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Life in Ancient India as Depicted in the Jain Canons, with Commentaries: An Administrative, Economic, Social and Geographical Survey c7: Introduction

Life in Ancient India as Depicted in the Jain Canons, with Commentaries: An Administrative, Economic, Social and Geographical Survey c7

Language
English

Contents

Introduction

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The Jain Canons, in the manner of the *Jātakas*, are not administrative manuals like the *Arthaśāstra* or the *Dharmasūtras* which can supply us with a full, connected and systematic account of the various aspects of administration. Whatever meagre account of the details of the administrative machinery is found in these texts is furnished by the stories which are told in quite an off-hand manner reflecting the normal life of the day. As a matter of fact, the Jains like the followers of other *Śramanic* religions concentrated more on the problems of penance and renunciation and they never showed lively interest in worldly affairs. In the following pages an attempt is made to arrange the meagre and isolated information supplied by the Jain Canons in a systematic order, supplementing it with the information available from other sources.

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The first of these, the *Gospel of the Hebrews*, was used by the Jewish Christians of Palestine, and was probably a version of the Gospel of Matthew, though it contained some traditions not found in our canonical books. The *Gospel of the Egyptians* was used by the ascetic sects of Egypt, and was marked by a strong tendency towards mysticism and asceticism. The *Gospel of Peter* was used by the Docetists, and taught that Christ did not really suffer, but only appeared to do so.

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These gospels, and others like them, were not accepted by the Church as a whole, and were gradually lost or suppressed. The Church, however, felt the need for a standard collection of writings that would serve as a guide for faith and practice. This led to the formation of the New Testament canon, a process that took several centuries to complete.

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The first step in this process was the collection of the letters of Paul, which were widely circulated among the churches. Then came the four Gospels, which were accepted as the authoritative accounts of the life and teachings of Jesus. The Acts of the Apostles and the other epistles were gradually added, and finally the Book of Revelation.

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By the end of the second century, the core of the New Testament was generally accepted by the Church. The process of canonization was not a formal act of a council, but rather a gradual recognition by the churches of the writings that were most valuable for their life and worship. It was only in the fourth century that the canon was formally closed by the councils of the Church.

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The formation of the New Testament canon was a crucial event in the history of the Church. It provided a standard of faith and practice that helped to unify the Church and to protect it from the influence of heretical sects. It also ensured that the teachings of Jesus and the apostles would be preserved for future generations.

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CENTRAL ADMINISTRATION

I King and Kingship

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According to Jain tradition, Usabha was the first king who ruled over Ikkhāgabhūmi, the first capital of India. Before that there was no kingdom or king, punishment or punisher. It was a state when all people without exception pursued the path of *dharma* and conducted themselves towards one another in righteous manner. But in course of time, the people violated the laws laid by the *Kulakaras*, and yielded to all sorts of unhealthy feelings. At this time people approached Nābhi, the father of Usabha and the latter was anointed on the throne. It was Usabha who taught people for the first time various arts and crafts and promulgated the system of punishment by confinement of a criminal to a particular area (*maṇḍalabandha*).¹

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¹ *Jambu Sū*, 2, 29; *Ava cū*, pp 153 157 Similar description is found in the *Mahābhārata* when the Devas became subjected to fear due to lawlessness (*arājakatā*) and approached Vishnu, who appointed Prthu as the first king of the earth, under whose rule the whole earth was tilled and cultivated with seventeen kinds of grains At this time Brahmā composed a science for the social advancement and well-being of the world in hundred thousand chapters (*Mahābhā Sānti* p 1. viii) ² *Brh. Bhā.*, 1. 940 Cf Woman, dice, hunting and drink, the four sins are reprehensible in a king; *Mahābhā*. III. 13 7. ³ *Vya. Bhā.*, 1. p. 128af. ⁴ *Sū.* 6.

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In ancient India a king was absolutely necessary and was considered an essential factor for the well-being of the people. It is further stated, that a king engrossed in women, gambling, wine and hunting was considered unfit to look after the affairs of the State.² It is said that the maternal and paternal lineage of a king must be stainless, he must be satisfied with accepting one-tenth from his subjects, and must be well-versed in general customs (*lokācāra*), philosophical system (*Veda*) and politics.³ According to the *Ovāiya*, king Kūṇika had all the qualifications of royalty, was honoured by people, belonged to a pure Kṣatriya family, was duly consecrated on the throne and was compassionate. He was a warden of the marchers (*sīmankara*), upholder of peace (*khemandhara*), and protector of the *janapada* (*janayapāla*) He was the master of palaces (*bhavana*), bed-rooms (*sayaṇa*), seats (*āsana*), carriages (*jāna*) and vehicles (*vāhana*) in large quantity. His treasury was full of gold and silver, and his people had ample food. He was the master of slaves of both sexes, cows, buffaloes, oxen and sheep. His treasury (*kosa*), granaries (*koṭṭhāgāra*) and armouries (*āuhaghara*) were brimming to the full.⁴

Viceroyalty and Succession

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According to the *Jātakas*, kingship was generally hereditary in character. Normally if the prince was the only son of his father, he became the Viceroy, and after his father's death succeeded to the throne. But if he had one or more brothers or step-brothers, there was an outburst of jealousy⁵ after the death of the king which soon developed into bitter fratricidal wars. Ordinarily, if nothing untoward happened, after the death of his father, the eldest succeeded to the throne and the younger was anointed as Viceroy.⁶ The Jain texts mention two types of kings, viz., *sāvekkha* and *niravekkha*. The former established the crown-prince on the throne within his life time; this avoided civil war and other calamities. In the latter type the crown-prince succeeded after the death of the king.⁷ In the event of a king having more than two sons, usually, the king, if he was living, put them to test and selected one to be the Viceroy. The *Vyavahāra Bhāṣya* refers to a king who put his three princes to test. He served them with a splendid dinner and while the princes were dining, he let loose furious dogs on them. The first prince left his dinner and ran away, the second stopped the dogs with sticks and finished his dinner, the third continued his dinner and also allowed the dogs to feed. The king was pleased with the last one and made him the heir-apparent.⁸

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⁵ Cf a prince employed a shepherd and made his elder brother blind (*Uttarā Tī*, 5, p. 103). ⁶ P.B.I., pp 94f, 99. ⁷ *Vya Bhā*., 2 327 ⁸ 3.210, also cf 4 267. The *Pādañjali Jātaka* (II, 247) refers to a young prince who was told by the ministers that he would be consecrated only on satisfying certain tests which pertain to the administration of justice But the prince was incapable of distinguishing between the two judgments, one correct and the other incorrect and consequently lost his chance to the kingship ⁹ See *Uttarā. Tī*, 18, P. 246. ¹⁰ *Nāya*., 19. ¹¹ Cf, the renunciation of Sāla and Mahāsāla, *Āva. cū*., p. 381.

