Theory and Practice of Muslim State in India c8.s8: 4.8. Estimate of Income of the State
Theory and Practice of Muslim State in India c8.s8
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4.8. Estimate of Income of the State
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An estimate of the income of the Muslim state in India has been attempted by a number of scholars. They are aware of the deficiencies in their calculations because contemporary chroniclers give figures of such incomes but rarely. Boundaries of 'empires' were also constant y changing. The currency too was changing - ratios and weights of coins. Even so estimates of the income of the state have been attempted by some indefatigable scholars like Edward Thomas, W.H. Moreland and Jadunath Sarkar, and their findings are being reproduced here.
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Edward Thomas has arrived at the following figures of the income during the reigns of monarchs from Firoz Tughlaq to Aurangzeb:
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| | Silver *tankahs* (or rupees) |
| "Firoz Shah (Tughlaq), A.D. 1351-1388 . . . . . | 6,08,50,000. |
| Babur, A.D. 1526-1530 . . . . . | 2,60,00,000. |
| Akbar, A.D. 1593 . . . . . | 32,00,00,000. |
| Akbar, *estimated* later | 33,14,87,772. |
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returns . . . . .
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| Akbar, A.D. 1605 . . . . . | 34,90,00,000. |
| Jahangir, A.D. 1609-1611 . . . . . | 50,00,00,000. |
| Jahangir, A.D. 1628 . . . . . | 35,00,00,000. |
| Shah Jahan, A.D. 1648 . . . . . | 44,00,00,000. |
| Aurangzeb, A.D. 1697 . . . . . | 38,71,94,000. |
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Aurangzeb's total revenue from various sources (was) 77,43,88,000 silver *tankahs* (or rupees)."211
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Shams Siraj Afif's figure of the income of Sultan Firoz Tughlaq is 67,500,000 *tankahs*.212 p. Saran writes that Firoz Tughlaq's total income from land revenue, canals, and gardens was nearly 8 crores of *tankahs*. He rightly adds that income from other sources like Zakat, Jiziyah, Khams, octrois, tolls, was also there but it is impossible even to make any rough estimates of the same. He estimates the income of Sher Shah's empire at 16 crores of silver *tankahs* or rupees (about half the income of Akbar's reign).213
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Jadunath Sarkar makes the following statement on the subject: "Excluding Afghanistan, Mughal empire had a revenue of Rupees 13 *krores* and 21 *lakhs* under Akbar and 33 *krores* and 25 *lakhs* under Aurangzeb. The figure stood for land revenue alone but the amount was never fully realised. It did not include proceeds of taxes like *Zakat* and *Jiziyah*. A rough idea of the state-income can be formed from the figures of Gujarat in Aurangzeb's reign: land revenue Rupees 113 *lakhs*, *Jiziyah* 5 *lakhs*, customs duties of Surat port 12 *lakhs* per annum (the other ports did negligible trade). The amounts of land held as military Jagir and Crown lands (*khalsa*) can be judged from the following figures (circa 1690): land revenue assessed on jagirs 27.64 *krores* and on *khalsa* 5.81 *krores* of Rupees (for the whole empire)."214 Stanley Lanepoole, an expert on numismatics and fiscal subjects, also says that the figures of income of the state "represents only the land revenue, including, however, the tribute which took the place of the land-tax in half-subdued States…"²¹⁵ the house of a Musalman was permitted to be retained by him. Eg. Rizqullah, *Waqiat-i-Mushtaqi*, fol. 21a; Ahmad Yadgar, *Tarikh-i-Salatin-i-Afghana*, p. 36.
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¹ *Sunan Abu Daud*, vol. II, pp. 473-4.
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² *Ibid.*, pp. 384-85.
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³ Margoliouth, *Mohammed*, pp. 245-46.
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⁴ Quran, 8:42. Hughes, *Dictionary of Islam*, pp. 375-76.
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⁵ *Mishkat*, II, pp. 78-87.
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⁶ Muir, *The Life of Mahomet*, p. 229.
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⁷ For a fuller account of the Civil List (*Diwan*), one can refer to the *Tarikh-i-Tabari*, Part I, Khilafat Rashida, Urdu, vol. II, Nafis Academy, Karachi, n.d. pp. 476-479.
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⁸ Ram Swarup in his introduction to Sir William Muir's *The Life of Mahomet*, New Delhi reprint, 1992, pp. 11-12.
