourth robe After the winter is gone and the summer has set in a monk should leave off the old garment, being clad with an upper and under garment (santaruttara), or with the undermost garment (omacele) or with one garment (ekasāṭī) or without garments (acele) he should aspire for freedom from the bonds of karmas A mendicant who possesses two robes and a bowl as third article should not think of begging for the third robe, etc (ibid 7 3 213) A mendicant who possesses one robe and a bowl as second article should not think of begging the second robe, etc, (ibid 7 6 213) If a naked monk thinks that he can bear the pricking of grass cold and heat, stinging of flies and mosquitos or any other painful thing but cannot leave off the privities uncovered then he can cover his privities with kaṭibandhana (ibid 7 7 220), also see Schubring op cit p 163 f It should be noted, however, that later on, the number of articles in a monk’s equipment increased and as a result of which we notice in the Brhatkalpa Bhāṣya (3 3964) that kaṭibandhana is replaced by colapaṭṭaka and besides the above-mentioned twelve articles mātraka was allowed to the monks

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⁷⁷ According to the Digambaras both Jinakalpa and Sthavirakalpa monks must go about naked (see Devasena’s Bhāvasaṅgraha (119 33), also Kamtaprasad Jain’s article in the Jaina Antiquary, Vol IX, No 11)

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⁷⁸ Uttarā Sū 2-12. Āva. Cū. II, p. 155 f.

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⁷⁹ p. 406 f.

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Then we come to Sivabhūi, who is said to have led the *boḍiyas* after six hundred and nine years of Mahāvīra’s death, in Rahavirapura. It is said that Sivabhūi was in the service of the king of Rahavirapura and he used to return home very late at night. One day his wife did not open the door of the house and Sivabhūi straight away went to the residence of the monks and asked for *pavvajjā*. The monks refused to ordain him thus, whereupon Sivabhūi by himself plucked out his hair and automatically he became a monk, and practised *Jinakappa*. His sister followed him by joining his order. Koḍiṇṇa and Koṭṭivīra are stated to be the first two disciples of Sivabhūi.⁸⁰

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⁸⁰ *Āva Bhā* 145 f., *Āva Cū* p. 427 f.

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This is the legend about schism told by the Śvetāmbaras. The Digambaras relate another legend about the origin of the schism which differs from that of the Śvetāmbaras. According to this, during the reign of Candragupta in Ujjenī Bhadrabāhu predicted that there would be a terrible famine in the country which would last for twelve years. At this Viṣākhācārya, a disciple of Bhadrabāhu led the Saṅgha to the Puṇṇāta kingdom, while Rāmilla, Sthūlabhadra and Bhadrācārya, emigrated to the country of Sindhu. In course of time when all of them returned to Ujjenī, there was still famine in the country, so they allowed the monks to wear a piece of garment (*ardhaphālakam puraḥ kṛtvā*) while going for alms. When the famine was over, however, the monks were asked to give up the use of the garment since it was not in pursuance of the strict requirement of Mahāvīra’s order, but some monks would not follow their elders’ advice. Thus came into existence the schism of the Digambara and Śvetāmbaras in the Jain order.⁸¹

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⁸¹ *Br̥hatkathākośa* 131, *Epigraphia Carnatica*, Vol II (Revised), pp 36 ff, also see *Bhāvasaṅgraha* of Devasena (Bombay, V. S. 1978), pp 35-9, *Bhadrabāhucarita* by Bhaṭṭāraka Ratnanandī (Bombay 1912).

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It may be stated that both these legends are of sufficiently late origin and hence cannot be relied upon fully. In fact, the division of Jains in Śvetāmbara and Digambara community was a gradual process,⁸² and in the early history of Jainism the Church was not divided into sects. The Jain inscriptions of the first and second century A.D. found at the Kaṅkālī Ṭīlā Mathura also do not show any trace of schism in the Jain Church. We have already noticed that both practices wearing clothes or going undressed were allowed in the Jain Church although Mahāvīra himself went about naked. In course of time the difference regarding the question of a monk wearing clothes became more and more acute.

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⁸² cf Schubring, *op cit*, p 6.

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resulting gradually in innumerable unnecessary controversies⁸³ between the two communities. The history and development of these sects and the reason of their separation is really interesting and should form a subject of further research.