Abdication

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Sometimes, after the death of the king, the elder son was overcome by a feeling of disgust for the kingdom and renounced the world. In that case the kingdom was offered to his younger brother.⁹ In some cases the elder brother, who had taken to asceticism came back and was tempted to seize the kingdom. We are told that Kuṇḍarīka and Puṇḍarīka were two princes of Sāgeya. The former joined the ascetic order, but after some time he returned and wanted his kingdom back. Puṇḍarīka, the younger prince retired in his favour and took to the ascetic life.¹⁰ Then there were instances of kings abdicating in favour of the heirs-apparent and of young princes prematurely following the path of renunciation and refusing consecration.¹¹

Relation Between Kings and Princes

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The whole problem of succession was complicated by ambitions, jealousies and the practice of renunciation.¹² The *Vivāgasuya* refers to prince Nandivaddhana of Mathurā, who wanted to take the life of his father and rule over the kingdom. But he was detected and was executed.¹³ Similarly, the prince Kūniya of Rāyagaha put his father into prison and was consecrated on the throne.¹⁴ Sometimes the king, out of fear, banished the unruly prince and asked him to live in another place. The *Āvasyaka Cūṇi* refers to the prince Seṇiya, who, being afraid of his father, fled away to Bennāyaḍa and lived there with a merchant.¹⁵ Then the princes Mūladeva and Agadadatta of Ujjenī and Sankhapura respectively are said to have been banished by their fathers.¹⁶

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¹² According to Kautilya's *Arthasāstra* (pp 32 ff) the king should guard himself against his own sons. Kautilya, quoting the opinions of Visālākṣa and Parāsara, says that the unruly princes are constant danger to the king and they should be kept under guard in a definite place or fort

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¹³ 6, p 39

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¹⁴ *Ava cū*, II, p 171, in the *Thūsa Jataka* (No 338, III, p 122) a sixteen years old prince tries various expedients to kill his father

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¹⁵ p 546

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¹⁶ *Uttarā ṭī*, 4, p 83 a ff, 3, p 59 ff In the *Succaja Jātaka* (III, No. 320, p. 67) a prince governor comes to the capital Benares, to pay his respects to his father. The latter thinks, "this fellow may do me wrong if he gets an opportunity." So he asks him to live somewhere else, and return at his death and rule the kingdom. The prince obeys and leaves Benares with his chief wife.

Succession by Primogeniture

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It has been pointed out that as a general custom, the kingdom descended directly to the king's eldest son and all was right if the king had an heir, but if he died heirless, it was a great problem for the ministers.¹⁷ Under such circumstances, finding no other alternative, the heirless kings were often advised by their ministers to beget sons through the medium of the monks. If the monks did not agree to the proposal they were brought to the palace under the pretext of hearing religious discourses or being asked to worship some holy image. Of the monks those who were full of youth and energies were forced to cohabit with the inmates of the palace under the threat of execution; those unwilling were even beheaded.¹⁸ The *Brhatkalpa Bhāṣya* refers to another interesting practice of succession. It is said that a certain king had three princes who joined the ascetic order. In course of time, the king died and it so happened that the three ascetic princes arrived in the city and sojourned in a garden. When the ministers came to learn of the arrival of the princes, they approached them along with the royal insignia and requested them to come back and accept the sceptre. The first prince succumbed to temptation as he could not stand the ascetic life, the second did not move from his resolve, whereas the third was concealed by his preceptor in some nunnery.¹⁹

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¹⁷ Cf *Naya*, 14, p. 153 f

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¹⁸ *Brh. Bhā*., 4. 4948, also cf *Kusa Jātaka* (No. 531, V, 278 ff); also cf. the evil results a monk visiting the king's harem (*Anguttara*, V, p 81ff).

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¹⁹ 3. 3760-71, also *cf* *Vya Bhā*, 3 192, p 40

Succession of Sister's Son

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Sometimes, in the absence of a son, the nephew succeeded to the throne. The commentary on the *Uttarādhyayana* refers to Gaggali, the sister's son of Sāla and Mahāsāla of Pitthicampā. They called upon Gaggali and after installing him on the throne joined the ascetic order.²⁰ Then the *Bhagavatī* refers to king Uddāyana of Vībhaya, who, although he had a son, anointed his sister's son on the throne and joined the order of Mahāvīra. It is said, that fearing that his son would become infatuated with royal power, and being thus addicted to human pleasure, would roam about in the endless ocean of this world, Uddāyana did not appoint him the heir-apparent.²¹

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²⁰ 10. p. 153 f.

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²¹ 13. 6.

Women and Succession

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When there was no heir to the king, who could succeed to the throne, sometimes, though very rarely his daughter succeeded him. The *Mahānisīha* alludes to a widowed daughter of a king, who, in order to save her family from blasphemy, wanted to commit Suttee. But since this custom was not prevalent in the family of the king, he stopped her from doing so. After some time the king died heirless and his widowed daughter was established on the throne.²²

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²² P 30. It is stated in the *Jātakas* "infamous is the land which owns a woman's sway and rule, and infamous are the men who yield themselves to women's dominion" (*Kandina Jātaka*, I, No. 13, p 155), but sometimes we come across examples when women wielded the actual sovereignty On Udaya's death no king was set up and we are told the commands of his widow Udayabhaddā were promulgated (*Udaya Jātaka* No. 458, IV, p. 105).