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⁹ It may be mentioned here that besides gains in war, Khams was also levied on mines and treasure troves. "The products of mines and the finds of treasure troves were regarded as spoils of war because it was believed that they formerly belonged to the infidels and became Muslim property on conquest." U.N. Day, *The Government of the Sultanate*, Kumar Brothers, New Delhi, 1972, p. 107; *Sunan ibn Majah*, vol. II, p. 94, hadis 281. As regards mines and treasure troves, however, the jurists greatly differ about the share of the state. The Hanafi school makes it one-fifth, the Shafite nil and the Maliki holds that Zakat or one-fortieth be paid on it. Loot of Muslim property was against the law and was prohibited. Any treasure trove of unknown ownership discovered in
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¹⁰ Hamilton, *Hedaya*, vol. II, p. 178.
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¹¹ Hughes, *Dictionary of Islam*, p. 378.
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¹² S.R. Chowdhry, *Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf*, Delhi, 1972, p. 118 on the authority of al-Biladuri's Futuh-ul-Buldan.
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¹³ C.H.I. III, p. 3; *Chachnama*, E.D. vol. I, pp. 174-75.
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¹⁴ *Chachnama*, E.D. vol. I, pp. 174-75.
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¹⁵ *Ibid.*, p. 183, also p. 160.
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¹⁶ *Ibid.*, p. 185, also p. 182.
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¹⁷ *Ibid.*, p. 186.
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¹⁸ Utbi, Reynolds, p. 282.
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¹⁹ The house was quite large, covering an area of about a thousand square feet. Hodivala also says that the canopy must have been what the old annalists of Gujarat call a *Mandapika*. it was a folding pavilion for being used in royal journeys, and not a throne. Hodivala, *Studies in Indo-Muslim History*, p. 143.
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²⁰ On return to Ghazni, Mahmud ordered this impressive treasure to be displayed in the courtyard of his palace. "Ambassadors from foreign countries including the envoy from Taghan Khan, king of Turkistan, assembled to see the wealth... which had never been accumulated by kings of Persia or of Rum" (Utbi, Reynolds, pp. 342-43; E.D. vol. II, p. 35).
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²¹ Utbi, E.D. vol. II, p. 45; Reynolds, pp. 455-57. I have elsewhere calculated that 70 *misqals* were equal to one seer of 24 tolas in the Sultanate period. See my *History of the Khaljis* 2nd ed.,
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Bombay, 1967, pp. 199-200. On the basis of the above calculation the weight of five gold idols comes to 10.5 maunds, each idol being of about 2 maunds.
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²² Bosworth, *op. cit.*, p. 78.
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²³ *Ibid.*, pp. 76, 120, 126; Hodivala, op. cit., pp. 139-40, 176; Fakhr-i-Mudabbir, *Adab-ul-Harb*, trs. in Rizvi, *Adi Turk Kalin Bharat*, Aligarh, 1965, p. 258; Utbi, op. cit., p. 33; Taj-ul-Maasir, E.D. vol. II, p. 227.
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²⁴ *Mishkat*, vol. II, p. 87.
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²⁵ There are many *ahadis* on this policy, e.g., *Mishkat*, vol. II, pp. 65-67.
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²⁶ Fakhr-i-Mudabbir, *Tarikh Fakhruddin Mubarak Shah*, p. 20.
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²⁷ Hitti, *The Arabs*, p. 76.
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²⁸ *Chachnama*, Kalichbeg, p. 163; E.D. vol. I, p, 181.
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²⁹ Farishtah, vol. I, pp. 59-60.
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³⁰ *Sunan ibn Majah*, vol. I, pp. 521-22.
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³¹ *Sunan Abu Daud*, vol. II, pp. 160-61.
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³² For some facts and figures of humans, especially women, captured in Muslim wars in India, see my *Muslim Slave System in Medieval India*, pp. 17-24, 41-59, 70-73. Also my *The Mughal Harem*, pp. 29, 32, 37, 167-68.
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³³ Shah Nawaz Khan, *Maasir-ul-Umara*, vol. I, p. 105.
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³⁴ *Sunan ibn Majah*, vol. II, pp. 602-604.
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³⁵ *Fatuhat-i-Firoz Shahi*, Aligarh, 1954, p. 6.