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⁸³ Cf Yuktiprabodha by Meghavijayagani, Ratlam, V S 1984

The Great Leaders

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⁸⁴ See Kalpa Sū 8 and its commentary by Samayasundaragani

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During his life time Mahāvīra was the head of the four orders in his community. After his death Suhamma succeeded him and continued to be the spiritual head for twenty years. Suhamma was followed by Jambu who was the last *Kevalin*, and after him the doors of final liberation and omniscience (*kevalinship*) were forever closed to men. Jambu was succeeded by Pabhava, Sejjambhava, Jasobhadda and Sambhūtivijaya. Then came the famous Bhaddabāhu, during whose leadership was visited by a great famine. Bhaddabāhu was followed by Thūlabhadda, who is said to have been the son of Sagaḍāla, the prime-minister to the ninth Nanda. Thūlabhadda continued to be the leader of the Church for a long time. The six spiritual leaders from Jambu onwards are called *Śrutakevalins* and they are said to have been bound by common spiritual interest (*ekka-sambhogo*)⁸⁵ The next head of the community after Thūlabhadda was Mahāgiri, and as it has been pointed out, he revived the ideal practice of nudity, and himself practised *Jinakappa*. From the time of Mahāgiri the practice of *sambhoga* was discontinued. Mahāgiri was followed by Suhatthi, who converted king Sampai, the grandson and successor of Asoka. Sampai was a great patron of Jainism and he worked hard for the spread of the Jain religion in non-Aryan countries. During the time of Mahāvīra the Jain monks could move in a limited area, but now twenty five and a half countries were opened to them⁸⁶ Suhatthi was followed by Sutthiya Sūri, Suppadibuddha and Indadinna. Then came the well-known Kālakācārya, who is said to have caused the defeat of king Gaddabhilla with the assistance of Scythian kings.⁸⁷ Kālakācārya, who was a contemporary of king Sātavāhana, is particularly remembered in connection with changing the date of *Pajjūsana* (an annual feast).⁸⁸ The next spiritual leader of importance was Ajja Vaira, who is considered to be the last *Dasapūrvin* and contemporary of king Nahavāna. It is said that he was received with great pomp and ceremony by the king of Pāṭaliputra. During this period the country is said to have been visited by long famines twice, once in Uttarāpatha and once in Dakṣiṇāpatha. Towards the end of his life Ajja Vaira went to the mountain Rahāvaya and died by giving up food and drink⁸⁹ Ajja Vaira was followed by Ajja Rakkhiya, who mastered the nine Pūrvas and who ordained his whole family, as mentioned already.

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⁸⁵ Nisi Cū 5. P 437

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⁸⁶ Brh Bhū I 3263

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⁸⁷ Nisi. Cū. 10, pp 571 ff

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⁸⁸ ibid, pp 630 ff.

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⁸⁹ Ava Cū., pp 390-396, 401 f.

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Among the later exponents of Jain religion mention may be made of Umāsvāti, Kundakunda, Siddhasena Divākara, Samantabhadra, Haribhadra, Akalṅka, Vidyānanda and Hemacandra. All of them were versatile writers and they supported the cause of Jainism by their most valuable writings. Hemacandra, otherwise known as kalikāla-sarvajña, was a versatile genius and became the head of the community in 1121 A.D. It was during this time that Kumārapāla embraced Jainism and under his patronage Jainism became the state religion of Gujrat. Since then Jainism went on declining and its star never shone brightly again.

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Jainism passed through many storms and upheavals from time to time from its birth, and yet it could survive and did not disappear from the soil of India like its sister religion Buddhism. The chief cause of this seems to have been the inflexible conservatism of the Jains in holding fast to their original institutions and doctrines. This is the reason, as Prof. Jacobi has pointed out, that although a number of less vital rules concerning life and practices of the monks and lay men may have fallen into oblivion or disuse, yet the religious life of the Jain community even now is substantially the same as it was two thousand years ago.⁹⁰

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⁹⁰ Charpentier, Cambridge History of India, p. 169.