Choice by Divine Will

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There was another custom of choosing a successor to the vacant throne. It was the choice by the horse²³ which was made to roam about the town. The commentary on the *Uttarādhyayana* refers to prince Mūladeva of Pādaliputta who was consecrated on the throne of Bennāyada in this manner. It is said that when the king died heirless, the five divine articles (*kakuha*) were prepared and were taken out in a procession. At last the royal officers reached a place where Mūladeva was sitting under the shade of a tree. Seeing him there, the elephant trumpeted, the horse neighed, the pitcher sprinkled water, the chowries fanned and the parasol placed itself above him. Then the people pronounced the cries of victory and Mūladeva was mounted on the elephant and was taken to the town where he was declared sovereign by the ministers and tributary kings (mantisāmanta).²⁴ Then we are told about the prince Karakaṇḍu who succeeded to the throne of Kañcanapura. In this case, the horse came as usual and after moving round the prince stopped in front of him. The citizens noticed specific marks on his body, the cries of victory were uttered and the musical instrument nandi was beaten. At this time the prince got up from his slumber and was taken to the town where he was consecrated on the throne.²⁵ Then the Āvaśyaka Cūrṇi refers to Ṇhāviyadāsa Nanda, who sat on the throne of Pāḍaliputta. It is said that the horse turned his back (patthim aḍḍeti) towards him and he was declared sovereign.²⁶ Further we hear of the robber Mūladeva, who was being taken by the police officers for execution, but at this time, luckily the king died heirless and as customary the horse was taken around the town, which turned its back towards Mūladeva who succeeded to the throne.²⁷

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²³ In the *Kathākośa* (trans. Tawney. p 4 and note) an elephant with a pitcher of water roams about for seven days and chooses a person.

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²⁴ 3 p. 63 a The Ovā. Sū, II, p 44 mentions sword (khagga), umbrella (chatta), crown (upphesa), shoes (vāhana) and chowries (vālaviāna), as the five insignia of a king, cf Milindapañha, p 330

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²⁵ Uttarā. Ṭī., 9 p 134

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²⁶ II p. 180

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²⁷ Vya Bhā, 4 169 In the Darīmukha Jātaka (III, No 378, p 239) this ceremony is called the phussaratha or the festal car ceremony Seven days after the death of an heirless king, the Purohita let a festal car, the phussaratha, be driven accompanied by four-fold army amidst the beating of many hundred drums It was expected to go to man destined to be the king The man whom the car singled out by stopping near him was made king, also Mahā-anaka Jātaka (No. 534, VI, p 39), also see Kathāsaritsāgara, Vol V, Ch. lxv, pp. 175-7, note on Pañcadvyādhavāsa, J A O S, Vol 33, pp. 158-66.

Consecration Ceremony

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The ceremony of consecration was an important function in ancient India. The Jambuddīvapannatti describes the consecration of Bharata, the Universal Monarch. He entered the consecration hall when various kings, the senāpati, the purohita, the eighteen guilds (seṇippaseṇi), the merchants and others sprinkled with fragrant water and hailed him with cries of victory. It is said that people placed a royal crown on his head, rubbed his body with soft and hairy clothes dyed with fragrant saffron (pahmalasukumālagandhakāsāra), put on a garland around his neck and adorned his body with various ornaments. On this occasion the citizens were exempted from taxes and a festival was declared lasting for a long period.²⁸ Then we hear of the coronation ceremony of Mehakumāra in the Nāyādhammakahā. It is said that before Mehakumāra renounced the world, at the request of his parents, he was installed on the throne for one single day. He was given a bath with eight hundred pitchers made of gold, silver and gems etc.; he was sprinkled over with water brought from various holy places and earth, flowers, perfumes, garlands, herbs, and mustard were cast over his head, and he was consecrated with all pomp and ceremony amidst the beating of the instrument *dundubhi*.²⁹

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²⁸ Sū, 3. 68, pp. 267a-270.

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²⁹ 1, p. 28f. The consecration ceremony is also described in the *Mahābhārata* (Vir. P. 1XL), *Rāmāyaṇa* (II. 3; 6, 14; 15, IV. 26 20ff), and the *Jātakas* (*Pañcaguru Jātaka*, I No 132, p. 470, *Ayoghara Jātaka*, IV, No 510, p 492; when the subjects, headed by priests, came to see the prince with diverse kinds of auspicious articles; the whole city was decorated, courtiers played and danced all round; priests, generals, merchants and citizens, provincials—all thronged at the palace and made a holiday; the town was decorated on a heavenly style, the prince was placed on a pile of jewels, he was sprinkled from the three conches and an umbrella with its festoons of gold was held over him.

Residence Palace

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The palaces are described in the Jain Canons as seven-storyed, adorned with towers and pinnacles and supported by many columns. They are described as lofty, touching the sky and decorated with flags, banners, umbrellas and garlands. They had domes (*thūbhiyā*) and their floors were richly studded with various gems and jewels.³⁰ The Jain texts mention several types of palaces. The *Vyavahāra Bhāṣya* refers to the palaces of Cakravartins, Vāsudevas, Māṇḍalikas and ordinary persons. These palaces are described as one hundred and eight, sixty-four, thirty-two and sixteen hands high in succession.³¹ A distinction is made between a *prāsāda* and a *bhavana*; the former is said to have belonged to gods whereas the latter to kings. A *prāsāda* was usually high and its height was double its width, whereas the height of a *bhavana* was a little less than its width.³²

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³⁰ *Nāyā*., 1. p 22; *Uttarā*. Ṭī., 13, p 189. For similar description in the *Jātakas*, see P.B I, p. 107 f.

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³¹ 9 46f

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³² *Bhag*. Ṭī., 5 7; *Abhidhānārājendrakośa*, under 'pāsāya.'

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The harem (*anteura : oroha*) which was a part of the royal pomp,³³ played an important role in the inner and outer politics of the country. The king's harem consisted of three parts : *jinna-anteura*, *nava-anteura* and *kaṇṇa-anteura*. The first was inhabited by old women, whose youth had departed; in the second lived young ladies, who were in their bloom of youth; in the third lived the girls, who had not attained their prime of youth as yet.³⁴ The kings were fond of enriching their harem with beautiful women and girls without any distinction of caste. At times they being unmindful of public opinion did not mind capturing even married girls and beautiful nuns. The *Bṛhatkalpa Bhāṣya* refers to the five hundred girls, who during a festival of Indra went out to worship the deity. A prince also had gone out to enjoy the festival. The prince asked his servants to take away the girls to the harem and keep them there. Later on, when the parents of the girls lodged a complaint with the king, they were asked, "do you not want to make my son your son-in-law?” and the girls were married to the prince.³⁵ Similarly, a Brāhmaṇa girl named Somā was kept in the harem of Kaṇha Vāsudeva to his younger brother Gayasukumāla. Later on, however, Gayasukumāla did not marry and joined the monastic order of Aritthanemi.³⁶ The king even did not hesitate to lay hands upon the married women. The commentary on the *Kalpa sūtra* mentions king Sumukha of Kosambī, who kept Vanamālā the wife of Viraka in his harem.³⁷ Then we hear of king Vikkamajasa of Kañcanapura, who made the wife of a merchant his queen. The merchant was much grieved, he turned mad and died.³⁸ Further, the *Nisītha Cūrṇi* mentions king Gaddabhilla of Ujjenī who captured the nun-sister of Kālaka and kept her in his harem. Later on, however, in order to take revenge on him, Kālaka left for Persia from where he brought ninety six kings and waged war against Gaddabhilla.³⁹