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36 Abbas Sarwani, *Tarikh-i-Sher Shahi*, E.D. vol. IV, p. 314.
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37 E.G. Abu Daud, vol. II, p. 369; Tirmizi, vol. I, p. 529.
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38 *Mutla'us Sadain*, E.D. vol. IV, p. 109, also pp. 106-107.
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39 Farishtah, vol. I, p. 120.
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40 Wassaf, *Tazjiyat-ul-Amsar*, text, vol. IV, p. 447. trs. in E.D. vol. III, p. 43.
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41 Lal, *Khaljis*, pp. 67-73.
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42 Barani, p. 253.
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43 Tirmizi, vol. I, p. 584.
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44 Isami, *Futuh-us-Salatin*, p. 243.
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45 Tirmizi, vol. I, p. 586.
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46 *Waqiat-i-Mushtaqui*, E.D. vol. IV, p. 547.
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47 Smith, *Akbar the Great Mogul*, pp. 51-52.
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48 Alberuni's *India*, p. 22.
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49 Wassaf, *op. cit.*, E.D. vol. III, p. 43.
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50 Suresh Mishra, *Garha ke Gond Raj ka Utthan aur Patan* (Hindi), pp. 59-61.
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51 Bernier, pp. 226-227.
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52 Regarding the glories of pre-Buddhist Aryan rule in West Asia, see Jamna Das Akhtar's article in the *Organiser* dated 16 November 1997.
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⁵³ Alberuni, Preface by Sachau, p. xiv.
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54 *Ain*, Jarret, vol. III, p. 224.
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56 Quran, Al Taubah: 29.
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57 Harsh Narain, *Jizyah and the spread of Islam*, New Delhi, 1990, pp. 10-12.
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58 *Encyclopaedia of Islam*, vol. I, pp. 958-59.
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59 *Dictionary of Islam*, p. 711.
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60 Aghnides, *Muhammadan Theories of Finance*, pp. 399, 4o6-7, 528, 530.
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61 *Mishkat*, vol. II, pp. 38-45; Abu Daud, vol. II, p. 290.
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62 Tirmizi, vol. I, pp. 594-599.
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63 Abu Daud, vol. II, pp. 511-13, 518, *ahadis* 1263-64, 1279.
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64 Ibid., p. 513, *ahadis* 1268-69,
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65 Tirmizi, vol. I, pp. 604-05.
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66 Barani, pp. 216-217, 290-91. Also his *Fatawa-i-Jahandari*, pp. 46-48.
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67 Quoted in S.R. Sharma, *Religious Policy of the Mughal Emperors*, p. 19, quotation cited in note 47, p. 50.
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68 S.A.A. Rizvi, *Muslim Revivalist Movements*, pp. 247-49.
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S.A.A. Rizvi, *Shah Waliullah and his Times*, Canberra, 1980, pp. 218, 285-86.
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Aziz Ahmad, *Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment*, p. 204.
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Many more references are found in Sita Ram Goel, *Muslim Separatism*, Voice of India, New Delhi, Revised ed., 1995, pp. 33-56.
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⁶⁹ *Chachnama*, trs. Kalichbeg, p. 165.
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⁷⁰ Habibullah, *The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India*, p. 281 and notes 8, 9 and 10 on p. 292.
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⁷¹ Barani, p. 574.
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⁷² *Ibid.*, p. 218.
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⁷³ Afif, pp. 382-84.
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⁷⁴ *Akbar Nama*, trs. Beveridge, vol. II, pp. 316-17.
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⁷⁵ *Hedaya*, trs. Hamilton, vol. II, p. 211.
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⁷⁶ Tripathi, *Some Aspects of Muslim Administration*, pp. 340-41.
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⁷⁷ Afif. pp. 382-84.
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⁷⁸ Saqi Mustaad Khan, *Maasir-i-Alamgiri*, trs Sarkar, pp. 78, 94, 95; Lal, *Legacy of Muslim Rule*, pp. 221-223 for detailed references.
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⁷⁹ Khafi Khan, Text, pp. 278-79, 339.
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⁸⁰ Barani, p. 291.
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⁸¹ Trs. in Jadunath Sarkar, *Aurangzib*, vol. III, pp. 325-27.
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⁸² S.R. Sharma, op. cit., p. 154, also pp. 152-58.