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CHAPTER II

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THE CANONS OF THE JAINS

Classification of the Canons

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Suyanāna or scriptural knowledge, otherwise known as Siddhānta or Āgama consists of the twelve Angas, twelve Upāngas, ten Painnas, six Cheda Sūtras, Nandī and Anuyoga and four Mūla Sūtras¹. These scriptures form the canon of the Śvetāmbaras alone and are disowned by the Digambaras. Out of this subsidiary canonical literature with the exception of the Angas, the lists and the titles of the texts are not always uniform. The number of the Painnas, for instance, is very indefinite and varies to a great extent. Sometimes Nandī, Anuyogadāra and Pañcakappa are placed at the head of the Painnas. The traditional number of books in the Siddhānta is forty five (Drstivāda being lost), but the number of texts mentioned in various places varies between forty five and fifty.²

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¹ (i) The twelve Angas (1) Āyāranga Sutta (Ācārānga Sūtra), (2) Sūyagadanga (Sūtra-kṛtānga), (3) Thānānga (Sthānānga), (4) Samavāyānga, (5) Bhagavatī or Viāhapannatti (Vyākhyāprajñapti), (6) Nāyādhammakahāo (Jñātādharmakathāḥ), (7) Uvāsagadasāo (Upāsakadaśāḥ), (8) Antagadadasāo (Antakṛddaśāḥ), (9) Anuttarovavāiyadasāo (Anuttaraupapāṭukadaśāḥ), (10) Panhavāgaranāim (Praśnavyākaraṇāni), (11) Vivāgasuyam (Vi-pākaśrutam), (12) Diṭṭhivāya (Dṛṣṭivāda)
(ii) The twelve Upāngas or "secondary limbs" (1) Ovāiya or Uvavāiya (Aupa-pātika), (2) Rāyapasenaīja or Rāyapasenaīya (Rājapraśnīya), (3) Jīvābhigama, (4) Pan-navanā (Prajñāpanā), (5) Sūrapannatti or Sūriyapannatti (Sūryaprajñapti), (6) Jambud-divapannatti (Jambudvīpaprajñapti), (7) Candapannatti (Candraprajñapti), (8) Niryāvalī, (9) Kappavaḍamsiāo (Kalpāvataṃsikāḥ), (10) Pupphiāo (Puṣpikāḥ), (11) Pupphacūliāo (Puṣpacūlikāḥ), (12) Vaṇhidasāo (Vṛṣṇidaśāḥ)
(iii) The ten Painnas (Prakīrṇas) or "Scattered pieces" (1) Causaraṇa (Catuḥśaraṇa) by Virabhadra, (2) Āurapaccakkhāṇa (Āturapratyākhyāna), (3) Bhattapariṇnā (Bhaktaparij-ñā), (4) Samthara (Saṃstara), (5) Tandulaveyāliya (Taṇḍulavaitālika), (6) Candavijjhaya, (7) Devindatthava (Devendrastava), (8) Gaṇivijjā (Gaṇividyā), (9) Mahāpaccakkhāṇa (Ma-hāpratyākhyāna), (10) Viratthaa (Vīrastava)
(iv) The six Cheya Sūtras (Cheda Sūtras) (1) Nisiha (Niśītha), (2) Mahānisiha (Mahā-niśītha), (3) Vavahāra (Vyavahāra), (4) Āyāradasāo (Ācāradaśāḥ) or Dasāsuyakkhandha (Dasāśrutaskandha), (5) Kappa (Kalpa or Bṛhatkalpa), (6) Pañcakappa (Pañcakalpa) Instead of the last-named the Jiyakappa (Jitakalpa) by Jinabhadra is also mentioned
(v) Individual texts (1) Nandī or Nandī Sutta (Nandī Sūtra), (2) Anuyogadāra (Anu-yogadvāra).
(vi) The four Mūla Suttas (Mūla Sūtras) (1) Uttarajjhaya (Uttarādhyāya) or Utta-rajhayana (Uttarādhyayana), (2) Āvassaya (Āvaśyaka), (3) Dasaveyāliya (Dasavaikālika); (4) Pinda Nijjutti (Piṇḍa Niryukti) The third and fourth Mūla Sūtras are also sometimes given as Oha Nijjutti (Ogha Niryukti) and Pakkhi (Pākṣika Sūtra), and sometimes the Piṇḍa Nijjutti and Oha Nijjutti appear in the list of the Cheya Suttas (vide Winternitz History of Indian Literature, Vol II, p 428ff). Cf also Nandī (Sū 431) where the canonical works are divided into Angas and Angabāhiriyas (texts standing outside the Angas) or Angapaviṭṭha (belonging to the Angas) and Anangapaviṭṭha (not belonging to the Angas). The former is further divided into twelve Angas or also known as Gaṇipiṭaga The latter is divided into Āvassaya and Āvassayavairitta The former is sub divided into six whereas the latter into two, viz. (1) Kāliya and (2) Ukkāliya. The Kāliya and Ukkāliya have various divisions, out of which large number of works are not available at present