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³³ Cf. *Nāyā*., 16, p 185

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³⁴ *Nisi*. Cū., 9. p 508, according to the *Bandhana mokkha Jātaka* (I, 120, p. 437) a harem is said to have comprised of sixteen thousand dancing girls; also see *Arthaśāstra*, pp. 39-41; also *Rāmāyaṇa*, II, 10. 12ff; iv. 33. 19ff.

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³⁵ 4, 5153

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³⁶ *Anta*, 3, p 16f

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³⁷ 2, p 40a, also *Dis Cū*, 3, p 105

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³⁸ *Uttarā Tī*, 18 p 239, the *Manicora Jātaka* (II, No 194) describes a similar story of a king, who, seeing the beauty of Bodhisattva's wife, got enamoured of her. The king sent a man, who placed a jewelled crest in his cart. The royal officers declared him to be a thief and took him to the execution ground, also *Dhammapada A*, II, 2f

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³⁹ 10 p 571

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The harem was a great source of danger to the king and was, therefore, carefully guarded by eunuchs⁴⁰ and old men. The eunuchs are mentioned in the *Brhatkalpa sūtra* and its *Bhāṣya*. They were excluded from the membership of the Jain *Sramana Sangha*. About the eunuchs it is said that their nature was womanish, their voice and colour were those of a woman, their penis was long and drooping, their speech was soft, and they passed urine with noise and it was foamy. They walked with a womanish gait looking to the right and the left and behind; they were soft skinned and their bodies were cold to the touch.⁴¹ The *Vivāgasuya* mentions a eunuch who was brought up by his parents to carry on the profession of a eunuch.⁴²

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⁴⁰ According to Vātsyāyana, no man was allowed to enter into the royal harem except relatives and servants and in some provinces artisans, Brāhmanas were allowed to get into the harem for supplying flowers to the ladies, with whom they conversed separated by a screen, Chakladar, *Studies in the Kāmasūtra*, p 179

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⁴¹ 4, 4, 5144 f. Fourteen classes of eunuchs are distinguished here. They are *Pandaya, Vāiya, Kīva, Kumbhī Isīluyā, Saunī, Taklammasī, Pakhiyapakhiyā, Sogandhiyā and Asuta* (ibid, 5166 f, also *Bhā*, 3 212, also cf *Nārada*, XII, 11 ff). On eunuchs see *Kathāsaritsāgara*, Vol III, Appendix “Indian Eunuchs,” pp. 319 329

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⁴² 2, p 19

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The Jain texts mention the following guards to keep watch over the inmates of the harem.⁴³

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⁴³ Kautilya also speaks of the employment of old women and eunuchs in the harem, *Arthasāstra*, p 40.

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1. A *kañchukin* or chamberlain had a free access to the king as well as the inmates of the harem.⁴⁴ He gave reports of the happenings in the harem to the king.⁴⁵ 2 A varisadhara was another guard of the harem. It is said that his testicles were removed by surgical operation (vaddhia) since childhood.⁴⁶

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⁴⁴ *Nisī Cū*, 9, p 508, according to Vācaspati, a *kañcukin* has a free access in the harem, he is old, Brāhmaṇa by caste, virtuous and clever in every thing (*Abhidhānārājendrarkośa*, under ‘kañcuki’).

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⁴⁵ Rāya. Sū., Tī., 210

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⁴⁶ Brh Bhā, 4 5167, Nisī. cū, 9. pp 508, 729, Rāya Sū, Ti., 210. The other methods of making impotent were rubbing the testicles with thumb, the fore-finger and the middle finger and making them ineffective by medicine (appiya), Brh Bhā, 4 5167

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3 A mahattara was an executive officer of the harem. He took the ladies of the harem to the king, told them stories after their menstruation bath, pacified their anger and reported the cause of the anger to the king.⁴⁷

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⁴⁷ Nisī cū, 9 p 508, kañcukīyā and mahattarikā are mentioned by Vātsyāyana, who were employed in the harems of kings They were employed by the queens in sending messages accompanied by various presents to the king, Chakladar, Studies in the Kāmasūtra, p. 109

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4 A daṇḍadhara carried a staff in his hand and kept a watch over the harem⁴⁸

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⁴⁸ Abhidhānarājendrakosa, under 'dandadhara'

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5 A daṇḍārakkhiya, with the permission of the king took a man or a woman into the harem.⁴⁹

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⁴⁹ Ibid under 'daṇḍārakkhiya'

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6 A dovāriya sat at the entrance of the harem with a staff in his hand.⁵⁰

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⁵⁰ Ovā, 7 p. 25 According to the Mātanga Jātaka (IV, No. 497, p. 382), the duty of a dovāriya was to thrash caṇḍālas or similar vagabonds who wanted to peep at the palace, with sticks or bamboo posts, catch them by the throat and fling them on the ground.

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It is to be noted, however, that inspite of the strictest precautions, the women of the harem were often corrupt and immoral to a degree, and such affairs had serious repercussions on the affairs of the state. We come across ministers who had illicit connections with the queens.⁵¹ By bribing the servants the merchants could get entry into the harem. We are told that king Gunacandra of Śrinilayanagara punished a merchant for such an offence.⁵² We are told that when king Seniya of Rājagaha could not get Sujetthā in marriage, he sent Abhayakumāra to Vesāli, who began to live near the royal harem, in the disguise of a merchant. There he established contact with the maid-servants of the harem and managed to kidnap Cellanā.⁵³ Then we are told that all inmates of king Pajjoya's harem except Sivā were violated by Mahissara.⁵⁴ The Brhatkalpa Bhāṣya refers to the girls of the king's harem who used to talk with outsiders from the windows; one day they escaped with their lovers unnoticed.⁵⁵ The prohibition of the monkeys in the harem also shows that the king used to take every precaution to guard the chastity of the inmates of the harem.⁵⁶

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⁵¹ See Vivā, 5 p 35 In the Jātakas a minister guilty of misconduct in the harem, is asked to leave the town He migrates to Kosala and becomes a confidential advisor of the Kosalan king when he instigates border raids and a regular invasion against his old master (Ghata Jātaka, No 355, III, p 168, also Mahīsilava Jātaka, No. 51, I, p 262).