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⁸³ *Maasir-i-Alamgiri*, p. 174; *Mirat-i-Ahmadi*, vol. I, pp. 296-98.
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⁸⁴ Manucci, vol. III, pp. 288-91.
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⁸⁵ *Ibid*., p. 288. Also Athar Ali, *The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb*, p. 99.
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⁸⁶ Trs in E.D. vol. III, p. 386.
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⁸⁷ Afif., p. 383.
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⁸⁸ Sarkar, *Short History of Aurangzib*, p. 157.
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⁸⁹ *Ibid*., pp. 157-58.
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⁹⁰ This was according to both Hindu and Buddhist ideas. U.N. Ghoshal, *A History of the Hindu Political Theories*, Oxford, 1923, pp. 65-209.
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⁹¹ *Ibid*., pp. 237-238.
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⁹² P.V. Kane, *History of Dharmashastra*, vol. II, Part II, pp. 865-69; *Arthashastra*, English trs. by R. Shama Shastry, Mysore, 1923, p. 140; *Proceedings of the Indian History Congress*, 1944, pp. 43-51.
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⁹³ *Shukraniti*, trs., B.K. Sarkar, Allahabad, 1914, pp. 147-148.
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⁹⁴ Cited in A.S. Altekar, *Rashtrakutas and their Times*, Oriental Book Agency, Poona, 1934, p. 217.
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⁹⁵ Alberuni, vol. II, p. 149. Also Hiuen Tsang, I, p. 176.
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⁹⁶ *Si-yu-ki*, vol. I, pp. 87-88 cited in B.K. Sarkar, *The Political Institutions and Theories of the Hindus*, Leipzig, 1922, p. 111.
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⁹⁷ Altekar, *Rashtrakutas*, p. 223.
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⁹⁸ Altekar, *Village Communities in Western India, Humphrey Milford*, Madras, 1927, p. 70.
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⁹⁹ Idrisi, *Nazhat-ul-Mushtaq*, E.D. vol. I, pp. 85-86.
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¹⁰⁰ K.S. Aiyangar, *Ancient India*, Madras, 1911, pp. 181-182.
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¹⁰¹ Barani, pp. 61-63.
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¹⁰² *Ibid.*, pp. 50-51.
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¹⁰³ *Ibid.*, p. 100.
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¹⁰⁴ Habibullah, op. cit., p. 316.
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¹⁰⁵ Ibn Majah, vol. I, p. 514, *hadis* 1897.
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¹⁰⁶ Aghnides, *Muhammadan Theories of Finance*, p. 378.
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¹⁰⁷ Fakhr-i-Mudabbir, *Tarikh-i-Fakhruddin Mubarak Shah*, pp. 31-32.
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¹⁰⁸ Barani, pp. 216-17 and *Fatawa-i-Jahandari*, pp. 46-48.
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¹⁰⁹ Barani, p. 287; Lal, *Khaljis*, pp. 182-183.
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¹¹⁰ Aghnides, *Muhammadan Theories of Finance*, pp. 251-54.
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¹¹¹ Afif, p. 98.
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¹¹² *Sunan Abu Daud*, vol. II, pp. 463-64, *hadis* 1171.
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¹¹³ Barani, pp. 291, 297-98.
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¹¹⁴ Isami, *Futuh-us-Salatin*, Agra text, pp. 569-70; *Tarikh-i-Wassaf*, Bombay text, Book V, pp. 646, 647.
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¹¹⁵ Barani, p. 288.
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¹¹⁶ *Ibid.*, pp. 288, 305, 307.
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¹¹⁷ R.P. Tripathi, *Some Aspects of Muslim Administration* p. 262.
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¹¹⁸ Barani, pp. 288-89, 292.
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121 *Ibid*., pp. 46, 287-89.
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122 *Ibid*., pp. 262, 304.
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124 Actual spitting in the mouth of the non-Muslims was not uncommon. Ganga Devi wife of Kumar Kampana (died 1374 CE) of Vijayanagar writes as follows in her *Madhuravijayam* regarding the state of things in the Madura region when it was under Muslim rule: "The temples in the land have fallen into neglect, as worship in them has been stopped... The sweet odour of the sacrificial smoke and chant of the Vedas have deserted the villages which are now filled with the foul smell of roasted flesh and the fierce noise of the ruffianly Turushkas... The wicked *mlechchas* pollute the religion of the Hindus every day."