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² Cf the list of the eighty four Āgamas consisting of 11 Angas, 12 Upāngas, 5 Cheya suttas, 3 Mūla suttas, 30 Painnagas, 2 Cūliya suttas, Pakkhiya sutta, Khamana sutta, Vandittu sutta, Isibhāsīya, Payosanakappa, Jiyakappa, Jaiyiyakappa, Saddhajiyakappa, 10 Nijjutis, Piṇḍa Nijjutti, Samsatta Nijjutti and Visesāvassaya Bhāsa (H. R. Kapadia, The Canonical Literature of the Jainas, p. 38).

Reduction and the Age of the Jain Canon

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According to the Jain tradition, the disciples of Mahāvīra, known as Gaṇadharas or heads of Schools, compiled the Master's words in the Angas and Upāngas. Regarding the antiquity and the authority of the Canon, the Śvetāmbara Jains have the following tradition:

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The original doctrine was contained in the fourteen Puvvas (Pūrvas) "old texts," which Mahāvīra himself had taught to his Gaṇandharas. The knowledge of the "old texts" was, however, soon lost. Only one of Mahāvīra's original disciples handed them down, and they were only preserved for six generations. Now in the second century after Mahāvīra's death, there was a terrible famine in Magadha which lasted for a long period. This seriously affected the study of the Jain monks who could hardly get sufficient alms for their maintenance. In fact, a number of monks, for want of food and drink, had to lose their precious lives In course of time, when the famine was over, a council was convoked at Pāṭaliputra after about 160 years of Mahāvīra's death (i.e., about 307 B.C) and the sacred lore which was in a state of decay, was put in order. We learn from the Āvaśyaka Cūrṇi³ that during the period of a long terrible famine in Magadha the monks had left the country and had migrated to the sea-shore. After the end of the famine they assembled in Pāṭaliputra and by collecting a section (uddesa) from one and a portion (khaṇḍa) from another, compiled the eleven Aṅgas. But nobody remembered the Diṭṭhivāya. Thereupon a couple (saṅghāḍaa) of monks were sent to Bhadrabāhu, who knew the fourteen Pūrvas and who had already retired to Nepal in order to undertake the Mahāprāṇavrata (fast unto death). But Bhadrabāhu declined to teach Diṭṭhivāya since he was engaged in meditation. The monks returned and reported the matter to the Jain Saṅgha of Pāṭaliputra; whereupon two other monks were deputed to Bhadrabāhu to ask him what penalty could be prescribed for disobeying the order of the Saṅgha since he had committed the same offence. Later on, being threatened with ex-communication, Bhadrabāhu agreed to teach Diṭṭhivāya on certain conditions in seven instalments (paḍipucchagaṃ). Then five hundred monks were deputed to Nepal to learn Diṭṭhivāya, but gradually all except Sthūlabhadra dropped out who succeeded in learning all the Pūrvas. But as penalty for some offence which he had committed towards his teacher, he was made to give his word of honour not to teach the last four Pūrvas to anybody. Thus the knowledge of the Pūrvas went into a state of oblivion from the time of Sthūlabhadra.⁴ This is known as the Pāṭaliputra version (vācanā) of the Jain Canons.

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³ II. pp 187 f. also cf. Titthogāli paṇṇaya quoted in the article ‘Vira Nirvāṇa aur Jain Kāla gaṇanā,’ by Kalyan Vijaya in the Nāgarī Pracāriṇī Patrikā, Vols. X-XI, pp. 94-103.

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⁴ For the loss of Dṛṣṭivāda see Weber's Sacred Literature of the Jains, pp. 54ff, reprinted from the Indian Antiquary, Bombay, 1893, and C. J. Shah's Jainism in North India, p. 230.