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⁵² Piṇḍa Nir Ti, 127, p 48 a

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⁵³ Ava cū, II, p 165 f.

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⁵⁴ ibid, II, p 176.

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⁵⁵ 1. 991 f.

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⁵⁶ ibid., 5. 5923.

Co-Wives

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There were jealousies and rivalries among the co-wives in the harem and so the harem had its own internal politics. The Vivāgasuya refers to king Mahāseṇa of Supaittha, who had one thousand queens. The prince Sihaseṇa is said to have married five hundred girls, of whom Sāmā was the chief and the prince's favourite. The prince Sihaseṇa who had become a king now, was so fond of Sāmā that he neither cared for nor took any notice of the other queens. When the mothers of the neglected queens came to learn of the unhappiness of their daughters they plotted among themselves to put queen Sāmā to death. When the king came to know of this he caused to be built a great mansion and issued invitations to the mothers of the neglected queens. After sometime the king shut all its doors and set fire to it.⁵⁷ Then we read about Revai, who was the chief among the thirteen wives of Mahāsayaya of Rāyagiha. She could not enjoy fully the company of her husband owing to her twelve co-wives. So she is said to have disposed of six of them by means of weapons and the rest by means of poison.⁵⁸ The commentary on the Uttarādhyayana mentions king Jiyasattu of Khiipait-thiya, who married a painter's girl named Kanayamañjarī. The king had many other queens and he visited them by turns. Once it was the turn of Kanayamañjarī who told him nice stories, and detained him for six months. The king was very much pleased with her and exclusively devoting himself to the pleasure of love with her alone, he passed the time. Upon this her co-wives became enraged against Kanayamañjarī and sought for an opportunity to take revenge on her. One day the co-wives made a complaint to the king against Kanayamañjarī saying that she was working some evil spell against him. The king made inquiries and he was pleased with the prudence of his beloved. The king made her the mistress of the whole kingdom and invested her with a frontlet (patta).⁵⁹

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⁵⁷ p. 51 f.

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⁵⁸ Utā., 8, p. 62.

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⁵⁹ p 141 a f,cf. also Sujāta Jātaka (No. 306), III, p. 21.

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Very often the queens were jealous of the sons of their co-wives. When king Gunacanda, after the death of his father, came to the throne of Sāketa, his step-mother felt suspicious of him and sent him a poison-smeared sweet-meat ball (moyaga) to eat. At that time Gunacandra's two step-brothers also were present there. He divided the moyaga in two and gave each of them. Soon after eating this the boys were affected by poison and the physicians were called for treatment.⁶⁰ Then we hear of the jealous step-mother of Kuṇāla who caused his step-son's eyes to be put out by her stratagem.⁶¹ We also come across instances when a king was poisoned by his own queen. We are told that when king Paesī of Seyaviyā embraced the Jain faith, he did not attend to state affairs attentively. Thereupon his queen Suriyakantā is said to have poisoned him and established her son on the throne.⁶²

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⁶⁰ Ava. cū, p. 402 f

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⁶¹ Bṛh. Bhā., 1. 3275.

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⁶² Rāya Sū., 203 f ; Kauṭilya gives some traditional names of queens who had conspired against their husbands and which had cost them their lives. Kauṭilya asks the king to guard himself from his queens. Armed women generally guarded palace and the king entered it if he was personally satisfied of the queen's purity Hence it was necessary to wean her from the undue influence of ascetics, buffoons and public women , Arthaśāstra, p. 40.

II King's Officers

The Crown-Prince or Yuvarājā

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Next to the king stood the crown-prince who was the brother or son or kinsman of the king. He was also known as Īsara (Īsvara) and possessed eight virtues such as aṇimā, mahimā, etc.¹ After finishing his daily duties, he went to the assembly and attended the affairs of government.² A crown-prince was supposed to be efficient in seventy two arts, eighteen provincial languages, music, dancing, and the art of fighting on horseback, elephant and chariot.³

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¹ Anu. Cū., p. 11.

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² Vya. Bhā., 1, p. 129.

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³ Ovā. Sū., 40, pp. 185 ff , the crown-prince is mentioned as one of the eighteen tirthes in ancient Hindu literature. He was the right hand, right eye and right ear to the king , Dikshitar, H A.I., pp. 106, 109 f. ; also cf. the Kurudhanuna Jātaka (II, No 276, p 374) where the crown-prince is supposed to wait every evening on the king and receive the greetings of the people.

Purohita

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Like the crown-prince, purohita or the king's adviser in matters religious and secular as well, finds an important place in the king's assembly. He is enumerated along with the most important officers of administration and is counted among the seven jewels.⁴ The Vivāgasuya mentions the priest Mahesaradatta of king Jiyasattu, who performed sacrifice in order to avert the king's misfortunes. Sometimes the priest acted as a witch-doctor. It is said that when the king was engaged in some battle, the purohita, captured eight hundred boys from the four communities, viz., Bambhaṇa, Khattiya, Vassa and Sudda and performed sacrifice (santihoma) with the flesh of their hearts (hiyaunḍaya)⁵

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⁴ Thā., 7. 558 , cf. Milindapañha (p 114), which mentions senāpati, purohita, akkhadassa, bhaṇḍāgārika, chattagāhaka and khaggagāhaka as six important officers of the king.

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⁵ p. 33 , the Dhanasākha Jātaka (III, No. 353, p. 150), refers to an ambitious purohita who helps the king through a sacrificial ceremony to acquire a city which is difficult to conquer. He proposes to his lord to pluck out the eyes of the thousand captured kings, to rip up their bellies, take out the entrails and give a bali-offering to a god , see also Fick, op. cit., ch. vii, 'The House Priest of the King."