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*Chaitanya-magala*, a biography of the great Vaishnava saint of medieval India, presents the plight of the Hindus in Navadvipa on the eve of the saint's birth in 1484 CE. The author Jayananda writes "...The king plunders the houses of those who wear sacred threads on the shoulder and put sacred marks on the forehead, and then binds them. He breaks the temples and uproots tulsi plants... The bathing in Ganga is prohibited..."
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Vijaya Gupta wrote a poem in praise of Husain Shah of Bengal (1493-1519 CE) The two Qazi brothers, Hasan and Husain, are typical Islamic characters in this poem. "The peons employed by the Qazis tore away the sacred threads of the Brahmans and *spat saliva in their mouths* (italics ours)." Isana Nagara describes the condition of the Hindus under Husain Shah as follows: "The wicked *mlecchhas* urinate like dogs on the tulsi plant and deliberately pass faeces in the Hindu temples. They throw water from their mouths on the Hindus engaged in worship, and harass the Hindu saints... "
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This was the state of things in those parts of the country which were ruled by Muslim monarchs ever since Qutbuddin Aibak set up his first Islamic state in Delhi in 1206 CE. "Hindu records of what the 'law' of Islam meant to the Hindus are few and far between. But whenever they are available, they confirm the medieval Muslim historians." Sita Ram Goel, *The Story of Islamic Imperialism in India*, New Delhi, 1994 ed., pp. 97-99.
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*The Delhi Sultanate*, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1960, pp. 631-33.
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¹²⁵ *Hidaya*, vol. II, p. 204; Hughes, p. 269.
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¹²⁶ Margoliouth, pp. 358-59.
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¹²⁸ Barani, p. 340.
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¹²⁹ *Ibid.*, p. 430.
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¹³⁰ Hajiuddabir, *Zafar-ul-Wali*; Barani, pp. 479-80. For a detailed discussion on the Sultan's measures see Ishwari Prasad, *A History of the Quraunah Turks in India*, pp. 67-74.
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¹³¹ Barani, pp. 468-473, 482-83, 486-87.
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¹³³ W.H. Moreland, *From Akbar to Aurangzeb*, pp. 253-55.
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¹³⁴ Moreland in *Journal of Indian History*, IV, pp. 78-79 and XIV, p. 64.
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¹³⁶ *Ain*, Jarret, vol. II, p. 73.
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¹³⁷ Manucci, vol. II, p. 451.
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¹³⁸ *Ibid.*, vol. III, pp. 48-49.
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¹³⁹ Manrique II, p. 272.
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¹⁴⁰ *Ibid.*, vol. III, pp. 290-91
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¹⁴¹ Mucucci, vol. III, p. 232.
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¹⁴² Bernier, p. 205.
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¹⁴³ *Babur Nama*, p. 470 and n.
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¹⁴⁴ *Tarikh-i-Salim Shahi*, p. 12.
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¹⁴⁵ *Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri*, I, pp. 8-9.
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¹⁴⁶ E.D., vol. VI, Appendix, pp. 493-512, esp. p. 493 n.
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¹⁴⁷ In an article on Zakat in *Arab Times*, Kuwait, February 19, 1996, Ramadan 30, 1416 A.H. As the date shows the article appeared in the holy month of Ramzan.
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Also Abu Daud, vol. I, p. 576. After the Prophet's death Abu Bakr said that he would fight those who say namaz but do not pay Zakat.
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Ibn Majah, vol. I, pp. 499-500, hadis 1849; pp. 507-09, *ahadis* 1867-78.
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¹⁴⁸ Aghnides, *Muhammadan Theories of Finance*, pp. 207, 297, 318.
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Also Tripathi, Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, p. 345; Lal, Khaljis, pp. 185-86.
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¹⁴⁹ Aghinides, p. 213.
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¹⁵⁰ Tripathi, p. 345.
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151 *Ibid.*, 346; Aghnides, p. 526.
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152 Aghnides, pp. 530-33. See such a case of evasion in *Ain.*, Blochmann, vol. I, 181.
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Lal, *Khaljis*, pp. 185-86.
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U.N. Day, *Government of the Sultunate*, pp. 106-07.
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153 Such cunning was not uncommon, E.G. Makhdum-ul Mulk's "tricks with the *Shari'at* in evading the payment of *Zakat* by transferring his property towards the end of the year to his wife and then getting it transferred to himself, completely shattered his position at (Akbar's) court."