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Then again in course of time, the sacred books of the Jains, again were reduced to a state of disorder and so between the year 827 and 840 after the death of Mahāvīra (i.e. 360-373 A.D) another council was summoned at Mathurā under the presidentship of Ārya Skandila. We read in the *Nandī Cūrṇi* (p. 8) that during the time of terrible famine which lasted for a very long time it became difficult for the monks to obtain their alms, and so they were unable to continue the study of the scriptures and consequently a great portion of the canon was lost. In course of time, after the famine came to an end, a council was convened at Mathurā and whatever could be gathered from different monks, was collected and was fixed in the form of the Canon known as Kālyasuya. According to another tradition, however, no Canon was lost during this period, but except Ārya Skandila most of eminent monks, versed in the *Āgama* (*Anuyogadharāḥ*) had lost their lives. This is known as the Māthurī version (*vācanā*) of the Canons.

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Simultaneously, another council was summoned at Valabhī under the presidentship of Nāgārjuna Sūri in which the Canons were fixed and what was forgotten was compiled after careful edition⁵ This fact is corroborated by the statement in the *Jyotiṣkaraṇḍaka Ṭīkā* (p. 41) where it is stated that in the time of Skandila there was a terrible famine when the Jain monks had to discontinue their studies. Later on, at the end of the famine, one *Saṅgha* met at in Valabhī and another at Mathurā. According to Malayagiri, the author of the *Jyotiṣkaraṇḍaka Ṭīkā*, *Anuyogadvāra* and other Canons are based on the Māthurī version, whereas the *Jyotiṣkaraṇḍa* on the Valabhī. This is known as Valabhī version (*vācanā*) of the Canons.⁶

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⁵ *Kathāvali*, 298 after "Vīra Nuvāṇa" etc., pp 110l

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⁶ Cf. the Buddhist Councils held at Rājagaha, Vesālī and Pāṭaliputra in order to establish a Canon of the religion and of the discipline of the order, see H Kern, *Manual of Indian Buddhism*, pp. 101ff. The last council was held in the reign of King Asoka in the third century B.C.

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Unfortunately after redaction of the Canons in these councils, Ācārya Skandila and Nāgārjuna could not get an opportunity to see each other and hence the two different versions of the Canons remained unreconciled. After one hundred and fifty years, in the year 980 (or 993) of Mahāvīra's death (i.e., 513 or 526 A.D) another council was convoked at Valabhī under the able presidentship of Devardhigaṇi Kṣamāśramaṇa in which all the important works of the Jains then available were written down⁷ In this council, as it has been pointed out, a serious attempt was made to reconcile the different readings of the two versions pertaining to the two councils. In cases where reconciliation was not possible, it was thought desirable to note the important variants either in the original *Āgamas* or in their commentaries In this council, however, the entire Jain canonical literature was written down according to the version of the Mathurā council, introducing the important variants generally by the words ‘*vāyanāntare punaḥ*’ (according to another version) or ‘*Nāgārjunīyastvevam vadanti*’ (the disciples of Nāgārjuna say so).⁸

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⁷ According to Hemacandra, however, the canons were actually written down in the form of books (*pustakeṣu nyastam*) in the last two councils (*yogasāstra* 3, p. 206 a).

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⁸ See "*Vīra Nirvāṇa*" etc., pp. 112-118.

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Thus we see that Devardhigaṇi was only a redactor and not the author of the Jain Canons, and the date of compilation of the Āgamas is much earlier than their redaction by Devardhigaṇi. To quote Prof. Jacobi, “Devardhi’s position relative to the sacred literature of the Jainas appears therefore to us in a different light from what is generally believed to have been. He probably arranged the already existing manuscripts in a Canon, taking down from the mouth of learned theologians only such works of which manuscripts were not available. Of this Canon a great many copies were taken, in order to furnish every seminary with books which had become necessary by the newly introduced change in the method of religious instructions. Devardhi’s edition of Siddhānta is therefore only a redaction of the sacred book which existed before his time in nearly the same form. Any single passage in sacred text may have been introduced by the editor, but the bulk of Siddhānta is certainly not of his making”.⁹ Thus the Canon which Devardhigaṇi compiled and which has come down to us is the final result of a literary activity that must have started as soon as the Church was put on a sound footing. The earliest portion of the Canon may therefore quite possibly belong to the period of the first disciples of Mahāvīra himself, or at the latest to the second century after Mahāvīra’s death, the period of Maurya Candragupta, when a council was summoned at Pāṭaliputra.¹⁰

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⁹ *Jain Sūtras*, Vol. XXII, p. xxxix, also Winternitz, *op. cit.*, pp 433f.