The Royal Council and the Minister

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The *parishad* or Council is an important limb of the central organisation and its origin can be traced to a very early period. The Jain texts describe five kinds of Council of a king : *pūranti*, *chattanti*, *buddhi*, *mantri* and *rahassiyā*. It is said that when the king went on tour, all the officials attended on him till he returned ; this council of officials was called *pūranti*. The members of the *chattanti* council had the privilege of holding the umbrella over the king and were permitted to go up to the outer assembly hall. The *buddhi* *parisat* consisted of members who were well-versed in general customs (*loka*), the Vedas and the scriptures (*samaya*). Various rumours and off-hand remarks current among the people were brought to their notice. The fourth council was the council of ministers. They were well-versed in politics (*rāyasattha*), were born in the family with no royal connections (*atakkuliya*), were sincere, old in age and bold ; the king counselled with them in a secret place. The last council was known as *rahassiyā*. The members of this council pacified the angry queen, carried the news of the dates of the purificatory bath after monthly course of various queens; they also informed the king the names of his daughters who were eligible for marriage. They also informed him of the love-affairs of the queen and also talked with the king in private on various topics pertaining to his sexual life.⁶ The *mantri* *parisat* was an organised council of ministers who were concerned with the political affairs of the realm. It is said that a minister should always think of his country, city and the master and he should be efficient in law and administration.⁷ A minister or *amātya* had power to punish even a king, and we come across instances, although rare, when the ministers dismissed a king and appointed another king in his place. We are told that king Jiyasattu of Vasantapura loved his queen Sukumāliyā excessively and as a result of this he neglected the affairs of the state. One day the ministers assembled together and after banishing the king and the queen put the prince on the throne.⁸ In order to protect the realm from internal disturbances and the invasion of the enemy, a minister is said to have employed a number of spies such as *sūcakas*, *anusūcakas*, *pratisūcakas* and *sarvasūcakas*, who supplied him all sorts of secret information. The *sūcakas* made friendship with the harem officers and found out internal secrets of the harem; the *anusūcakas* were employed to detect the foreign spies in the city; the *pratisūcakas* sat on the city gate apparently doing some menial work; the *sarvasūcakas* gathered information through their assistants and reported it to the *amātya*. These spies were both males and females and they worked in frontier territories, their own country, cities and the royal harem.⁹ The ministers were helpful in attaining the objective of defeating the enemy by diplomatic machination. Their feigned dismissal was made and they were allowed to join the services of the opponent. We hear of the minister of Sālīvāhana of Paiṭṭhāna, who joined the king Nahavāhana as a minister and after exhausting his whole treasury informed his master, who invaded the enemy and captured his kingdom.¹⁰

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⁶ Brh Bhā Pi, 378 383

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⁷ Vya Bhā, 1, pp 129 f

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⁸ Ava cū, p 534, for similar references see Saccamkāra Jātaka (I, No 73), p 326

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⁹ Vya. Bhā, 1, p 130a f According to the Mahābhārata (śānti p LXviii, 8-12) the employment and direction of spies is one of the prime duties of the king They are to be set in cities, provinces, and the territories of feudatories, also see Arthasāstra, pp. 17-22

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¹⁰ Ava cū, II, pp 200 f; cf. the minister Vassakāra in Buddhist literature by whose tactful machination the unity of the Vajjian confederacy was broken (Com on the Dīgha, II, pp. 522 ff)

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Besides, there were other officers such as chieftains (gaṇamukhyas), head police officers (daṇḍanāyaga), knights (talavara),¹¹ heads of families (koḍumbiya), the head of a mercantile guild (seṭṭhi)¹² generals (senāvai) and frontier guards (sandhīpāla),¹³ who formed an assembly of king's officers.

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¹¹ They were invested with a paṭṭa given by the king, they possessed the same status as th king, the only difference was that they were without chowries.

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¹² They are invested with a golden paṭṭa inscribed with the image of god

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¹³ Rãy Sū., Ṭī. p 313; 148, p 285; Nisī. cū., 9, p 506, Bṛh. Bhā. Vr, 3 3757, Kalpa. Ṭī., 4, 82.

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FISCAL ADMINISTRATION

Sources of Revenue

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Revenue and taxation were the chief support of the State. Revenue in ancient India was derived partly from taxation and partly from sources other than taxation. The *Vyavahāra Bhāṣya* mentions one-sixth of the produce as legal tax,¹ but it seems that it varied according to the amount of the produce, the cost of cultivation, the condition of the market and the nature of the soil.² The commentary on the *Piṇḍa Niryukti* speaks of a house-tax and mentions that a king should collect two *drammas* every year from each house.³ The *Nisītha cūrṇi* refers to a merchant who had twenty vessels, and he gave one as a royal tax.⁴

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¹ p 128a.

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² *Gautama* (X 24) speaks of three different rates, one-tenth, one eighth and one-sixth, to be taken from the land , see also *Manu*, VII, 130 ff.

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³ 87. p. 32a

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⁴ 20. p 1281.

Commerce

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Commerce was the largest contribution only next to that of land revenue. Taxes on commerce and industry were imposed in consideration of the difficulty or otherwise of purchase and sale of goods by merchants, their standard of life, family expenses and incidental charges on intermediaries and labour. The taxes were imposed by the king and it depended on him whether to levy taxes from a merchant or not. The *Nāyādhammakahā* refers to the sea-faring merchants of Campā who visited the king of Mihilā with the precious gift of a pair of ear-rings. The king was much pleased to receive the gifts and exempted the merchants from the tax⁵ Then we hear of the merchant Ayala who returned from Pārasaula with a huge amount of wealth. He visited the ruler of Bennāyada with a plate (*thāla*) full of silver, gold and pearls and was exempted from tax.⁶

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⁵ 8. p. 102.