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Azra Alavi, *Socio-Religious* outlook of Abul Fazl, p. 25, quoting Badaoni, II, p. 204, trs. Lowe, II, p. 2o6.
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154 Aghnides, p. 525.
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155 *Hedaya*, trs. Hamilton, vol. I, pp. 33-34.
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Farishtah, vol. I, p. 109; Aghnides, pp. 251-52, 253-54.
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¹⁵⁸ *Tuzuk*, vol. I, p. 7.
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¹⁵⁹ A. Athar Ali, *The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb*, p. 159.
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¹⁶⁰ Tarikhi, *Salim Shahi*. p. 8
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¹⁶¹ *Babur Nama*, p. 555.
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166 Farishtah, vol. I, p. 95; Kincaid and Parasanis, *A History of the Maratha People*, vol. I, pp. 36-37.
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168 *Mutla-us-Sadain*, E.D. vol. IV, pp. 106-07.
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169 Farishtah, vol. I, 96; Barani, p. 223, 258.
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170 Sharafuddin Yazdi, *Zafar Nama*, vol. II, pp. 164ff; *Mulfuzat-i-Timuri*, E.D. vol. III, p. 470; Farishatah, vol. II, P. 340; *Rauzat-us-Safa*, vol. VI, p. 116.
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172 Barani, p. 330; Taverier's Travels, vol. II, App. 1; *Khazain-ul-Futuh*, Habib trs., p. 77.
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173 *Khazain*, Habib trs., pp. 105-107.
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174 Barani 398.
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¹⁷⁵ *Ibid.*, p. 294.
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¹⁷⁶ Jagdish Singh Gehlot, *Rajputana ka Itihas*, Jodhpur, 1966, vol. III, p. 63; *Akbar Nama*, vol. II, p. 243; Lal, *The Mughal Harem*, pp. 25-29.
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¹⁷⁷ *Akbar Nama*, vol. III, p. 677-68; Beni Prasad, p. 24.
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¹⁷⁸ Khalji Khan, vol. VII, p. 883.
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¹⁷⁹ *Tuzuk*, vol. I, pp. 284-85.
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¹⁸⁰ *Chachnama*, Kalichbeg, pp. 154, 163.
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¹⁸¹ Hasan Nizami, *Taj-ul-Maasir*, E.D. vol. II, p. 235; Minhaj, *Tabqat-i-Nasiri*, Raverty, p. 484 note.
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¹⁸² Minhaj, p. 487 note.
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¹⁸³ *The Life of Muhammad: A translation of Ibn Ishaq's Sirat Rasul Allah* by A. Gillaume, OUP, Karachi, 1955, Eighth Impression, 1987, p. 466; Hughes, *Dictionary of Islam*, p. 600.
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¹⁸⁴ Amir Khusrau, *Nub Sipehr*, Wahid Mirza ed., Calcutta, 1998, Sipehr II, pp. 89, 130-131.
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¹⁸⁵ Barani, pp. 314-15.
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¹⁸⁶ *Masalik-ul-Absar*, E.D. vol. III, pp. 580-81.
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¹⁸⁷ Hodivala, *Studies in Indo-Muslim History*, pp. 192-193.
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¹⁸⁸ *Akbar Nama*, vol. II, p. 246; Du Jarric, *Akbar and the Jesuits*, pp. 152-59, also pp. 28, 30, 70, 92.
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¹⁸⁹ Shah Nawaz Khan, *Maasir-ut-Umara*, vol. I, p. 105. For detailed references about the sale of slaves, see my *Muslim Slave System in Medieval India*.
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¹⁹⁰ Manucci, vol. II, p. 451; Manrique, vol. II, p. 272; Bernier, p. 205. For details see Lal, *Legacy*. pp. 249-55.
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¹⁹¹ Ira Marvin Lapidus, *Muslim Cities in the Later Middle Ages*, Cambridge, Mass., 1967, pp. 54ff; Lal, *Khaljis*, pp. 201-203, 207-208, 218-219.
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¹⁹² *Ain.*, vol., I, pp. 93-102.
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- Tārīkh-i Firishta — Muḥammad Qāsim Hindū Shāh Firishta 1606, Persian
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- Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī — Minhāj al-Dīn Jūzjānī, Persian