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¹⁰ Winternitz, *op. cit.*, p. 434f

The Antiquity of the Canons

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The Canonical books of the Jains are important for many reasons. They represent the teachings of Mahāvīra and the ancient historical traditions regarding the religion of the Jains. The *Kalpa Sūtra*, for example, records Mahāvīra’s life including his itinerary during his ascetic life, his predecessors, his Gaṇadharas or heads of the Schools and the list of the Patriarchs (*Therāvalī*) together with their *gaṇas*, *kulas* and *śākhās*. The *Bhagavatī Sūtra* in its different dialogues gives a vivid picture of the life and work of Mahāvīra, his relationship to his disciples and the contemporary kings and princes. It contains a presentation of the Jain dogmas in the form of questions and answers between Mahāvīra and his disciple Indrabhūti. The *Thāṇāṅga* records the names of the eight kings ordained by Mahāvīra and various other important points of interest. The *Uvāsagadasāo* contains chapters on the lives of ten lay disciples of Mahāvīra, and the stories of the *Nāyādhammakahā* explain the teachings of the Lord. Further, the *Ācārāṅga*, the *Sūtrakṛtāṅga* and the *Uttarādhyayana* contain the oldest part of the Canon from linguistic and literary points of view.¹¹ The last-mentioned Canon consists of valuable poems in the form of beautiful parables and similes, dialogues and ballads after the true manner of the ascetic poetry of ancient India. These poems have their parallels in the Buddhist and the Brahmanic literature and bear striking resemblance to the *Jātakas*, *Dhammapada*, *Suttanipāta* and the *Śāntiparva* of the *Mahābhārata*.¹² In the *Uttarādhyayana* we come across the story of king Nimi, one of the Prateyaka Buddhas in the Buddhist legends, in which the ideal of asceticism is preached. Then there is the legend of Harikesa, the holy man of low caste, which bears an exact resemblance to the *Matanga Jātaka*. Similarly the chapters on Citra and Sambhūta and Isukāra belong to the great cycle of tales of king Brahmadatta, forming remarkable parallels to the *Jātakas*, the *Cittasambhūta Jātaka* and *Hatthipāla Jātaka*.¹³ Then the meeting between Kesī, a pupil of Pārsva, and Goyama, a pupil of Mahāvīra and their discussion on various points of ancient and contemporary creed throws a flood of light on the past history of Jainism and may be considered valuable document for the history of ancient Jain tenets.¹⁴ The *Rāyapaseniya* records a dialogue between Kesī and the king Paesī which reminds us of the *Pāyāsi Sutta* of the *Digha Nikāya*. It records another statement saying that a Brāhmana who had committed certain crimes should be branded with the image of a dog (sunaga) or a kundiya pot on his forehead,¹⁵ which coincides with a similar statement in Kautilya’s *Arthaśāstra*.¹⁶ This form of punishment, as has been remarked by Jarl Charpentier, does not occur in *Manu* and the later law-books, where corporal punishments on Brāhmanas are not permissible, which shows that the Jain Canons must be nearer to the time of Kautilya than that of the later *Dharmasāstras*. The *Rāyapaseniya* also contains various architectural and musical terms which are considerably old and are rarely found elsewhere. Then the *Ovāiya* gives a beautiful description of king Kūniya and his pilgrimage to lord Mahāvīra in Campā. The *Niryāvaliyāo* refers to the great battle between Kūniya and Cetaka when the eighteen confederate kings are stated to have sided with the latter. Lastly, the *Cheda sūtras* belong to the earliest portion of the Canon, prescribing the rules of life and conduct for the monks and nuns and the prescriptions for atonement of sins. Here we come across the rules about the entire discipline of the order, which bear resemblance to the *Vinaya* of the Buddhists.¹⁷

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