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⁶ *Uttarā. Ṭī.*, 3. p. 64

Other Sources of Income

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There were various other sources of income to the State. Eighteen kinds of taxes are mentioned in the Jain texts :—taxes from cows (*go*), buffaloes (*mahisa*), camels (*uṭṭi*), cattle (*pasu*), goats (*chagali*), grass (*taṇa*), *palāla* grass (*puvāl* in Hindi), chaff (*busa*), wood (*kaṭṭha*) coal (*aṅgāra*), plough (*sīyā*), threshold (*umbara*, com. *dehalī*),⁷ pasture-ground (*jaṅghā* or *jaṅgā*), bullocks (*balwadda*), earthen pots (*ghaya*) hides and skins (*camma*), food (cullaga) and any other tax imposed by will (uppatti, com. svecchayā-kalpita).⁸ The tax collectors (suṅkapāla) are mentioned.⁹ Besides, there were other sources of income to the State. The Nāyādhammakahā mentions a jeweller of Rāyagiha who wanted to build a lake in the town. He visited the king with precious gifts and got his permission to do so.¹⁰ Then we hear of a goldsmith Kumāranandi of Campā, who wanted to go to the island of Pañcasela. He visited the king with a precious gift of gold and got his sanction for making an announcement to that effect.¹¹ Unclaimed property and treasure-trove were other sources of income to the king. We are told of the king Vijayasena of Candrakāntā, who, hearing the death of a certain merchant, deputed his officers and took possession of his property.¹² The Nisītha cūrṇi refers to a certain king who punished a certain merchant and confiscated the treasure-trove which he had discovered. The same king is said to have honoured a Brāhmaṇa who discovered a similar treasure-trove.¹³ Fines and forfeitures formed another plentiful source of income. The commentary on the Bṛhatkalpa Bhāṣya refers to an imposition of a fine of eighty thousand rūpakas on one who raised his sword or any other weapon to kill another person. However, if a person attacked did not die of the stroke, the amount of fine varied from country to country. In Ānandapura, for example, for such an offence a person had to pay a sum of rupees five only; for a serious quarrel, however, a sum of rupees twelve and a half was fined.¹⁴

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⁷ This tax is also mentioned in the *Brh. Bhā.*, 3, 4770.

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⁸ Ava. Nir., 1071 f. (Harī.) ; also Com. by Malayagiri, p 596. The Brāhmanic literature mentions the taxes from the office of State goldsmith, the institution of prostitutes, building sites, guilds of artisans, handicrafts, religious and charitable endowments, water tax, income tax, flowers, fruits and vegetable gardens, game forests, timber and elephant forests, heads of cattle, asses, camels, horses, hides and skins, etc., Dikshitar, op. cit., p 176.

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⁹ Uttarā. Ṭī., 3. p. 71.

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¹⁰ 13, p. 142.

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¹¹ Uttarā. Ṭī., 18. p. 251a.

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¹² Kalpa Ṭī., 1. p. 7, cf; Vinaya, iii, 11. 21 ; Avadāna Śataka, I, 3, p. 13 ; also Mayhaka Jātaka (No. 390), III, p. 299 f.

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¹³ 20. p. 1281. Cf.Gautama, X. 44 ; Yājñavalkya Smṛti (II, 2.34 f), Manu, VII, 133

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¹⁴ 4. 5104.

Assessment and Collection

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Unfortunately, we have very little information regarding the administration of land-revenue and taxation and the different grades of officials connected with this work. The Kalpa sūtra refers to the rajjuyasabhā, which belonged to the king Hatthivāla of Pāvā, where Lord Mahāvīra passed the last few days of his life and attained salvation. A rajjuya was a survey-minister, who measured a janapada field by holding one end of the rope tied to a stick, the other end being held by the owner of the field, and is identical with the rajjugāhaka amacca of the Jātakas and the rājuka o Aśokan Edicts.¹⁵ No other officials are mentioned.

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¹⁵ Kurudhamma Jātaka (II, No. 276) ; Fick, op. cit., pp. 148-152, P.B.I., pp. 142-44.

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About the collection of taxes it may be mentioned that the collectors were very oppressive to the poor-folk. We are told of a king who invaded another king for non-payment of taxes (kappaka).¹⁶ The Vivāgasuya refers to a district-officer (ratthakūḍa) named Ikkāi who harassed the people of five hundred villages under his jurisdiction by means of various taxes (kara), custom duties (bhara), interest, bribe, insult, compulsory contribution (dejja), punitive taxes (bhejja), extortion of money at the point of the sword, by giving shelter to thieves, by setting fire and waylaying the travellers.¹⁷ The Bṛhatkalpa Bhāṣya refers to the king of Sopāraya who demanded tax from the merchants (negama). They refused to pay and the king ordered his tax-collectors to burn down their houses.¹⁸

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¹⁶ Ava cū, II, p 190

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¹⁷ l. p 6 f.

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¹⁸ l. 2506 f In the Jatakas the tax collectors are mentioned as hungry robbers draining the poor earnings of the cultivator. We come across references when the subjects, oppressed by taxation took their wives and families and wandered in the forest like wild beasts; where once stood villages, there now were none, and the people through the fear of the king's officers by day did not venture to dwell in their houses but fencing them about with thorn branches, as soon as the day broke, they disappeared into the forest (Fick, op. cit., p. 120 f.).

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CHAPTER III

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ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE

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JUDICIARY AND JUSTICE

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In the ancient books of the Hindus it is repeatedly emphasised that a judge should deliver his judgment free from any prejudice, dispassionately and impartially.¹ In the *Jātakas* it is said that punishment should be awarded with ‘careful measure’ to the nature and degree of the offence committed.² The *Vyavahāra Bhāṣya* refers to a judge called *rūpajakkha* (*rūpadakkha* in Pali), who is described as well-versed in *Bhambhīya*, *Asurukkha*,³ *Nītiśāstra* of Māthara and *Daṇḍanīti* of Kauṇḍinya, who never accepted any bribe and did not show favour to any one while pronouncing his judgment.⁴ However, it should be noted that too much importance cannot be attached to ideals of justice preached in ancient India, and from what we gather from various stories we come to the conclusion that the judicial arrangements were not sound and efficient, but corrupt and oppressive to a degree. The kings were suspicious by nature and most severe punishments were inflicted on those who gave rise to the slightest mistrust in their mind. Very often an innocent person was arrested on a charge of robbery and brought before the court, whereas the offender was set at liberty.⁵

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¹ Cf. *Mṛcchakaṭika*, Act IX, pp 256 f.

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² Cf. *Rathalaṭṭhi Jātaka* (No. 332), III, p 105 The commentary on the *Dīgha*, II, p 519 gives an account of the administration of justice in Vesālī. When a criminal was brought before the rulers of the Vajjis, at first he was made over to the *Vinicchayamahāmattas*, who set him free if he was innocent, otherwise made him over to the *Vohārikas* Then the *Vohārikas* made him over to the *Suttadharas*, if guilty, then to the *Aṭṭhakulas*, then to the *Senāpati*, then to the *Uparājan* and finally to the *Rājan*. The *Rājan* then investigated the case and set the accused free if he held him innocent, otherwise pronounced the judgment in accordance with the ‘*Paveṇipotthaka*,’ the ‘Book of Customs.’

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³ *Ambhiya* and *Asurya* are mentioned in the *Lalitavistara* (p. 156).

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⁴ 1, p 132; cf *rūpadakkha* in *Milindapañha*, p 344.

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⁵ Cf. *Uttarā. Sū.*, 9. 30, also see *Jātaka* (IV, p 28 f), where an ascetic suspected of robbery at night is, after being reviled and beaten by the owners of the house, carried into the presence of the king and was impaled Similarly, Cārudatta of *Mṛcchakaṭika* was charged with the murder of a woman and theft of her jewels though no confession of crime was elicited from him.

Cases

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The term used for a law-suit in our texts is ‘*vavahāra*’ Theft and robbery seem to have been most ordinary cases that came before the court for adjudication, but other cases were also not less in number.⁶

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⁶ The topics which give rise to law-suits are grouped by *Manu* (VIII, 4-7) under eighteen titles, namely : (1) recovery of debts, (2) deposit and pledge, (3) sale without ownership, (4) concerns among partners, (5) resumption of gifts, (6) non-payment of wages, (7) non-performance of agreements, (8) disputes regarding boundaries, (11) assault, (12) defamation, (13) theft, (14) robbery and violence, (15) adultery, (16) duties of man and wife, (17) inheritance and partition, (18) gambling and betting.

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We are told of a simple villager, who was going to trade with his bullock-cart loaded with corn and a partridge-cage tied to it. On his way he met some perfumers who enquired whether he wanted to sell his ‘partridge-cage tied to the cart’ (sagaḍa-tittiri) which could also mean ‘the cart as well as the partridge.’ The simpleton replied in the affirmative. The perfumers paid him a kāhāvaṇa and taking his bullock-cart as well as the partridge made off. The poor villager went to the court, but lost his case. After sometime the villager visited the perfumers with his bullocks in exchange of two pālis of sattu provided their mother came to him nicely dressed and decked with ornaments with the offer. The perfumers agreed to the proposals and their mother approached the villager as desired by him. The villager succeeded in his stratagem and holding the woman by hand departed. In the meantime the people gathered there, and they heard the whole story. The villager got his bullock-cart back and allowed the woman to go.⁷

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⁷ Das cū, p 58, Vasu, p 57, also cf .Īla cū, p 119 8 Āva cū, II, p 181 f 9 Vya Bhā 3 345 f, p 69. 10 Uttarā Ṭī, 9, p 134. 11 Āva. cū, p 391 f. 12 Brh Bhā, 4. 4923-25, also see Uttarā., 3, p. 72 a.

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Then we hear of a murder case. Kappaka, who was a Brāhmaṇa by caste, once murdered a washerman and in wrath dyed his clothes with the latter’s blood. The guild of the washerman (seni) went to the court (rājakula), but seeing Kappaka there conversing with the king, came home.8

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Sometimes even for ordinary offences complaints were lodged with the king. We are told about a man of Lāṭa, who took away the umbrella of a Mahārāṣṭrian. The latter sued the former in the court, but he lost the case.9 Then we hear of a quarrel between Karaṇḍu and a Brāhmaṇa over a staff (daṇḍa). Karaṇḍu pleaded before the judges (kāraṇikas) that since that bamboo staff had grown in his cemetry, it belonged to him, the judges pronounced their judgments in favour of Karaṇḍu.10

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Sometimes even the Jain monks had to appear in the Law-Court. We are told that when Vaira was six months old he was taken by the Jain monks for ordination. In course of time, the mother of the child filed a suit in the court against the monks. The king sat to the east, the Jain Sangha to the south and the relatives and friends of Vaira on the left of the king. The whole town was on the side of the plaintiff. The mother tempted the child by showing various toys but the child would not come to her. The father of Vaira, who had taken to ascetic life, and who belonged to the opposite party, called out his child and asked him to take up the rajoharaṇa and the child obeyed. The mother lost the case and the child was given to the monks.11 At times the Jain monks visited the king and complained against the prostitutes, who trespassed on their residence with the intention of distracting and seducing them.12

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False testimony (*kūdasakkha*) and falsification of documents (*kūḍaleha-karaṇa*) were common.¹³

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¹³ *Uvā*, p 10, also notes, p 215, *Ā.a Sū*, (Hari), p 820

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CRIME AND PUNISHMENT

Robbery

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Various kinds of offences are mentioned in the Jain texts, amongst which robbery, adultery murder and non-execution of the king's order are the chief. Robbery was considered a regular art (*vijjā*) in ancient India.¹⁴ Various types of thieves are mentioned: thieves (*āmosa*), robbers (*lomahaka*), cut-purses (*ganthibheya*) and burglars (*takkara*)¹⁵ The Jain canons describe a number of robbers of fame, who resided well-guarded in the robber-settlements known as *corapalli*. The *Vivāgasuya* gives a graphic description of a *corapalli* known as Sālādavī situated in the north of Purimatāla in a forest. The *corapalli* was located in an unapproachable mountain-ravine; it was further guarded by a wall and bamboo-hedges (*vamsyāli*) and surrounded by a trench (*pariha*) formed by inaccessible water-falls (*pavāya*) of the mountain. It had one gate but there were many secret passages and it had its own water supply.¹⁶ Sīhaguhā is mentioned as another *corapalli* in Rāyagiha.¹⁷

c7.s6.t2.2

¹⁴ Science of larceny is ascribed to various authors headed by Skanda, Kanakasakti, Bhāskarānandī and Yogācārya. Thieves were also called Skandaputra. Compare Grecian Mercury and St Nicholas of England. This God was the patron deity of thieves. Radha Govind Basaka, I H Q, V, 1929 pp 312 ff, also see *Kathāsaritsāgara* (Vol II, pp 183 4), note on ‘Stealing’. Mūladeva is considered as the arch-thief of Hindu fiction, whom Bloomfield identifies with Karnisuta, Goniputraka, Gonikāputra or Gonikasuta. He is supposed to have written a famous manual of thieving entitled *Steyashāstrapravartaka* or *Steyavithrapravartaka*. Mūladeva is also mentioned in the com on the *Dīgha* (I, 89), also see Dr A N Upadhye’s *Dhūrtākhyāna*, A critical Study, p 23 and note.

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